Relevant bibliographies by topics / Coalition governments – Netherlands

Academic literature on the topic 'Coalition governments – Netherlands'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Coalition governments – Netherlands"

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ANDERSON, CHRISTOPHER J. "The Dynamics of Public Support for Coalition Governments." Comparative Political Studies 28, no. 3 (October 1995): 350–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414095028003002.

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This article investigates the relationship between economic conditions and party support for coalition parties in Denmark and the Netherlands. The article argues that the simple reward-punishment model cannot fully account for changes in citizens' support for parties, given variable economic performance. Using aggregate public support data for political parties, the article shows that citizens differentiate between coalition partners depending on the parties' issue priorities. Instead of blaming or rewarding all coalition parties in a uniform fashion, citizens shift support from one coalition party to another, depending on the perceived competence of a party to deal with particular economic problems. The article finds that the structure of responsibility in parliamentary democracies ruled by coalition governments is more complex than is often assumed. Therefore, it is argued that students of economics and public opinion should pay particular attention to the institutional context in which citizens make choices.
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Moury, Catherine, and Arco Timmermans. "Inter-Party Conflict Management in Coalition Governments: Analyzing the Role of Coalition Agreements in Belgium, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands." Politics and Governance 1, no. 2 (July 25, 2013): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v1i2.94.

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In this article, we focus on manifest interparty conflict over policy issues and the role of coalition agreements in solving these conflicts. We present empirical findings on the characteristics of coalition agreements including deals over policy controversy and on inter-party conflict occurring during the lifetime of governments in Germany, Belgium, Italy and the Netherlands. We analyze the ways in which parties in government were or were not constrained by written deals over disputed issues. Coalition agreements from all four countries include specific policy deals, one third of which are precisely defined. These policy deals concern both consensual and controversial issues. Our central finding is that, in the case of intra-party conflict, parties almost always fall back on the initial policy deals when these exist. As such, policy statements of the coalition agreement facilitate decision making in each of the countries studied.
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Dunphy, Richard, and Tim Bale. "The radical left in coalition government: Towards a comparative measurement of success and failure." Party Politics 17, no. 4 (June 27, 2011): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400524.

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This article raises questions about how best to assess the performance of radical left parties participating in coalition governments. Drawing in part on interviews (see Appendix 1), it covers parties that have participated in coalition government (Cyprus, Finland, France, Ireland, Italy, Norway), or have acted as ‘support parties’ (Denmark, Sweden), or are debating the ‘pros and cons’ of coalition participation (Netherlands). It undertakes a comparative analysis of how radical left parties themselves evaluate the measure of their achievements and failings in coalition government — a critical exercise for such parties that can influence their tactical and strategic decisions about future government participation, as well as the ability of the parties to survive political and electoral setbacks. The approach we adopt is one that takes the policy, office and votes triad developed by political scientists seriously, but also factors in the principles, political outlook and goals of the parties themselves. It concludes that the experience of coalition government for radical left parties is far from encouraging to date. Their few achievements have to be set against many potential pitfalls. Whilst there may be no alternative to government participation if these parties wish to be taken seriously as actors, a more strategic and cautious approach to coalition formation seems advisable in many instances.
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WOLDENDORP, JAAP, and HANS KEMAN. "The Contingency of Corporatist Influence: Incomes Policy in the Netherlands." Journal of Public Policy 26, no. 3 (October 30, 2006): 301–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x06000560.

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This paper examines the hypothesis that corporatist intermediation by party governments facilitates incomes policy formation and is effective in reaching agreements between employers and trade unions as well. A social democratic party in government would positively enhance this process. Investigating this for the Netherlands between 1965–2000, two puzzles emerge. The first puzzle is that coalition governments of Social and Christian Democracy fall short of expectations despite their commitment to corporatism. The second puzzle is that the relationship between Social Democracy and effective corporatist intermediation is positive but cannot sufficiently account for the variation in agreements on Dutch incomes policy. That variation can be better understood as induced by institutional change, economic development and external vulnerabilities. The Dutch case study shows that the performance of a social democratic party in government in a corporatist context is less directly effective than the literature often has suggested.
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Kraaier, Niels Martijn. "Communication in the heart of policy and the conduct of conduct." Journal of Communication Management 20, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-01-2015-0009.

