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1

Paul, Thierry. "Three essays on inter-sectoral labour migration and government policy." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240905.

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2

Narus, Joseph John. "Coal to Oil in China: Scientific Development or Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones?" PDXScholar, 2010. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/169.

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Since the start of the 21st century, energy security concerns and rising international energy costs have led China to pursue the development of a coal to oil industry, whereby converting a portion of the nation's abundant coal reserves into gasoline, diesel, or jet fuel, China might be able to increase its domestic oil production and generate profits. But a large-scale coal to oil industry exerts added pressure on China's domestic coal reserves and water resources, and generates significant greenhouse gas emissions. The tension between the potential benefits of coal to oil development and its associated negative externalities present a challenge for China's energy policymakers, who must balance competing demands for energy security, resource management, and equitable development. The challenge of effectively managing the development of this industry is complicated by the characteristic problems plaguing energy sector governance in China, including the absence of a powerful energy policymaking institution, the decentralized nature of the country's economic development, and the influence of large energy companies. This study examines the evolution of China's coal to oil industry and the policies shaping its development in order to better understand energy sector governance in China and the complex challenges confronting policymakers as they strive to balance an array of competing demands. It finds that weak energy institutions and powerful domestic actors indeed hinder China's ability to efficiently formulate energy policies for the coal to oil industry, while considerations about the industry's environmental and resource impacts compel a cautious approach to development. China's incremental approach to formulating a long-term plan for the development of the coal to oil industry may, in the end, yield more effective policies.
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3

Chow, Shuk-mei, and 周淑美. "An evaluation of the rice control policy in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31965805.

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4

Foster, Deborah. "Privatisation policy in local government : the response of public sector trade unions." Thesis, University of Bath, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.292079.

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5

Lok, Wai-shing. "The food health policy of Hong Kong SAR Government." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B23530145.

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6

Omar, I. H. "Market power, vertical linkages and government policy : The Malaysian fish industry." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.382857.

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7

Syrett, Keith John. "Language, legislation and labour : trade union responses to Conservative Government policy 1979-1990." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1473/.

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The thesis examines the responses, as articulated in language, of the trade union movement in the UK (especially, the TUC) to changes in labour legislation introduced by the Conservative Government between 1979 and 1990. The research attempts to identify and interpret key words, themes and repertoires within union discourse by analysis of TUC pamphlets, 'campaign' literature, policy documents and speeches at the annual Congress, supplemented by information obtained from informal interviews with several union figures involved in constructing a response to the legislation. The nature and extent of changes in patterns of union language are explored through consideration of the materials over two distinct time periods - 1979-1983 and 1986-1990 - thus allowing examination of the rhetorical responses of the TUC/unions throughout the duration of the Thatcher Government. In order to place such responses in context, and to examine the extent to which the vocabulary of the unions was both shared with and shaped by other participants in the policy process, consideration has also been given to the language of Government in documents such as Green Papers and in Parliamentary debates, in addition to that of 'New Right' commentators who may have influenced the making of policy on labour legislation. Particular attention is paid to the way in which the characterisation of union immunities from legal liability as 'privileges' shaped the linguistic response of the unions and their strategy towards the presence of law in industrial relations. Union language during the period 1979-1990 is found to exhibit characteristics both of change and continuity. Those alterations which occured are considered in the light of theories of Thatcherism as a hegemonic project and in the context of wider changes in the discourse of the Left. The problem of isolating causative factors is also addressed.
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8

Limardi, Michela <1981&gt. "Trade policy, government and non-State regulation of international labor and environmental standards." Doctoral thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2011. http://amsdottorato.unibo.it/4205/.

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9

Milligan, Joseph E. "The determinants Of United States government policy And practice towards offsets in international trade /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FMilligan.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Program Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Richard Doyle, Raymond Franck. Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-120). Also available online.
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10

駱偉成 and Wai-shing Lok. "The food health policy of Hong Kong SAR Government." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966913.

