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1
Mesquita Ceia, Eleonora. "Populist Constitutionalism in Brazil and Peru: Historical and Contextual Issues." Lentera Hukum 9, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejlh.v9i1.28489.
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Given populism's common practice in South America, the region provides a crucial case to identify populism as a prevalent strategy by different ideologies. The link between populism and constitutionalism is paramount because populist governments typically use constituent power and constitutional identity to reach political goals. This study aimed to provide a comparative constitutional analysis of the recent development of populism in Brazil and Peru. The first was the rhetoric and practices of Jair Bolsonaro's government in Brazil, whereas the second was Pedro Castillo's government in Peru regarding constitutional reforms and human rights issues. This comparison justified that Brazil and Peru are presidential republics where harsh political polarization shakes their societies. Bolsonaro and Castillo have anti-corruption discourses and support a new constituent process but present antagonistic economic views. This study was comparative in nature that used a qualitative approach, sourced from bibliographic and documentary research that included specialized literature on South American populism and constitutionalism and the government's plans and legislation. This study showed that both governments have difficulties executing their respective agendas on customs and constituent referendums due to governability problems and important features of the constitutional design, such as eternity clauses, judicial review, and constitutional rigidity. It concluded that the populist strategies of Bolsonaro and Castillo are different. Bolsonarism is antiliberal and promotes human rights regression, whereas Castillo's populism is conservative but democratic. In common, both face the coalitional presidentialism and constitutional protection mechanisms as constraints to putting their political goals entirely into practice.
KEYWORDS: Authoritarianism, Constitutionalism, Fundamental Rights, Populism.
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Garcia, Antonio. "The South African Air Force in Korea: an evaluation of 2 Squadron's first combat engagement, 19 November until 2 December 1950." Historia 66, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2021/v66n2a2.
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South African participation in the Korean War (1950-1953) in direct support of an international military offensive led by the United States of America demonstrated the National Party administration's commitment to opposing Communism. This article details how the deployment of South African Air Force 2 Squadron achieved the strategic objectives of the South African government in supporting the anti-communist United States-led United Nations coalition in the Korean War. It evaluates the performance of South Africa's Air Force in their first operational test since the Second World War. The combat operations discussed under the scope of this article include the first tactical engagement of 2 Squadron in support of the initial advance (19 November to 21 December) 1950 and then later, the retreat of the United Nations force.
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Bocking, Paul. "The Trinational Coalition in Defense of Public Education and the Challenges of International Teacher Solidarity." Labor Studies Journal 45, no. 1 (February 2, 2020): 114–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x20901649.
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The ascendance of economic globalization, epitomized for the United States, Canada, and Mexico by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), has been paralleled by the increasingly transnational scale of education policy. While national and regional governments remain the employers of public school teachers, the policies articulated by supranational institutions including the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) are ever more influential. Teacher internationalism has become increasingly significant for its capacity to both articulate shared analyses of the predominantly neoliberal character of global education policy and coordinate cross-border solidarity. The Trinational Coalition in Defense of Public Education emerged in the context of the end of Cold War labor politics and the signing of NAFTA in 1994. It has become an enduring network of established and dissident teachers’ unions and movements in Mexico, Canada, and the United States. This article assesses how the Trinational has confronted critical issues for labor internationalism. These include navigating national and international union tensions, facilitating grassroots cross-border radical unionist networks, horizontal power relations in North-South alliances, moving beyond rhetorical declarations to practical action, and the long-term sustainability of international solidarity.
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Lazzari, Eduardo. "Policy drift in ideologically heterogeneous governments: tax policy in Latin America." Revista de Administração Pública 56, no. 1 (February 2022): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-761220210132.
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Abstract The relation between taxation and partisanship is a widely studied topic in Political Science. However, previous works have provided conflicting findings without clarifying which parties are most prone to progressive taxation. These studies also did not consider one distinctive feature of Latin American politics: coalition governments. Using the level of direct tax collection as a proxy for progressive taxation and panel data of Latin American countries since 1990, we investigate how progressive taxes vary across a scale of ideology observed in the executive branch along with the ideological heterogeneity of its coalition. The results show that ideologically heterogeneous governments present a policy drift, as the policies being enacted depart from parties’ original preferences. Homogeneous left-wing governments collect more direct taxes than ideologically heterogeneous coalitions led by governments with the same ideology. The same dynamic is observed with homogeneous right-wing governments, which collect more indirect taxes in ideologically homogeneous coalitions. These results create new paths of research highlighting the need to include the government’s composition in the analysis to understand policy design and the need to unravel the mechanism through which policy drift occurs in ideologically heterogeneous governments.
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García, Ana Isabel López. "Legislative Coalition Size and Antigovernment Protests in Latin America." Journal of Politics in Latin America 9, no. 3 (December 2017): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1700900304.
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This work examines whether the size, as well as the composition, of legislative coalitions is an additional factor that affects the incidence of protests against national governments in Latin America. Based on aggregate data for 18 democracies from 1980 to 2014, the analysis reveals that the relationship between the size of legislative coalitions in the lower house of national assemblies and the odds of antigovernment protests is U-shaped. Specifically, the odds of antigovernment protests occurring decrease until the president has a coalition comprising 50–55 percent of the national assembly; once this threshold is passed, the odds of protests taking place increase as the coalition grows. This result holds after controlling for the party composition of the governing coalition and other factors previously linked to the occurrence of antigovernment protests. The evidence thus indicates that both minority and supermajority scenarios can be socially destabilizing for Latin American democracies.
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Ariotti, Margaret H., and Sona N. Golder. "Partisan Portfolio Allocation in African Democracies." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 3 (June 15, 2017): 341–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414017710256.
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What determines partisan portfolio allocation in African democracies? Despite the vast literature on government formation in Europe and Latin America, there have been no studies of partisan portfolio allocation in Africa. Although coalition governments are increasingly common in Africa, most studies focus on national leaders, and, thus, we know little about how ministerial posts are divided among cabinet parties. Using an original dataset of coalition governments in Africa from 1990 to 2014, we show that existing theories of partisan portfolio allocation can be successfully applied to African democracies. We find that African parties receive ministerial portfolios in rough proportion to their size, that formateur parties in Africa receive more ministerial portfolios than their European counterparts, and that the “formateur bonus” is greater in Africa’s presidential democracies than in its parliamentary ones. Our analyses suggest that scholars can benefit from paying more attention to both coalition governments and legislatures in their analyses of African politics.