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Purpose – In 2001, Dutch politician Jacques Wallage introduced the concept of “communication in the heart of policy”, which sought to bridge the perceived gap between the government and the populace. He also advocated for a stronger focus on the proper representation of cabinet ministers in the mass media. The purpose of this paper is to explore the implications experienced by communication professionals in the Dutch public service in terms of integrating this approach. Design/methodology/approach – This paper is based on a series of 17 qualitative semi-structured interviews held with communication professionals either previously or currently employed in the Dutch public service. Findings – The findings show that it has become increasingly difficult for communication professionals in the Dutch public service to maintain the strict separation between government communication and political communication that once characterised their work. Research limitations/implications – The focus of this paper is on government communication in the Netherlands at a national level. Practical implications – This paper argues that a stronger focus on the image and reputation of cabinet members blurs the line between government communication and political communication, which may defeat the purpose of “communication in the heart of policy”. Originality/value – This paper offers a unique insight into government communication practices in a consociational state, where politics are marked by negotiation and a common striving for broad consensus, and where the public service is controlled by coalition governments rather than one particular party.
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Hogg, Eddy, and Susan Baines. "Changing Responsibilities and Roles of the Voluntary and Community Sector in the Welfare Mix: A Review." Social Policy and Society 10, no. 3 (June 1, 2011): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746411000078.

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Many Western states have sought in recent years to harness the energies of voluntary agencies and charitable bodies in the provision of welfare (Brandsen and Pestoff, 2006; Milligan and Conradson, 2006; Haugh and Kitson, 2007). More than ever is expected of the Voluntary and Community Sector (VCS) in supporting people and communities, entering into partnerships with governments, and delivering public services (Lewis, 2005; Macmillan, 2010). The mainstreaming of the VCS has been associated with a push towards market reform and reducing state obligations for welfare provision (Amin, 2009). In some European states – for example, Germany and the Netherlands – a three-way mix of state, market and voluntary sector dates back to the nineteenth century (Brandsen and Pestoff, 2006). In the UK too, on which this review article focuses, the delivery of public services by voluntary organisations and charities is far from new, but over the past decade local government and health services, especially in England, have been required to step up their engagement with VCS organisations (VCSOs) (Alcock, 2009; Di Domencio et al., 2009; Macmillan, 2010). Commitment to this sector by the government under New Labour was signalled by the creation for England of the Office of the Third Sector within the Cabinet Office in 2006 and the associated appointment of the first dedicated Minister of the Third Sector, initially Ed Miliband MP. Working with charities, social enterprises and community and faith-based organisations appeals to politicians across the mainstream British political spectrum (Di Domencio et al., 2009; Alcock, 2010); the ‘Big Society’ agenda of the Coalition government elected in 2010 promises a continuation in this direction of travel, albeit in a new regime of reduced budgets, service cuts and demands of more for less.
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Guseletov, Boris. "Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations." Nauka Kultura Obshestvo 27, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2021.27.2.2.

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The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.
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Otjes, Simon, and Tom Louwerse. "A Special Majority Cabinet? Supported Minority Governance and Parliamentary Behavior in the Netherlands." World Political Science 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2014): 343–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2014-0016.

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AbstractThis article studies how the presence of the supported minority government Rutte-I affected patterns of legislative behavior. On the basis of the literature on minority cabinets, one would expect that during supported minority cabinets parliamentary parties cooperate more often across the division between coalition and opposition than under multiparty majority cabinet rule. Examining almost 30,000 parliamentary votes between 1994 and 2012, this study finds that on a host of indicators of coalition-opposition-cooperation, there was less cooperation “across the aisle” during the Rutte-I cabinet than during any cabinet before it. We explain this with reference to the encompassing nature of the support agreement as well as the impact of the cabinets’ ideological composition.
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Timmermans, Arco, and Catherine Moury. "Coalition Governance in Belgium and The Netherlands: Rising Government Stability Against All Electoral Odds." Acta Politica 41, no. 4 (December 2006): 389–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500139.

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Afonso, Alexandre. "Choosing whom to betray: populist right-wing parties, welfare state reforms and the trade-off between office and votes." European Political Science Review 7, no. 2 (April 17, 2014): 271–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000125.