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11

Lusk, Shannon Perry. "Analysis of the holistic impact of the hydrogen economy on the coal industry." Diss., Rolla, Mo. : University of Missouri-Rolla, 2007. http://scholarsmine.mst.edu/thesis/pdf/Lusk_Dissertation_09007dcc805b8a35.pdf.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri--Rolla, 2007.
Vita. The entire thesis text (excluding Appendix B) is included in file. Title from title screen of thesis/dissertation PDF file (viewed December 1, 2008) Includes bibliographical references (p. 144-150).
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12

Manning, Elizabeth Sophie Mary. "Local content and related trade policy: Australian applications /." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm2832.pdf.

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13

Molnar, Krisztina. "Government Export Support in a Global Era." University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2695.

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Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)
Globalisation in general and trade liberalisation in particular have impacted on many areas of industrialised governments’ foreign economic policy. Export support is an area which is inevitably affected by trade liberalisation, as governments are expected to decrease their intervention into exports in the name of barrier-free(er) trade. However, if one considers that the 1990s and 2000s have seen governments expanding their trade promotion agencies, increasing funding for export support provision and developing a range of new export support programmes, it is easy to recognise that government export support seems to have grown, rather than diminished over the past decade. This thesis investigates the complex influences of the world trade regime, to create a nuanced picture within globalisation theories - which ultimately explains the paradox of growing government support in the era of deepening trade liberalisation.
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Lee, Man-yiu, and 李民耀. "Implementation of government related electronic trade document services in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31268092.

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15

Nompunga, Simpiwe. "The theory and practice of procurement systems and affirmative procurement policy." Thesis, Click here for online access, 2005. http://dk.cput.ac.za/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1075&context=td_cput.

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16

Tsui, Po-yung, and 徐寶容. "A comparative study of industrial adjustment in Hong Kong and Japan: the study of textiles and garmentsindustries." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951491.

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17

Lai, Sui-king, and 黎瑞琼. "The trade policy of Hong Kong: an analysis ofagenda-setting in the revitalisation of Hong Kong's textiles andclothing industries." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966226.

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18

Wang, Yan Chao. "EU's agricultural support policy and its revelation on China's agricultural policy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555588.

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19

McLean, Kathleen Ann 1952. "Culture, commerce and ambivalence : a study of Australian federal government intervention in book publishing." Monash University, National Centre for Australian Studies, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/7566.

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20

Tan, Z. "The development of the Chinese automobile industry since 1949 : the role of government." Thesis, Coventry University, 2013. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/7b0548cb-b6de-448c-851f-123c111607ec/1.

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This research analysed four main themes – role of government, globalisation, foreign direct investment (FDI), and industrial clusters in the context of Chinese automobile industry. The aim was to explore how these four elements were brought together to achieve industrial development and modernisation in the Chinese automobile industry since 1949. In particular, the globalisation process, speedily driven by the world economy, has been shaping the automobile industry in a profound way. With this mega trend, China was able to initiate a set of policies undertaken by the government to develop its own automobile industry in several regional clusters across the country, which in turn hastened the progress of modernisation. Moreover, FDI has been critical for remaking a once backward automobile industry into one that has large-scale assembly capacity, comprehensive local supply networks, and a new generation of indigenous car brands and models. The overall methods adopted for this research are semi-structured face to face interviews and case studies. In order to accomplish the research aim, 11 interviews have been carried out with key personnel drawn from the Chinese automobile industry. Participants have been chosen because of their expertise on this topic. In addition, three case studies were developed on the performance of three different types of firms operating in China: private (Geely), state-owned (Chery), and joint venture (Beijing Hyundai). Three cases were analysed in-depth in order to gain a rich understanding of the context of operation in the Chinese automobile industry. The key conclusions are both the role of government and FDI by multinational firms have been crucial to the development of the automobile industry in China and will be so for many years to come.
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Chan, Wai-keung Timothy, and 陳偉強. "A comparative study on the industrial policy in Japan and South Korea." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951867.