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Pashkov, V. "National models of policy in the sphere of the higher education in a democracy." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(45) (December 14, 2020): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.1(45).226486.
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The article analyzes the main national models of university policy in the world's leading democracies, identifies differences in the mechanisms and styles of educational policy, the reasons for different approaches to policy-making in a democratic system.It was found that in a democratic regime, the state retains the role of administrator of the education system, but through increased publicity and pluralism, governments seek to involve stakeholders in the policy-making process by forming coalitions with them. Educational coalitions allow the government to articulate the interests of some internal and external groups in the higher education system, to attract resources and support from these groups to implement its own concept of reforming.However, the composition of educational coalitions, the mechanisms of their formation vary from country to country, due to differences in administrative systems, ideological orientations, political culture and historical traditions. It is determined that the system of higher education is characterized by a stable configuration of external and internal groups, from which certain coalitions are formed. Internal groups consist of the academic community (teachers), academic management, students; external groups – the state, local authorities and the market (employers).The article analyzes the specifics and differences of the French, British, German, American and Asian (Japan, South Korea) models of educational policy. The British and American models are based on market mechanisms under the general coordination of the state. In the United States, university policy is also marked by the existence of two political courses in the educational sphere - the regional authorities and the federal center.The French model is based on the centralized administration of the education system by the government and the polarization of internal groups. The German model relies on close cooperation and coordination of federal and regional educational policies while limiting market mechanisms. The Asian model is characterized by corporate principles of educational policy formation and co-optation of group interests
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Chapman, Jessica M. "The Sect Crisis of 1955 and the American Commitment to Ngôô Đình Diệm." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 5, no. 1 (2010): 37–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2010.5.1.37.
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The sect crisis represented a critical turning point in South Vietnam. This article examines the spring 1955 clash between Prime Minister Ngôô Đình Diệm and his challengers among the Hóóa Hảo, Cao Đàai, and Bíính Xuyêên politico-religious sects in light of French and American involvement. Overlapping domestic and international dynamics combined to produce several results: Ngôô Đình Diệm defeated the sect coalition, Washington pledged unconditional support for the prime minister, French clout in South Vietnam diminished, and the Sàài Gòòn government renewed its commitment to eradicate the influence of Chief of State Bảo Đại and remaining sect rebels over South Vietnamese politics.
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Kim, Jinwung. "Participating in Nation-Building: The Role of the “Military Government Police” in South Korean Politics, 1946-1948." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 17, no. 2 (2010): 174–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656110x531989.
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AbstractThis study analyzes the role of the “military government police” in South Korean politics during American military occupation, 1946-48. It stresses that the Korean National Police (KNP), many of whose members had served in the police under the Japanese, was not a mere instrument of the United States Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) but functioned as an active participant in the creation of a rightist regime in southern Korea. More specifically, the police were the undisputed “vanguard” of the rightist Syngman Rhee-Korean Democratic Party (KDP) coalition. The police force also functioned as the “big brother” of the rightist youth organizations which shared values and ideology with them. Finally, the police served as the “midwife” in the creation of the Rhee regime in the Republic of Korea. In sum, the KNP was an important political player actively taking part in the political process during U.S. military occupation.
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BETHELL, LESLIE. "Brazil and ‘Latin America’." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (August 2010): 457–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1000088x.
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AbstractThis essay, part history of ideas and part history of international relations, examines Brazil's relationship with Latin America in historical perspective. For more than a century after independence, neither Spanish American intellectuals nor Spanish American governments considered Brazil part of ‘América Latina’. For their part, Brazilian intellectuals and Brazilian governments only had eyes for Europe and increasingly, after 1889, the United States, except for a strong interest in the Río de la Plata. When, especially during the Cold War, the United States, and by extension the rest of the world, began to regard and treat Brazil as part of ‘Latin America’, Brazilian governments and Brazilian intellectuals, apart from some on the Left, still did not think of Brazil as an integral part of the region. Since the end of the Cold War, however, Brazil has for the first time pursued a policy of engagement with its neighbours – in South America.
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Sánchez, Wilder Alejandro. "South America’s military governments during the Cold War: a discussion of inter-state warfare." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 10, no. 3 (January 17, 2023): 12–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2022-10-3-12-26.
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During the Cold War, dozens of military governments existed in South America. Some lasted only days or weeks, while others lasted years and even decades. The human rights abuses carried out by these military governments have been well analysed, like Argentina’s Dirty War. However, an interesting fact about this period tends to be ignored: inter-state warfare between South American states, even during military governments, was very scarce. The Falklands / Malvinas war is the only case of a South American military government, Argentina, beginning a war against another state, the United Kingdom. There were other incidents that could have caused inter-state warfare during this era, but war was avoided. The only other inter-state war during the Cold War in South America happened in 1981 between Ecuador and Peru, both being under civilian rule. There were (and still are) reasons for South American states to attack one another, particularly to regain lost or disputed territory; however, as this essay demonstrates, war was almost non-existent. This essay will discuss why South American military governments did not attack their neighbours during this turbulent period.
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Hermosa del Vasto, Paola, Cristina del Campo, Elena Urquía-Grande, and Susana Jorge. "Designing an Accountability Index: A Case Study of South America Central Governments." Central European Journal of Public Policy 13, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cejpp-2019-0009.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to evaluate accountability using a newly constructed multivariate accountability index based on the Global Reporting Initiative (GRI), as well as on the accessibility of government disclosure for each country in the South America context. That will allow to analyse and compare the accountability disclosure issues among the South American countries. This study uses the statistical dimensional structure of data to identify the number of (dominant) dimensions. The findings were eight dimensions defined as Environmental, Expenditure, Social, Strategic, Economic, Information, Macroeconomic and Organizational perspectives. Scores are recorded for the twelve countries in South America that are classified accordingly. The contributions of this research represent an advance in the theoretical and empirical framework by creating an accountability index that takes into account the principles of good governance to improve the South America Central Governments’ transparency performance. This index could be used both by academics and practitioners to classify countries and their web site accountability.
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Brigola, Higor Ferreira. "Regionalism and Regional Integration in South America:A discussion on the difficulties and ideological divergences (2000-2016)." Terr Plural 16 (2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/terraplural.v.16.2219652.013.
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This paper analyzes the regional integration process in South America and discusses the main difficulties and obstacles until 2016. During the 2000s, with the so-called Pink Tide, there was the rise of several left-wing and center-left governments in the region, which were dedicated to formalizing regional integration initiatives to project South America as a center of power on the international scene. However, these initiatives were not homogeneous in their ideological aspects, generating some contrasts between them. Also, with the decline of the left-wing and center-left governments in the region between 2011 and 2016, the initiatives gradually weakened, causing a setback to regional integration in the subcontinent.