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This article analyses the impact of populist right-wing parties (PRWPs) on welfare state reforms in Western Europe in the light of the trade-off that they face between office and votes. On the one hand, PRWPs appeal to traditionally left-leaning blue-collar ‘insiders’ supportive of social insurance schemes. On the other hand, they have only been able to take part in government as junior coalition partners with liberal or conservative parties who are more likely to retrench these very same welfare programmes. In this context, the article argues that these parties have to choose between betraying their electorate (and losing votes), and betraying their coalition partners (and losing office). When they choose office, it enables welfare state retrenchment by allowing their coalition partners to curtail left-wing opposition, but entails high electoral costs for PRWPs. When they choose votes, it generates deadlock and potentially jeopardizes their participation in government. The paper draws on a comparative analysis of pension reforms during three periods of government participation of PRWPs: the Schüssel I and II cabinets in Austria (2000–06), the Rutte I cabinet in the Netherlands (2010–12) and three pension reforms in Switzerland between 1995 and 2010. The analysis draws on original primary material and interviews.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Coalition governments – Netherlands"

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TIMMERMANS, Arco I. "High politics in the Low Countries : functions and effects of coalition policy agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands." Doctoral thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5406.

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Defence date: 19 January 1996
Examining Board: Prof. Rudy B. Andeweg (Rijksuniversiteit Leiden) ; Prof. Stefano Bartolini (EUI) ; Prof. Jean Blondel (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) ; Prof. Ernst ten Heuvelhof (Technische Universiteit Delft)
First made available online on 15 December 2016
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Books on the topic "Coalition governments – Netherlands"

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1960-, Jong Pieter de, and Breed Kees, eds. Regeren met programma's: Interdepartementale kabinetsprogramma's van het kabinet-Balkenende IV : voortgang en samenwerking. Den Haag: Boom Lemma uitgevers, 2010.

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Pre-electoral Alliances, Coalition Rejections, and Multiparty Governments: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2007.

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Timmermans, Arco I. High Politics in the Low Countries: An Empirical Study of Coalition Agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands. Ashgate Publishing, 2003.

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Timmermans, Arco I. High Politics in the Low Countries: An Empirical Study of Coalition Agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Timmermans, Arco I. High Politics in the Low Countries: An Empirical Study of Coalition Agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Timmermans, Arco I. High Politics in the Low Countries: An Empirical Study of Coalition Agreements in Belgium and the Netherlands. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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High Politics in the Low Countries. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Aarts, Kees, and Maarten Arentsen. Nuclear Power and Politics in the Netherlands. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747031.003.0009.

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Nuclear power accounts for a low share only of electricity generation in the Netherlands. Plans for further expansion came to a halt due to a high-intensity nuclear energy debate and the Chernobyl accident. After a short resurgence in the early 2000s, political parties and voters shifted towards the anti-nuclear position after the Fukushima disaster. The chapter underlines the importance of path dependency in energy policy and concludes that government policies in consensus democracies with many political parties and coalition government are relatively unresponsive to public opinion and changes in the electoral performance of parties, because there is continuity in parts of the government’s composition in most cases.
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Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. The Reshaping of West European Party Politics. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842897.001.0001.

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Long gone are the times when class-based political parties with extensive membership dominated politics. Instead, party politics has become issue-based. Surprisingly few studies have focused on how the issue content of West European party politics has developed over the past decades. Empirically, this books studies party politics in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK from 1980 and onwards. The book highlights the more complex party system agenda with the decline, but not disappearance, of macroeconomic issues as well as the rise in ‘new politics’ issues together with education and health care. Moreover, various ‘new politics’ issues such as immigration, the environment, and European integration have seen very different trajectories. To explain the development of the individual issues, the book develops a new theoretical model labelled the ‘issue incentive model’ of party system attention. The aim of the model is to explain how much attention issues get throughout the party system, which is labelled ‘the party system agenda’. To explain the development of the party system agenda, one needs to focus on the incentives that individual policy issues offer to large, mainstream parties, i.e. the typical Social Democratic, Christian Democratic, or Conservative/Liberal parties that have dominated West European governments for decades. The core idea of the model is that the incentives that individual policy issues offer to these vote- and office-seeking parties depend on three factors, namely issue characteristics, issue ownership, and coalition considerations. The issue incentive model builds on and develops a top-down perspective on which the issue content of party politics is determined by the strategic considerations of political parties and their competition with each other.
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Book chapters on the topic "Coalition governments – Netherlands"

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Timmermans, Arco, and Gerard Breeman. "The dynamics of coalition governments in the Netherlands." In Coalition Government as a Reflection of a Nation’s Politics and Society, 45–63. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge research in comparative politics: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429422379-4.