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22

Salvi, Tiziana. "The last fifty years of legal opium in Hong Kong, 1893-1943." Thesis, Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2004. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31326353.

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23

Commendatore, Pasquale, Christoph Hammer, Ingrid Kubin, and Carmelo Petraglia. "Policy Issues in NEG Models: Established Results and Open Questions." Springer International Publishing AG, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65627-4_2.

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This paper provides a non-technical overview of NEG models dealing with policy issues. Considered policy measures include alternative categories of public expenditure, international tax competition, unilateral actions of protection/liberalisation, and trade agreements. The implications of public intervention in two-region NEG models are discussed by unfolding the impact of policy measures on agglomeration/dispersion forces. Results are described in contrast with those obtained in standard non-NEG theoretical models. The high degree of abstraction limits the applicability of NEG models to real world policy issues. We discuss in some detail two extensions of NEG models to reduce this applicability gap: the cases of multi-regional frameworks and firm heterogeneity.
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24

Müller, Suzana Simão. "Brazil in the world trade of forest products export performance and government policy from 1961 to 1989 /." Madison, WI, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29809221.html.

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25

Williams, Stephen T. "Policy instruments in the American and Canadian oil sectors, 1973-77 : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28309.

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This thesis compares policy instruments in the American and Canadian oil sectors from 1973 to 1977, the years immediately following the Arab oil embargo. Public policy has traditionally emphasized objectives over instruments even though instruments are at the heart of the policy making process. This case study helps to address this deficiency in the policy literature. It begins by providing a review of the instrument choice literature. Doern and Phidd's typology, which arranges instruments in terms of degrees of coercion, subsequently forms the basis for Chapter Two. Chapter Two's analysis of American and Canadian oil policy reveals that both countries agreed upon the security of supply objective. Furthermore, both deployed many similar instruments including suasion, direct expenditures, loans and guarantees, taxation, and regulation to reach the objective. However, one very important difference in instrument choice was made. While Canada deployed the most coercive policy instrument (public enterprise), the United States did not. Chapter Three offers three explanations for this specific difference. They are (1) differences in ideology, (2) market factors, and (3) differences in government institutions. The difference in ideology is the most important explanation. American ideology is decidedly more conservative than Canadian ideology. As such, American governments are less inclined to create government corporations, like national oil companies, than are Canadian governments. Furthermore, ideology is invariably reflected in a nation's party system, and neither of America's mainstream parties advocated the creation of an NOC while Canada's government party did. Market factors are also important. Countries with formidable industrial bases, such as the United States, are less likely to create public corporations than are those with weaker industrial bases. In the particular case of oil, Canada's oil industry was predominantly foreign-owned owing to insufficient pools of domestic capital. America's industry was overwhelmingly domestically-owned. Hence whereas Canada's NOC was the only oil company truly loyal to the Canadian people, an American NOC would have had to compete with home-based multinationals making it relatively unattractive to governing elites, and unnecessary to the American public. Finally, the differences between Canadian and American institutions are stark and important. Canada's parliamentary system of government fosters public corporations because corporations are easy to create and offer significant benefits to their political masters who can control them. The Canadian government set out to create an NOC in the mid-1970s and came across no obstacles. On the other hand, America's presidential system discourages public corporations. Not only did American Presidents and Congressmen not desire an NOC, but they were unable to legislate what comprehensive oil policy they did desire.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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26

Zelikow, Daniel Martin. "A political economy of business regulation in Nigeria : an examination of the Nigerian Enterprises Promotion Decrees of 1972 and 1977." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2daa2f80-b4b6-40c0-88b7-e291052a2199.

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27

Etzold, Peter Eric. "National policy approaches to reduce food insecurity in developing market economies." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9836.

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28

Gaskin, Sean. "A critical analysis of the South African automotive industry and government incentive policy." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1358.