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Ferreira Do Vale, Helder. "Comparing and Measuring Subnational Autonomy across Three Continents." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 741–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.741-764(2015).
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The literature on comparative local government has been primarily focused on measurement of local governments while it has fallen short in theorizing on diverse structures, dynamics, and functioning of local governments throughout the world. This article posits that large data sets measuring local government indicators help to accumulate knowledge but fail to identify and explain the main dynamics behind local governments activities and processes. Attempting to increase comparability of local government across different regions, this article builds on qualitative indicators of decentralization in three sub-regions—South America, South Asia and Southern Africa—and assesses the evolution of subnational autonomy in the most decentralized countries in these sub-regions; namely, Brazil, India and South Africa.
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Garcia, Ana. "Es gibt Alternativen zur ALCA." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (March 1, 2006): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.572.
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The Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) could not be set up in the way and time the US-Government firstly wanted. Among others, one of the main reasons was the wide spread network resistance that involved trade unions, social movements and grass roots organizations from North and South America, who worked together to pressure their governments to stop negotiations. A new space for action has emerged in the last few years with the election of left-wing Presidents in South America, converging interest of governments with demands from social movements to overcome neoliberal regional integration. A concrete alternative project against FTAA came up from the cooperation agreement between Venezuela und Cuba, but extended to other countries: The "bolivarian" Alternative for the Americas and Caribbean (ALBA) seeks to establish solidary ways of integration in Latin America.
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Keane, Margaret Geraldine. "Review of the use of telemedicine in South America." Journal of Telemedicine and Telecare 13, no. 1_suppl (July 2007): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/135763307781645202.
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Specialist health care in South America is based largely in the main cities. However, patients often live at great distances from their nearest hospital and transport links are often poor. A Medline database search was conducted which identified 39 peer-reviewed articles reporting the use of telemedicine in South America. Telemedicine had been used by 20 individual projects in seven different South American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela) and a wide variety of specialties. The majority of groups concluded that telemedicine was an economically viable and beneficial way of supplying good specialist health care throughout South America. However, only two groups (10%) had implemented a sustainable telemedicine service. In future, with backing from governments, the wider use of telemedicine can be expected in providing medical education, as well as in the assessment and treatment of patients.
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THOMAS, MARTIN. "Silent Partners: SOE's French Indo-China Section, 1943–1945." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 4 (October 2000): 943–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003796.
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Pursued over the last two years of the Pacific war, the Free French effort to organize and direct an effective resistance to the Japanese occupation of Indo-China ended in military failure. Characterized by administrative complexity, inadequate supplies and attenuated communications, Gaullist insurgency was marred by Free France's de facto reliance upon Admiral Louis Mountbatten's South East Asia Command (SEAC). While the re-conquest of Malaya and Burma remained incomplete, British backing for a resistance network in Indo-China was bound to be limited. And as British interest in the final re-conquest of their own territories climaxed in the spring and summer of 1945, so material provision for the French in Indo-China inevitably declined. Although Mountbatten consistently supported his Free French protégés, Churchill, in particular, was reluctant to take issue with his American allies. Neither the US government nor American commanders in China and the Pacific supported Free French methods and objectives. By 1945, the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS), dedicated to supporting guerrilla warfare and resistance organization, and the Office of War Information (OWI), which disseminated US propaganda, were developing independent contacts inside northern Indo-China. As a result, the OSS increasingly endorsed the one truly effective resistance movement: Ho Chi Minh's Viet Minh coalition.
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Jones, Geoffrey, and Rachael Comunale. "Business, Governments and Political Risk in South Asia and Latin America since 1970." Australian Economic History Review 58, no. 3 (November 2018): 233–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aehr.12159.
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Ciocchini, Pablo. "Learning from the South." Asian Journal of Social Science 46, no. 4-5 (September 28, 2018): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04604004.
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Abstract Over the last three decades, governments in Latin America and Southeast Asia have transitioned from authoritarian to democratic regimes. A series of reforms to criminal procedures have been promoted to improve transparency and accountability and reduce the chronic backlog suffered by courts in the region. These reforms are based on the “ideal” model of societies in the Global North. However, due to the socioeconomic conditions and the institutional history of societies in these regions, these reforms have not achieved the proposed goals. Because of these failures, later reforms in Latin America have prioritised managerial concerns. Thus, they have favoured different types of bargained justice and simplified procedures that usher in convictions based mainly on police reports without a proper cross-examination of evidence. This article argues that jurisdictions in both regions could learn a lot from one another regarding avoiding failures and unintended consequences. To achieve this, the article uses a comparative approach and demonstrates the potential of this by comparing four reform strategies carried out in Argentina and the Philippines.
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Murillo, M. Victoria. "Political Bias in Policy Convergence: Privatization Choices in Latin America." World Politics 54, no. 4 (July 2002): 462–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2002.0014.
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Since the early 1980s privatization has spread in Latin America under both right-wing rulers and populist presidents. This regional convergence toward privatization seemed to announce the end of partisan policy-making. However, not all governments implement privatization in the same way even in the context of policy convergence. Technocrats propose similar policy options in countries where capital dearth creates pressures for convergence. Yet politicians build the electoral and government coalitions that make these policies possible, and their preferences shape the institutions chosen at implementation. The “bias” introduced by politicians depends on their prior beliefs and constituencies, which shape their institutional preferences. Beliefs about economic nationalism and state intervention influence the selection of regulations at the time of privatization, whereas coalition buildingwith political constituencies shapes the definition of selling conditions in privatized companies. This “political bias,” which is contingent on the privatizing government, explains that the regional policy convergence toward privatization did not extend to its implementation. That is, although politicians may be losing influence about whether to privatize, they still have a say in the choice of how to privatize. This article analyzes the impact of this “political bias” by focusing on the choice of regulatory institutions and selling conditions in five cases of privatization of electricity and telecommunications in Latin America.
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Szilágy, István. "Models of Modernization and geopolitical changes in Latin America." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2016): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-4-68-76.
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In South America in the 1960s and 1970s the contradictions of economic, social and political structures were deepening. In order to surmount the structural crisis the different political forces, tendencies and governments elaborated various strategies. These attempts aiming at reorganizing the society led to undermining the hegemony of ruling governing block and radical transformation of state apparatus. Progressive and regressi-ve forms of military dictatorship and excepcional states of the new militarism appeared on the continent because of the Brazilian military takeover of April, 1964. Formally these state systems were set up by the institutional takeover of the armed forces. The military governments strove for the total reorganization and modernization of the societies in their all - economic, political and ideological - territories. The study aims at analizing the diffe-rent models of modernization during the past sixty years.