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Aarts, Emile, Hein Fleuren, Margriet Sitskoorn, and Ton Wilthagen. "The Dawn of a New Common." In The New Common, 1–15. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65355-2_1.

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AbstractOn Thursday, February 27, 2020, during a live broadcast on television, Minister Bruno Bruin is handed a note saying that it has just been confirmed that a patient with the coronavirus has been identified in the Netherlands. Allegedly, it concerns a man who is placed in isolation in the Elisabeth-Tweesteden hospital in Tilburg.This is where the story of our book starts. The hospital mentioned by the minister is hardly a kilometer away from our university, Tilburg University. Things now start to develop quickly. During several weeks, the region of Tilburg becomes the “Corona Capital” of the Netherlands in terms of the number of people infected. On March 18, Minister Bruno Bruins collapses due to exhaustion during a debate in the Government’s House of Representatives. The following day, he resigns and soon after is temporarily replaced by a politician of a party that is not part of the current political coalition. Two days earlier, the country had gone into a lockdown after a historical speech of Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte.
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Auerswald, David P., and Stephen M. Saideman. "Coalition Governments in Combat." In NATO in Afghanistan. Princeton University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159386.003.0006.

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This chapter examines parliamentary coalition governments. Leaders in coalition governments face great challenges, not least because members of the coalition will vary in their enthusiasm for the mission. As a result, most countries in this category have tended to place more significant restrictions upon their forces in Afghanistan. The chapter considers three key cases in detail. Germany has been the exemplar of a country viewed as being far more capable in theory than in practice due to the restrictions imposed by a series of coalition governments. The Netherlands illustrates the domestic consequences of a coalition government fighting a war, as the Dutch government collapsed over Afghanistan. Meanwhile, Denmark is quite exceptional: the Danes fought with few restrictions in the most dangerous part of the most dangerous province in Afghanistan. The chapter then briefly examines other coalition governments in ISAF (International Security Assistance Force): Belgium, Italy, and Norway.
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Louwerse, Tom, and Arco Timmermans. "The Netherlands: Old Solutions to New Problems." In Coalition Governance in Western Europe, 448–81. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868484.003.0013.

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The emergence of immigration and integration as a new line of conflict, the rise of new political parties, and the fragmentation of the political landscape have contributed to cabinet volatility in the Netherlands. While this presented new challenges for coalition governance, Dutch politicians have mainly looked to old consensus-based solutions to address these new problems. Whereas electoral politics and political campaigns have become more adversarial in style over the last twenty years, coalition governance seems still to be guided by the politics of accommodation. The Netherlands can clearly be described in terms of the Coalition Compromise Model, in which the coalition agreement as well as coordination and conflict-management mechanisms remain of central importance. Majority coalition formation is still the norm, even though since the early 2010s governments have not always commanded a majority in the Senate, which necessitated various forms of cooperation with opposition parties.
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"case study three: the Netherlands." In Coalition Government and Party Mandate, 82–100. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203084045-13.

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Weller, Patrick, Dennis C. Grube, and R. A. W. Rhodes. "The Netherlands: Traditions and Practices." In Comparing Cabinets, 56–66. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844945.003.0004.

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The chapter stresses the ‘polder’ tradition that emphasizes the importance of cooperation in government. The Netherlands has a long tradition of consociational government. Within a parliamentary structure where a system of proportional representation ensures that no one party will hold a majority, coalitions and collaboration are essential. The prime ministers are seen as weak with limited power, although they have a growing institutional and media presence that is generated by the new media demands, regular participation as head of the government in the European Union, and crisis management. Dutch cabinet government is driven through the networks at the centre of government where prime ministers are the key linking figures for parties, civil service, and parliament.
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"Purple puzzles: the 1994 and 1998 government formations in the Netherlands and coalition theory." In Puzzles of Government Formation, 165–82. Routledge, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203007815-15.

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Reports on the topic "Coalition governments – Netherlands"

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Moury, Catherine, and Arco Timmermans. Inter-Party Conflict Management in Coalition Governments: Analyzing the Role of Coalition Agreements in Belgium, Germany, Italy and the Netherlands. Librello, July 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12924/pag2013.01020117.

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