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The automotive industry in South Africa exists in its current state due to the developmental programmes created by the South African government. During the next three years the government’s main development policy for the automotive industry will change from the Motor Industry Development Programme (MIDP) to the Automotive Production and Development Programme (APDP). As a result of this change there were feelings of uncertainty experienced across the domestic automotive industry during the APDP’s design and the period leading up to its launch, more or less years 2008 to 2010. Also present is the fear that the industry would collapse when faced with global competition should this change not fully comprehend all aspects of South Africa’s automotive industry. The research problem addressed in this study was to determine the effect on the sector’s competiveness in light of the impending change in governmental development programmes. This was accurately explained and expressed clearly while sub problems were identified from areas in the main problem that required further analysis due to their criticality or lack of clarity. A comprehensive literature review was executed to understand the nature and extent of the South African automotive industry, the Motor Industry Development Programme and the Automotive Production and Development Programme. A primary research instrument was constructed, in the form of a questionnaire, to test specific themes exposed during the literature review which can influence the sector’s competitive advantage. This questionnaire was distributed with the assistance of industry representative bodies NAAMSA (National Association of Automobile Manufacturers of South Africa, the domestic de facto representative body) and NAACAM (National Association of Automotive Component and Allied Manufacturers, a component manufacturers’ representative body), to an even spread of respondents representative of the senior management and executives of automotive companies in South Africa. From the results obtained from the sample group, it seemed that there was consensus on many issues regarding the current structure of the South African automotive industry. Specifically, the profitability of vehicle assemblers and component manufacturers is heavily iii influenced by the incentives offered under the MIDP and the industry is not viable without them. The respondents were virtually unanimous in indicating that there is a need for some form of incentive programme and were positive about the effect the MIDP has had thus far on the automotive industry of South Africa, particularly the effect on the structure, focus and encouraging a reduction in complexity. The research found that it is common practice for OEMs to include the import duty on vehicles imported for domestic consumption even though this duty will be paid with the use of import-duty rebate credit certificates (IRCCs), which are provided to those vehicle assemblers who are net exporters of vehicles. Looking to the future, it emerged that the APDP will have a similar, positive effect on the domestic automotive industry when compared to the MIDP, but the effect will be experienced in a more aggressive manner. Companies will be encouraged by the new development programme to more aggressively improve aspects such as restructuring, rationalising, reducing model proliferation and improving low scale economies for example. Also the APDP will encourage OEMs to increase plant production volumes and ensure that reasonable scale economies are present to develop a domestic component supply industry to a degree. However, the volumes will be insufficient to create a world-class supplier industry. As a result automotive companies will have to be more aggressive in their adoption of more automated production processes and through Automotive Investment Scheme capital investment will increase in both vehicle assemblers and component manufacturers. Component manufacturers indicated that they would invest more in the coming years under the APDP than previously while vehicle assemblers indicated that their investment levels will remain as before. While this is good for the industry, labour is somewhat left out of this: considering the APDP’s focus on increased volumes and capital investments automotive companies are not incentivised to make use of labour-absorbing production processes. The study also found that there is still a need for tariff protection and that the domestic industry would collapse in the face of global competition. The research found that the APDP was compliant with South Africa’s commitments to the World Trade Organisation. Finally, the Department of Trade and Industry’s goal of producing 1.2 million vehicles per annum by 2020 was revealed to be unrealistic and unreachable.
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Puk, Wing Kin. "State, salt, and society in late imperial China : a study of Lianghuai." HKBU Institutional Repository, 1993. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/13.

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Burt, Steven Leslie. "The Loi Royer and hypermarket development in France : a study of public policy towards retailing." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2534.