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Van den Berg, N. J. C. "Semiotiek van asiel/sitbetoging:." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 10, no. 2 (November 10, 2022): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v10i2.2011.
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This research has as its theme the sit-in by three persons staged in the USA consulate in Johannesburg in 1988. The event is studied from a semiotic perspective. The semiotic 'model' followed is eclectic as it is constituted by views drawn from inter alia Heidegger, Gadamer, Ricoeur, Benson, and particularly Eco. Two main readers were involved in the event, i.e. the governments of South Africa and the United States of America. The interpretation of the event by both governments cre ated a specific 'perception'/meaning in the minds of South Africa's (and the world's) population. This re search strives to establish which country's interpretation was ac cepted by the population in South Africa.
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Heok Lee, Tae. "Regional institutions in global “south”: the rationale of regional institutionalization in south america since the 21st century." Revista de Economía del Caribe, no. 06 (June 29, 2022): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/ecoca.06.335.942.
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Particularly, beginning the 21st century the Political landscape saliently changed and shifted to debunk the notion of "the end of history" in South America. Several Latin American scholars including Bjorn Hettne, Osvaldo Sunkel, and Philippe De Lombaerde and the international organizations including United Nations for Latin American Economic Commission (UN ECLAC) have paid attention to the left-leaning governments which have eventually governed these states. In this vein, this study (as an initial step for the research proposal) attempts to understand the logic of (new) regionalism under globalism and particularly to contribute to its academic value. This study is mainly approaching the subject from a theoretical foundation in order to understand and then to apply the rationale of politically-oriented regional institutions.
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Moreno Velador, Octavio Humberto, and Carlos Figueroa Ibarra. "PARTICIPATIVE DEMOCRACY AND PLURIETHNICAL AND PLURINATIONAL INTEGRATION IN THE PROGRESIST GOVERNMENTS OF SOUTH AMERICA." Perspectivas 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/perspectivas-2017-v7n2a04.
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Montero, Sergio. "Study tours and inter-city policy learning: Mobilizing Bogotá’s transportation policies in Guadalajara." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 49, no. 2 (September 28, 2016): 332–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x16669353.
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While modern urban planning has traditionally been shaped by policies and instruments from European and North American cities, in recent decades there has been an increase in South-South policy learning and a number of cities of the global South have emerged as alternative urban planning models. Yet, less is known about the practices through which urban policy actors in cities of the South learn from other Southern cities’ policies. This paper examines the case of Guadalajara, Mexico, where different local public and private actors introduced a new policy issue—sustainable transportation—in the local and state government agenda making extensive references to Bogotá, Colombia. Study tours are identified as key practices that facilitated the adoption of Bogotá’s transportation policies in Guadalajara. Using qualitative and ethnographic methods, I show that study tours were powerful instruments to promote policy change thanks to their capacity to: (1) educate the attention of influential local policy actors through hands-on “experiential learning”; (2) expand local coalitions through the building of trust and consensus around a policy model; and (3) mobilize public opinion through references to already existing policies. In doing so, I suggest that study tours should be conceptualized as both learning and governance instruments that a variety of actors can use to translate their shifting beliefs of how the city should be organized into public policy. The analysis of the actors that organized these tours also reveals the friction between local and transnational agendas shaping the apparent South-South circulations of Bogotá's transportation policies.
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TUSSIE, DIANA. "Latin America: contrasting motivations for regional projects." Review of International Studies 35, S1 (February 2009): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021050900847x.
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AbstractThe breakdown of the North-South, East-West governing principles, and the removal of superpower overlay have led to an increasingly decentralised system setting the stage for the so called new geography of trade and the reconfiguration of political – diplomatic strategies. Such strategies now include contestation, articulation, competitive liberalisation, ample inter-state coalition building such as the G-20, G-33, G-90 in the Doha Round and the proliferation of regional and wider ranging preferential arrangements. Regionalism is both policy and project. Agreements vary widely in motivation, form, coverage and content. It is very often the case that, as in multilateral institutions, one major actor sets the agenda at the regional level with the view not only of constructing and retaining power at that level but also of setting global precedents. New balancing or bandwagoning efforts vis-à-vis the local strong power are set in motion with fresh implications for the emerging global architecture. Regional alignments are thus constantly shaping and reshaping market relations. Intra-Latin American agreements (those not including the majors, the US and the EU) were motivated by the search for wider markets building up economies of scale amongst similar countries. Such agreements mostly focused on market liberalisation through diverse schedules of tariff reduction. The result has been the emergence of shallow regional agreements. Nonetheless, most have not been fully implemented, but they show a long term trend towards potential convergence, especially if the Community of South American Nations moves on. External pressures have also spurred agreements as defensive mechanisms. So we witness impulses to regionalism complementing and at times competing with older patterns and trends. This contribution focuses on the different avenues that Latin America is undertaking in terms of regional projects. It will assess the dynamics of intra- regional integration and the inter-action effects with varieties of North-South integration.
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Betancur, John J. "Gentrification in Latin America: Overview and Critical Analysis." Urban Studies Research 2014 (February 17, 2014): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/986961.
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This paper offers a critical review and interpretation of gentrification in Latin American cities. Applying a flexible methodology, it examines enabling conditions associated with societal regime change and local contingencies to determine its presence, nature, extent, and possibilities. Questioning the uncritical transfer of constructs such as gentrification from the Global North to the Global South, the paper advocates analyses of mediating structures and local conditions to determine their applicability and possible variations. Overall, the review questions the feasibility of self-sustained, large scale gentrification in central areas of the region’s cities today tying it to each city’s level of incorporation into global circuits and the role of local governments. Rather than an orthodox hypothesis testing, this is an exercise in interpretation that calls for nuanced approaches to the study of urban restructuring in cities of the global South.
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Paredes-Beltran, Bolivar, Alvaro Sordo-Ward, and Luis Garrote. "Dataset of Georeferenced Dams in South America (DDSA)." Earth System Science Data 13, no. 2 (February 2, 2021): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/essd-13-213-2021.
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Abstract. Dams and their reservoirs generate major impacts on society and the environment. In general, its relevance relies on facilitating the management of water resources for anthropogenic purposes. However, dams could also generate many potential adverse impacts related to safety, ecology or biodiversity. These factors, as well as the additional effects that climate change could cause in these infrastructures and their surrounding environment, highlight the importance of dams and the necessity for their continuous monitoring and study. There are several studies examining dams both at regional and global scales; however, those that include the South America region focus mainly on the most renowned basins (primarily the Amazon basin), most likely due to the lack of records on the rest of the basins of the region. For this reason, a consistent database of georeferenced dams located in South America is presented: Dataset of Georeferenced Dams in South America (DDSA). It contains 1010 entries of dams with a combined reservoir volume of 1017 km3, and it is presented in the form of a list describing a total of 24 attributes that include the dams' names, characteristics, purposes and georeferenced locations. Also, hydrological information on the dams' catchments is also included: catchment area, mean precipitation, mean near-surface temperature, mean potential evapotranspiration, mean runoff, catchment population, catchment equipped area for irrigation, aridity index, residence time and degree of regulation. Information was obtained from public records, governments records, existing international databases and extensive internet research. Each register was validated individually and geolocated using public-access online map browsers, and then, hydrological and additional information was derived from a hydrological model computed using the HydroSHEDS (Hydrological data and maps based on SHuttle Elevation Derivatives at multiple Scales) dataset. With this database, we expect to contribute to the development of new research in this region. The database is publicly available at https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4315647 (Paredes-Beltran et al., 2020).
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Miguel, Teresa. "The Digital Legal Landscape in South America: Government Transparency and Access to Information† ††." International Journal of Legal Information 40, no. 1-2 (2012): 39–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500006399.
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The governments of ten South American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela) vary widely in the quantity and quality of free legal information each offers to its citizens. Each country has made a significant effort in providing basic legal texts, such as codes, laws and decrees, in a systematic, searchable, and reliable database. Jurisprudence of the courts, whose significance varies widely among these countries steeped in the civil law tradition, is often less accessible. Some countries have more means and better infrastructure than others which, naturally, is reflected in the quality of the databases, search engines, and archives.
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Bronstein, Victoria, and Daryl Glaser. "Intervention in South African municipalities: Dangers and remedies." South African Law Journal 140, no. 1 (2023): 95–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/salj/v140/i1a5.
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South Africa’s Constitution guarantees municipal autonomy; at the same time it enjoins the different elements of the state to co-ordinate their efforts through ‘co-operative government’ and, in conjunction with legislation, it under some circumstances permits (or even requires) provincial and national government to intervene in local government affairs to secure effective government and oversight. These powers of intervention, justified by reference to s 139 of the Constitution, range from disciplining errant councillors to the forced dissolution of non-performing municipalities. Some welcome such intervention as a counterweight to local-level corruption and inefficiency, but in a partisan environment, especially where different spheres are controlled by different parties or coalitions accountable to distinctive electorates, these powers of intervention are, we argue, open to political abuse. This abuse is likely to become more prevalent as unstable local coalition governments become more common, providing more pretexts for intervention and opportunities for councillors in political minorities to subvert their own councils in the hope of inviting intervention by higher-tier actors associated with their own party. In line with the 2021 Constitutional Court case censuring the dissolution of Tshwane Municipality by the Gauteng government, we argue for restricting grounds for intervention, especially more radical forms of intervention. As far as possible, the task of removing corrupt and inefficient local councils and councillors should be left to local voters.
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Eufemia, Luca, Michelle Bonatti, Stefan Sieber, Barbara Schröter, and Marcos A. Lana. "Mechanisms of Weak Governance in Grasslands and Wetlands of South America." Sustainability 12, no. 17 (September 3, 2020): 7214. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12177214.
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Weak governance is a major threat to sustainable development, especially in rural contexts and within ecosystems of great social and economic value. To understand and compare its arrangement in the grasslands and wetlands of the Colombian Llanos and the Paraguayan Pantanal, we build upon the Institutional and Development Framework (IAD) as we explore the role of political, economic, and social institutions and combine components of the theory of common-pool resources (CPR) and new institutional economics (NIE). This hybrid conceptualization provides a synthesis of how top-down hierarchical and market-based systems of community-based and natural resource management negatively affect sustainable development in both study areas. Our findings suggest three underlying mechanisms causing a situation of weak governance: centralized (economic and political) power, the role of central and local governments, and social exclusion. Understanding these multidimensional contextual mechanisms improves the understanding that institutional structures supporting arrangements that handle grasslands and wetlands in a sustainable way are needed to protect the ecosystem’s social and economic values, especially in rural and marginalized contexts.
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Vedham, Vidya, Marianne K. Henderson, Osvaldo Podhajcer, Andrea Llera, Marisa Dreyer Breitenbach, Eliana Abdelhay, Bettina Müller, et al. "The US–Latin America Cancer Research Network." JCO Global Oncology 6, Supplement_1 (July 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/go.20.52000.
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PURPOSE The National Cancer Institute (NCI) Center for Global Health promotes global oncology research to reduce cancer burden worldwide. In 2009, NCI launched the Latin American Cancer Research Network (LACRN) to support a clinical cancer research network in Latin America. LACRN was started by a coalition of research institutions through bilateral collaborative agreements between the US Department of Health and Human Services and the governments of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay. The LACRN is supported through a research contract to a study coordination center and subcontracts to 6 low- and middle-income country sites. The participating countries have a shared goal that meets the specific research needs of the regions. The overarching purpose of this endeavor is to implement high-quality standards for conducting clinical research studies and developing collaborative cancer research projects. METHODS NCI supported a clinical breast cancer project for LACRN, “Molecular profiling of breast cancer (MPBC) in Latin American women with stage II and III breast cancer receiving standard neo-adjuvant chemotherapy.” The molecular profiling of breast cancer study was conducted in 40 hospitals and research institutions across 5 countries with a study population of approximately 1,400 patients. RESULTS AND CONCLUSION Establishing a comprehensive network in Latin America and their research institutions yielded an incredible research resource that can be used in future studies, driven by the network. Throughout the process of developing and implementing studies, LACRN helped identify key elements of the functionality of research networks, such as the pivotal role of institutional and government commitment for sustainability; the importance of building multidisciplinary teams, transparent communications, and training; the ability to combine translational, epidemiology, and clinical research to close research gaps; and the application of new technologies to standard cancer clinical care.
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Agostinis, Giovanni, and Kevin Parthenay. "Exploring the determinants of regional health governance modes in the Global South: A comparative analysis of Central and South America." Review of International Studies 47, no. 4 (May 17, 2021): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210521000206.