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In 1973, the French government, in response to considerable pressure from small retailer interest groups, introduced legislation aimed at restricting the future growth of large area retail stores. The "Loi Royer" established a series of departmental planning commissions composed of retailer, locally elected, and consumer representatives. These commissions were given the power to authorise or reject planning applications for large retail units and extensions to existing stores, above certain size thresholds dependent upon the size of the commune in which development was to take place. The law allowed for an appeal procedure in which the Minister of Commerce and Crafts, advised by a national commission of similar composition, was the final arbiter. This thesis examines the impact of the "Loi Royer", with particular reference to hypermarket development in France. The spatial and structural growth of large stores, and large retail organisations is assessed, with case studies undertaken on the application of the law in the Brittany region, and the growth of the Carrefour group. The role and form of public policy in the retail sector in general is also considered. The composition of the commissions and proceedures established by the legislation provided considerable potential for influencing the development of large stores in France. However, whilst the legislation has had some short term and localised impact upon hypermarket development, in the long term, the restrictive effects of the law must be questioned. By exploiting various loopholes and failings in the legislation, hypermarket openings have continued, and the large retail groups have maintained their growth largely at the expense of the small retailer, whom the law was intended to protect. The legislation may also have indirectly encouraged numerous strategic adaptions, on the part of the larger retail organisations, which have served to further improve their position vis a vis smaller retailers, or introduced large retail groups into sectors traditionally dominated by independent traders.
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Walton, Kevin John Davlin. "The Mystery of Governance: Its Direct and Indirect Impact on Economic Growth." Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1340.

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Thesis advisor: Robert Murphy
In this paper, I explore the connection between governance and economic growth. Economic growth has been a phenomenon experienced by some countries, but totally lacking in others. This paper explores the role of governance on growth, utilizing the governance indicators developed by the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators project. I develop a model that is a synthesis of the Solow Growth Model, as well as the growth models developed by Burnside and Dollar (2000) and Kaufmann and Kraay (2002). My results conclude that governance is linked with economic growth through two channels: first, governance and economic growth are positively correlated with each other; and secondly, good governance positively affects trade and investment, which then is positively associated with the growth of GDP per capita. Thus, good governance should be of the utmost concern for countries attempting to achieve growth of GDP per capita
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Economics Honors Program
Discipline: Economics
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Giantsos, John. "The effects of trade policy on the development of the South African petrochemical industry." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002749.

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The objective of the research was to determine the role which South African trade policy played in shaping the development of the domestic petrochemical industry. The focus of the study falls on the domestic development of the petrochemical industry in general, and the polymer industry in particular. Three broad stages are distinguished in the domestic development of the petrochemical industry. Prior to the early 1970's development occurred primarily on an ad hoc basis, with the establishment of domestic production plants for most major petrochemicals. The development of the domestic petrochemical industry over the period from the early 1970's to the early 1980's was characterised by rapid growth in the domestic production of petrochemicals, while the period from the early 1980's to the early 1990's saw a significant slowdown in the annual growth rate for the domestic production of petrochemicals. The role of trade policy in the industry's development over each of these three periods could not be established conclusively. In each period a number of factors were identified which may have impacted on the industry's development. However, two factors do appear to have played particularly important roles in the industry's development prior to the early 1980's, namely strong growth in domestic petrochemical demand and the provision of a substantial degree of protection through quantitative import controls and tariffs. with regard to the industry's development over the period from the early 1980's to the early 1990's, a number of factors were identified which may have influenced trends in domestic petrochemical production, including the withdrawal of quantitative import controls and the progressive lowering of import tariffs, the depreciation of the rand in the mid-1980's, a slowdown in the growth of the domestic demand for petrochemicals, the fall in the international prices of petrochemicals in the early 1980's, and the fall in the international oil price in the mid-1980's. In view of the small size of the domestic petrochemical market it is recommended that local petrochemical producers should continue to expand their focus beyond that of producing solely for the requirements of the domestic market. In light of the key role played by the petrochemical industry in a modern economy, it is also recommended that the industry in South Africa receive more attention from policy makers than it has in the past.
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Gordon, H. William (Harold William). "Trade Negotiations in Agriculture: A Comparative Study of the U.S. and the EC." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc935682/.