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AbstractWhat explains the variation in how states collectively deal with public health challenges across different regions? We tackle this puzzle by comparing the regional health governance efforts pursued within the Central American Integration System (SICA) and the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR). We show that Central America's health governance has been driven by external actors, whereas South America's was driven by states within the region, and remained insulated from external actors’ influence. We argue that the explanation for such variation lies in the interplay of state capacity and regional leadership. In Central America, weak state capacity combined with the absence of a regional leader willing to provide governance resources. This opened up space for external actors to contribute actively to regional health governance, complementing the governance of Central American governments. In South America, Brazil's regional leadership mobilised neighbouring states’ capacities by promoting a South-South cooperation agenda based on intra-regional exchanges among national health bureaucracies, which, however, proved vulnerable to intergovernmental conflicts. Through the comparison of Central and South America, the article bridges the gap between global health governance scholarship and comparative regionalism, providing new insights on the determinants and effects of regional health governance modes in the Global South.
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Giraldo-Osorio, Alexandra, Alberto Ruano-Ravina, Leonor Varela-Lema, Juan M. Barros-Dios, and Mónica Pérez-Ríos. "Residential Radon in Central and South America: A Systematic Review." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 12 (June 24, 2020): 4550. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17124550.
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Radon gas is a pulmonary carcinogen and the second leading cause of lung cancer after smoking. There are many countries that have not implemented measures to reduce the risk it poses to the general population. The aim of this study was to locate available evidence on exposure to residential radon and the regulations to monitor and control this across Central and South America, by conducting a review of the scientific literature and government documents in accordance with the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. This review included 31 studies which had taken measurements of radon in these countries. While Brazil, Argentina, and Peru have undertaken most research, no country in Central and South America has a national map of exposure to residential radon. The prevalence of exposure to radon was uneven, both among the different countries and within individual countries. No country has regulations to prevent the entry of radon into homes, and nine countries have not set maximum permissible concentrations for residential radon. There is a limited number of studies in South and Central America, with a limited spatial coverage, and there is a need to improve knowledge on exposure to residential radon and its effects, and for governments to take the necessary actions to introduce preventive measures in their statutory regulations.
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Nepal, Ratna Mani. "Leaderships in the Global South: On BP Koirala's Economic Thinking." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 7, no. 1 (January 27, 2020): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v7i1.27104.
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Political leaderships in the global south emerged in course of anti-colonial movements or movements against domestic authoritarianism. The leaderships in these liberation movements also laid foundation for social and economic development of the respective countries, besides political transformation. This article analyzes economic thinking of BP Koirala of Nepal, who led the land-locked country to transform from Rana oligarchy to political democracy. Information by interviews and narrative analysis show that BP's economic perspectives were in germinal form, though he discussed on varieties of issues such as industrialization, land reform, tax, foreign aid, technology and planning. BP's concept on these economic issues represent desire and aspirations of a land-locked underdeveloped country Nepal in the fifties, which was about to relieve it from Rana oligarchy and embark into socio-economic modernization. His ideas were contextual that refer to his ideals of democracy and socialism and his affiliation with foreign leaderships and institutions. Besides the pursuit of economic development, BP's views on economy represent his political strategies to counteract feudal social and political order, seek his leadership's legitimacy, and build a broader coalition for political objectives. Nevertheless, BP's economic views seem to be people centric and hence tend to influence governments as prescription policies.
Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 7, Issue-1: 21-29
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Kingstone, Peter. "The Politics of Freeing Markets in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and Mexico. By Judith A. Teichman. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. 288p. $55.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 674–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402880364.
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The politics of neoliberal reform in Latin America has produced a number of impressions that are more or less widely held, but not necessarily entirely accurate. For example, many critics of the neoliberal reform process see it as a creature of Washington and Wall Street—views of economic development imposed on vulnerable, debt-ridden Latin American governments. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank play crucial roles as carriers of the “Washington Consensus” and enforcers of its policy prescriptions. In this view, insulated technocrats—often with U.S. economics degrees—implement these essentially unpopular programs without consultation, oversight, or any societal participation. “Delegative democracy” and populations battered by a decade or more of debt and inflation help explain the extent to which these unelected and unaccountable technocrats have been able to promote this agenda. A narrow electoral coalition, anchored by wealth holders and conservative ideologues, has maintained the political space for these insulated technocrats to continue, despite deep opposition from societal groups such as labor.
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Barker, Kim, Enrique Uribe-Jongbloed, and Tobias Scholz. "COVID-19 and the ‘Myriad’: A Comparative Assessment of Emergency Responses from Europe and South America." Legalities 1, no. 1 (March 2021): 116–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/legal.2021.0009.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted – across intricate borders, different geographies, and legal jurisdictions – that there is only so much that can be done in the way of governance to tackle the challenge posed by a virus. The pandemic is a global problem, one which has affected almost every country in significant and seldom-felt ways. Governments have been forced to react, to respond with emergency measures, temporary rules and legislation, and impose restrictions on freedoms. It has brought to the fore a range of responses, locally, regionally, nationally, and internationally. What is particularly evident across the unfolding of the pandemic is the divergent approaches in introducing governance measures to control behaviour, to share data and information, and to report on the pandemic while holding decision-makers to account. Much of the reporting of government reactions to the pandemic has focussed on emergency restrictions, lockdowns, the suspension of ‘normal’ gatherings, public health data, and tracing apps. Each of these is bundled up with concerns over the interferences with freedoms, a lack of scrutiny and holding to account of governance bodies and lawmakers, and privacy concerns. The new ways of working, governing, and communicating emergency rules is a COVID-19 legacy for governments, but is it one that will shift our expectations? The balance between fundamental freedoms has been – to an extent – pitted against the public health agenda and the nature of the emergency response by governments across the world, but particularly in Germany, the UK, and South America. This article explores the nature of the government responses through emergency measures (and restrictions) and tracing programmes in three countries: Germany, the United Kingdom, and Colombia. The assessment – and comparison – of three countries, across two diverse regions – offers a unique discussion from the perspective of pandemic responses to the COVID-19 emergency. The pandemic itself provides an opportunity to compare countries, governance responses, and legalities that may not otherwise be possible. The myriad of responses seen throughout the pandemic offers a unique opportunity for comparative discussion – this paper provides that discussion, but in so doing, assesses whether it is possible to recommend a ‘one size fits all’ approach to governance emergencies.
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Oliveira, Gisliany Lillian Alves de, Luciana Lima, Ivanovitch Silva, Marcel da Câmara Ribeiro-Dantas, Kayo Henrique Monteiro, and Patricia Takako Endo. "Evaluating Social Distancing Measures and Their Association with the Covid-19 Pandemic in South America." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 3 (March 1, 2021): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10030121.