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This study applies Destler's institutional counterweights to Putnam's two-level analysis, substituting Liberal Institutionalism and Realism for internationalism and isolationism, in a comparative case study of the roles played by the U.S. and the EC in multilateral trade negotiations in agriculture under the aegis of the General Agreement for Tariffs and Trade during the first half of the Uruguay Round. Using game theory as an analytical tool in the process, this present study demonstrates that a clear pattern emerges in which stages of cooperation and deadlock can be easily anticipated in games of Chicken and Prisoners' Dilemma in accordance with various but predictable levels of institutional influence.
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Diagana, Bocar Nene. "Demand versus a severely constrained domestic supply : an analysis of the rice imbalance in Senegal." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9831.

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Horscroft, Virginia. "Negotiating on the margin : the political economy of trade policy in the Fiji Islands 1999-2005." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670001.

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Sauw, Yim, and 蕭艷. "Free market paradigm Vs regulatory paradigm: in quest of the stock market." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966007.

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Malumfashi, Garba Ibrahim. "'Green' public procurement policies, climate change mitigation and international trade regulation : an assessment of the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2010. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/24c7aef7-074c-48db-877a-f9d22b51d7f5.

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This research examines the legal issues arising in the inter-relationship between climate change law and policy on the one hand, and international trade regulation on the other. The focus is government procurement. It looks at “green” government procurement (GPP) policies and practices used by the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol as a tool for climate change mitigation, and as it relates to these countries’ obligations under the WTO Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA). GPP is government purchase practice that favours goods, services and service suppliers that are more climate-friendly and energy efficient over similar others that are less so. For example, under the EU GPP policy, for climate reasons, procurement authorities have a preference for green electricity (generated from renewable sources) as against the conventional fossil-based electricity. The two types of “electricities” are ordinarily same products as far as their performance is concerned, that is, at the consumption level. Discriminating between the two has the potential to raise serious issues of law at WTO level.Under the WTO non-discrimination disciplines (GATT Arts. I and III, and GPA Art.III) product or service standards based on non-product related processes and production methods (PPMs) such as climate friendliness should not serve to permit differentiation in treatment between “like” products. The general exceptions provisions (GATT Art. XX(b) and (g) and GPA Art. XXIII) however, may permit such climate-related differential measures if they are: (1) necessary to achieve the legitimate policy objective intended, (2) not applied in a discriminatory manner and (3) not a disguised restriction on international trade. There are two issues of major concern to this study: First, there are textual discrepancies as between the GATT and GPA provisions related both to the nondiscrimination norms and the exceptions, which may pose interpretation difficulties in the event of a dispute. Secondly, the provisions of GATT Art. XX (b) and (g) are interpreted to refer to environment in general terms. However, the current trend is to single out and address climate change separately from among other environmental problems of transboundary nature. This is in view of the urgency associated with the challenge it poses. Generally, also, in accordance with established WTO jurisprudence, the party who invokes the GATT Art. XX exceptions bears the burden to prove the measure in question as being covered under the exceptions. Some scholars suggest that this situation places at a disadvantage the subjects covered by the exception provisions (in this case climate-related procurement). Examined, therefore, is not only the extent to which GPP practices can be accommodated under these exceptions, which are also in line with the WTO’s recognition of the principles of sustainable development, but also whether climate-friendly procurement is best protected if expressly provided for as “positive norm” in the text of the GPA. The Revised GPA 2007 (not yet in force) contains a new paragraph (Art. X:6) which explicitly permits the Parties to include environmental considerations in their procurement policies. This study argues that the revision would not fundamentally address the issues observed earlier. In order to avoid the interpretation difficulties envisaged, and to promote mutual supportiveness and coherence between the climate and trade regimes further amendment would be necessary to the text of Art. XXIII of the GPA to the general exceptions, or in the alternative, to Art. X:6 of the Revised GPA. The amendment should, subject to appropriate conditions, explicitly permit discriminatory GP measures meant to address climate change subject. This amendment would effectively shift the burden of proof from the Party maintaining the measure to the one complaining against it. In the final analysis, this research will contribute to the current discourse on what role the WTO may play in the efforts to fashion out new international climate policy to succeed the Kyoto Protocol to the UNFCCC by 2012.
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38

Tratt, Jacqueline Elizabeth. "The British government and the problem of European trade, November 1958 to August 1961 : a study in the process of policy development." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282104.

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39

Perin, Laurie A. "The North American Free Trade Agreement and Environment Debate: A Case Study on the Influence of Values, Beliefs, and Life Experiences in Government Agenda-Setting." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1142361798.

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40

Wise, Bruce (Bruce Douglas) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Labour versus the state : the conflicting policy interests and ideas of the Canadian trade union movement and the Federal Conservative Government, 1984-1988." Ottawa, 1990.

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41

Coskeran, Helen Mary. "Farm talks and the new quad : an analysis of agriculture negotiations in the Doha Round between the established and the rising powers." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608082.

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42

Wai, Pong-wa, and 韋邦華. "Embedded autonomy in the "East Asian economic miracle": the case of Hong Kong with special reference to banking,textile and garments, and electronics sectors." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B29791133.

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43

Zeidler, Andreas. "The state as a facilitator in the illicit global political economy : Guinea-Bissau and the global cocaine trade." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6856.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study aims to approach illicit market activity, particularly transnational organ-ised crime, from a political-economy point of view. The study of illicit market activity is characterised by various and often ambiguous concepts and approaches. The benefits of a political-economy approach include the provision of an alternative view of the illicit, combin-ing aspects from these various approaches. The study of the Global Political Economy (GPE) examines the relationship between authority, mostly in the form of states, and markets. This thesis looks at the relationship between the state and illicit markets. It does so by using the concept Illicit Global Political Economy (IGPE), which is defined as concerning the social, political and economic arrangements affecting the global systems of illicit production, ex-change and distribution, and the mix of values reflected therein. States, illicit markets and criminal actors are considered here as interdependent and interrelated parts of the IGPE spe-cifically, and the overall GPE. Within this relationship several „roles‟ of the state are identi-fied: the state as a creator and regulator of the illicit, through its legislative and executive au-thorities; the state as a locale of the illicit, as home, host, transhipment or service state for transnational criminal activities; the state as a victim of the illicit, for example, through the inherent nature of crime denying the state´s jurisdiction over its territory and also through the use of violence or corruption by criminals; and the state as a facilitator for illicit activity, meaning that certain characteristics of states can enable illicit activity. This thesis is primarily concerned with the last role of the state. It is argued that certain characteristics of states, par-ticularly weak and transitional states, enable the state´s exploitation by criminal actors. In the framework provided by Phil Williams (2002) seven of these characteristics are referred to as capacity gaps, which can result in functional holes, possibly enabling illicit activity. The pri-mary research question of this thesis is, consequently: Is the role of the state as a facilitator in the IGPE enabled by the existence of capacity gaps and functional holes? The West African state of Guinea-Bissau has been chosen as a case study for its role as a transhipment state in the global cocaine trade. In the first part of the analytical process of this thesis, the global cocaine trade and its historical development are described and analysed for the social, political and economic arrangements affecting it. This highlights the im-portance of taking into account these arrangements