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Social distancing is a powerful non-pharmaceutical intervention used as a way to slow the spread of the SARS-CoV-2 virus around the world since the end of 2019 in China. Taking that into account, this work aimed to identify variations on population mobility in South America during the pandemic (15 February to 27 October 2020). We used a data-driven approach to create a community mobility index from the Google Covid-19 Community Mobility and relate it to the Covid stringency index from Oxford Covid-19 Government Response Tracker (OxCGRT). Two hypotheses were established: countries which have adopted stricter social distancing measures have also a lower level of circulation (H1), and mobility is occurring randomly in space (H2). Considering a transient period, a low capacity of governments to respond to the pandemic with more stringent measures of social distancing was observed at the beginning of the crisis. In turn, considering a steady-state period, the results showed an inverse relationship between the Covid stringency index and the community mobility index for at least three countries (H1 rejected). Regarding the spatial analysis, global and local Moran indices revealed regional mobility patterns for Argentina, Brazil, and Chile (H1 rejected). In Brazil, the absence of coordinated policies between the federal government and states regarding social distancing may have played an important role for several and extensive clusters formation. On the other hand, the results for Argentina and Chile could be signals for the difficulties of governments in keeping their population under control, and for long periods, even under stricter decrees.
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Pirie, Gordon H. "Southern African Air Transport After Apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010752.
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Aviation in Southern Africa was subject throughout the 1980s to increasingly intense political pressures. As ever, the cause was protests about apartheid. The severe blow that black African countries dealt to South African Airways (S.A.A.), the Republic's state-owned national airline, in the 1960s by withdrawing overflying rights was magnified by similar action from a wider spectrum of non-African governments. In the mid-1980s, Australia and the United States of America, for example, revoked S.A.A.'s landing rights, and forbad airlines registered in their countries from flying to South Africa. Other carriers, such as Air Canada, closed their offices and then terminated representation in South Africa.
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Briceño-Ruiz, José. "DA CRISE DA PÓS-HEGEMONIA AO IMPACTO DA COVID-19. O IMPASSE DO REGIONALISMO LATINO-AMERICANO." Cadernos de Campo: Revista de Ciências Sociais, no. 29 (March 12, 2021): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47284/2359-2419.2020.29.2139.
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This article analyzes the complex process that Latin American regionalism has experienced in the two decades of the 21st century and its current impasse. The first part of the paper discusses the era of post-hegemonic regionalism and its limitations. The second part contemplates the arrival of conservative governments and their impact on regionalist strategy, especially in South America. Finally, the response of the Latin American blocs to the Covid-19 pandemic is examined.
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Milani, Livia Peres. "US Foreign Policy to South America since 9/11: Neglect or Militarisation?" Contexto Internacional 43, no. 1 (April 2021): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019430100006.
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Abstract Academic literature on US Foreign Policy to South America usually states its lack of attention to the region in the post 9/11 period. I aim to problematize this assertion through an analysis of US regional security policy. Therefore, I consider data referring to military and economic assistance, arms transfers, and the SOUTHCOM position towards its area of responsibility, as well as official documents and diplomatic cables. I conclude that, although the region was not a priority, a waning in US actions or a moment of neglect in its policy towards it was likewise not observed. From a historical perspective, the area was never the main focus of attention, but there is a specialized bureaucracy that works on the region to maintain US hegemony. Therefore, the investigation indicates that Latin American assertiveness during the 2000s was caused primarily by the conjunction of the ascension of leftist governments and quest for autonomy, as well as by Chinese and Russian involvement in Latin America, but not by US neglect. The article is divided into six sections, including the introduction and final remarks. Following the introduction, I analyse the academic literature regarding USA-Latin American relations in the second section, the US assistance in the third, the SOUTHCOM postures in the fourth, and the strategies deployed by the USA regarding great powers and arms transfers in the fifth. Finally, I present the final remarks.
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Guerra, Lucas, and Gustavo Frisso. "RÉQUIEM PARA UMA INICIATIVA DE REGIONALISMO SUL-AMERICANO: IDEOLOGIA VS. PRAGMATISMO NO OCASO DA UNASUL." Cadernos de Campo: Revista de Ciências Sociais, no. 29 (March 12, 2021): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.47284/2359-2419.2020.29.7196.
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The article presents an analysis of the recent dismantling of the Union of South-American Nations (UNASUR) under the governments of the liberal-conservative turn recently experienced in South America. Through the mobilization of excerpts from speeches by Heads of State in the region, it is possible to note that the allegedly “ideological” character of UNASUR is presented as the main justification for leaving the institution. Having that in mind, the main objective of the article is to interrogate narratives about the ‘ideological’ character of UNASUL. For that, the article presents a literature review on regionalism, pragmatism and ideology to challenge this narrative. It is argued, first, that pragmatism and ideology in regionalism are not dichotomous, but complementary concepts. Moreover, despite UNASUR’s ideological elements, the organization represents a series of alignments and pragmatic factors in its institutionalization and performance. Finally, it is argued that the proposals for “de-ideologization” and “pragmatic realignment” of the regionalism of the new rights in South America are, in fact, more ideological than pragmatic as they claim.
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Shcherbakova, Anna D. "BRAZIL’S REGIONAL LEADERSHIP IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 4 (2022): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-4-49-59.
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The article deals with policy aimed to strengthen the country’s role in South America of the Brazilian governments of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Jair Bolsonaro in the first two decades of the 21st century. The Brazil’s desire to become a part of the global community based on leadership in South America was articulated at the beginning of the 20th century by then Minister of Foreign Affairs Baron de Rio-Branco. Since then it has become a key issue of Brazilian foreign policy. It was shown in the article that Lula’s strategy for playing a more prominent role in regional affairs was especially successful in the areas of subregional integration and creation of new formats of multilateral cooperation. In context of significant changes of the regional context because of electoral results and impact of external factors such as the Covid-19 pandemic the current Brazilian government had to review of its approach to the state positioning within the region. This change has already affected Brazil’s relations with other South American countries and effectiveness of its regional leadership.
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Loveman, Brian. "“Protected Democracies” and Military Guardianship: Political Transitions in Latin America, 1978-1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 36, no. 2 (1994): 105–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166175.
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In 1979, over two-thirds of Latin America's people were living under military rule. By 1993, however, not a single military regime remained in Central or South America or the Spanish-speaking Caribbean. Elected presidents (even if former generals, as in the case of Paraguay's first post-Stroessner government) and legislatures replaced military dictators and juntas. Foreign observers certified the “fairness” of elections in Ecuador, Peru, Chile, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Paraguay — even when outgoing military regimes permitted elections only after certain parties or candidates had been excluded from participation. Political parties and opponents of incumbent governments operated openly. Media censorship declined, and fewer cases of politically-motivated abuses of human rights were reported. “Democratization” seemed to be underway.
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Vorotnikova, T. "Hard to Be Left: Foreign Policy Strategies of the New “Pink Tide” Governments in Latin America." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 1 (2023): 101–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-1-101-110.
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The article reviews main principles and imperatives of the foreign policy provided by actual left-wing governments in Latin America. In a big number of countries in the region, politicians with leftist views have recently come to power. Among them there are the presidents of Argentina, Mexico, Bolivia, Peru, Honduras, Chile and Colombia. The scale of the new “Pink tide” suggests analogies to the “Left turn” that took place in the beginning of the 21st century. However, accents in the current agenda vary and nuances make the difference. The analysis of narrative and political practice of the left leaders shows that traditional commitment to the principles of anti-Americanism and anti-neoliberalism stay relevant. Idea of multipolarity and search for an alternative to US hegemony remain key issues to the international positioning of Latin American states. At the same time, they no longer intend to question liberal international order and global economic conditions. Problem of human rights and combat climate change are getting more important for Latin American countries. A special kind of vision on these global concerns can contribute to their diplomatic ambitions and increase their international status. The challenge of balancing between the two global powers, US and China, push to strengthen ties with the non-region states that belong to the “Global south”. Another attribute of the modern regional configuration is lack of an apparent locomotive in the current South American integration system. Too explicit dissimilarities in the strategies of left-wing governments do not give reasons for the emergence of a strong collective platform. The ideology of regionalism that appealed to the great united motherland, is being replaced today by a new configuration where the former interconnectivity between Latin American left regimes is not displayed and mini-lateral cooperation matters. Their realignment and new alliances will be fundamental to the regional balance.
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Mattiuzzi, Elizabeth, and Margaret Weir. "Governing the New Geography of Poverty in Metropolitan America." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 4 (March 24, 2019): 1086–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419834075.
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This article contributes to the research on the new geography of poverty by examining how low-income residents fit into the governmental patchwork that defines metropolitan America. Our analysis pays particular attention to two features of local governments: their size and their status as incorporated municipalities or unincorporated areas. Relying on Census data, we study these patterns for the five largest metropolitan areas in each of the five Census-designated regions of the country (25 metros total) from 1990 to 2012–2016. We show that the distribution of poor people across jurisdiction types, and their concentration in particular jurisdictions or places, has changed over time. In the older metros of the Northeast and Midwest, poverty grew in smaller secondary cities while it expanded in unincorporated areas in the South and in larger secondary cities in the West. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these shifts for studying local governance and poverty.
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Cozens, Paul, and Terence Love. "A Review and Current Status of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED)." Journal of Planning Literature 30, no. 4 (August 6, 2015): 393–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0885412215595440.
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This article reviews the current status of the concept of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED). It provides an overview of its history and origins and defines how it is commonly understood and conceptualized. Globally, CPTED is an increasingly popular crime prevention strategy supported by governments all over Europe, North America, Australia, and New Zealand, as well as in Asia and South Africa. This review inspects some of the evidence associated with CPTED and provides a detailed overview of the main criticisms facing this field.
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Oanda, Ibrahim, Jae-Eun Jon, and Gerardo Blanco. "Mobility for Academic Collaboration Post-COVID-19." International Journal of African Higher Education 9, no. 3 (December 24, 2022): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ijahe.v9i3.16047.
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In-person mobility has traditionally been taken for granted as an element of academic collaboration. The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted this status quo, introducing new challenges, especially across Africa, Asia and Latin America, where local economies and higher education systems have been disproportionately affected, exacerbating existing inequities. Low and unequal vaccination rates in these regions will likely continue to influence academic mobility. Given that international travel is set to remain complicated and expensive, African, Asian and Latin American academics’ preference for North America and Europe as destinations for mobility is likely to shift, with new academic mobility ecosystems emerging. Indeed, strong institutions and countries in these regions are becoming new hubs for intra-regional mobility and collaboration. The future of academic mobility and collaboration in Africa, Asia and Latin America is thus likely to include alternative destinations and virtual mobility, with the possibility of lower levels of international cooperation as the perceived value of mobility comes into question. These changes call for creative, long-term plans by institutions as well as governments. They present opportunities to promote mobility within regions, as well as South-South mobility in order to increase higher education’s social relevance.
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Maximiliano, Korstanje. "IDEAS in AGORA: The Philosophy of the Empires, Fear and Sense of Exemplarity." Human and Social Studies 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hssr-2013-0027.
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Abstract Why do the United States reserve the right to be called “America” by conferring the “Americas” to the whole continent?, is that a clear sign of discrimination or supremacy or both? Ideologically, America refers to the United States of “America” excluding other regions such as Latin America, central or South America. This leads some scholars to explain convincingly that, beyond this subtle grammatical difference, the Anglo-ethnocentrism in the United States has been drawn to make their citizens believe they are unique, outstanding, and special. Basically, this belief allowed not only to fight against the political enemies in Europe or in any other geographical point, but also to control the incipient worker union leaderships. What merits further attention, anyway, is the sentiment of exemplarity instilled by the founding parents of this nation. Fear was historically a mechanism of control employed by US governments at different stages in several ways. Our intention is not only to review how the fear disciplined by the claims of work-force, but also explain why the sentiment of exemplarity and fear are inextricably intertwined.
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Stocker, John J. "In Search of a Level Playing Field: The Shipbuilders Council of America and the Issue of Foreign Shipbuilding Subsidies." Journal of Ship Production 7, no. 02 (May 1, 1991): 118–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/jsp.1991.7.2.118.
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This paper discusses the origins of decision by the Shipbuilders Council of America to file a petition under Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 charging Japan, South Korea, West Germany and Norway with unfair trade practices in shipbuilding and ship repair. The progress of negotiations between the U.S. Trade Representative and foreign governments is presented, as are the actions of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) to address the reduction of unfair subsidies. The paper provides insight into the future course of action of the U.S. Government as well as the Shipbuilders Council of America in their continuing effort to provide for the reentry of U.S. shipbuilders into the worldwide commercial shipbuilding and ship repair markets.