for a full understanding of the illicit. Addi-tionally, an analysis of the political-economy of Guinea-Bissau provides the necessary back-ground for understanding the second part of this thesis´ approach. Here, the state of Guinea-Bissau is examined firstly for the existence of capacity gaps and functional holes. If they are found to exist, whether and how they are being used by cocaine traffickers is examined. It was found that six out of seven capacity gaps exist in Guinea-Bissau, most of which are being used by the cocaine traffickers. The involvement of the military in the drug trade in combina-tion with its apparent extra-judicial standing is found to be of particular importance for the cocaine traffickers. This analysis allows for the research question to be answered positively. Moreover, the thesis can be considered to generally affirm the usefulness of a political-economy approach to analysing the illicit and affirms specifically the usefulness of the con-cept of the IGPE.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie poog om onwettige markaktiwiteite, spesifiek transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad, uit 'n politiek-ekonomiese standpunt te benader. Die studie van die onwettige word gekarakteriseer deur verskeie en dikwels dubbelsinnige konsepte en benaderings. Die voordele van 'n politiek-ekonomiese benadering sluit die voorsiening van 'n alternatiewe beskouing van die onwettige dus 'n kombinasie van aspekte van die verskillende benaderings. Die studie van Globale Politieke Ekonomie (GPE) fokus op die verhouding tussen gesag, meestal in die vorm van die state en markte. Hierdie tesis fokus op die verhouding tussen die staat en onwettige markte. Dit word gedoen deur gebruik te maak van die konsep Onwettige Globale Politieke Ekonomie (OGPE), wat gedefinieer kan word as die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese reëlings wat die globale sisteem van onwettige produksie, wisseling en dustribusie affekteer, en die vermenging van waardes wat daardeur gereflekteer word. State, markte en kriminele akteurs word hier beskou as afhanklike en onderliggende dele van die OGPE, spesifiek, en die algehele GPE. Binne hierdie verhouding kan daar verskeie „rolle‟ van die staat geïdentifiseer word: die staat as skepper en reguleerder van die onwettige deur die wetgewende en uitvoerende gesag; die staat as lokaliteit van die onwettige, as tuiste, gasheer, oorskeping of diens staat vir transnasionale georganiseerde misdaadaktiwiteite; die staat as slagoffer van die onwettige, byvoorbeeld deur die inherente natuur van misdaad wat die staat se jurisdiksie oor sy grense ontneem asook deur die gebruik van geweld of korrupsie deur kriminele; en die staat as fasiliteerder vir onwettige aktiwiteite, wat beteken dat sekere eienskappe van die staat onwettige aktiwiteite moontlik maak. Hierdie tesis fokus spesifiek op laasgenoemde rol van die staat. Daar word geargumenteer dat sekere eienskappe van state, meer spesifiek swak en oorgangstate, dit makliker maak vir kriminele akteurs om die staat uit te buit. In die raamwerk wat voorgestel word deur Phil Williams (2002) word daar sewe van hierdie eienskappe geïdentifiseer en verwys na as kapasiteitsopeninge wat funksionele gapings kan veroorsaak, en so onwettinge aktiwiteite moontlik maak. Die primêre navorsingsvraag van hierdie tesis is gevolglik: Word die rol van die staat as fasiliteerder in die OGPE moontlik gemaak deur die teenwoordigheid van kapasiteitsopeninge en funksionele gapings? Die Wes-Afrika staat Guinee-Bissau dien as gevallestudie vir sy rol as oorskeep staat in globale handel in kokaïen. In die eerste gedeelte van die analitiese proses van hierdie tesis, word globale handel in kokaïen en die historiese ontwikkeling daarvan beskryf en geanaliseer vir die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese reëlings wat ‟n impak daarop het. Dit bring die belangrikheid van die inagneming van hierdie reëlings, indien die onwettige verstaan wil word, na vore. 'n Addisonele analiese van die politieke ekonomie van Guinee-Bissau verskaf die nodige agtergrond- informasie om die tweede gedeelte van hierdie tesis se benadering te verstaan. Hier die staat Guinee-Bissau word eerstens ondersoek vir die teenwoordigheid van kapasiteitsopeninge en funksionele gapings, en tweedens hoe dit gebruik word deur kokaïen smokkelaars. Die studie vind dat ses vanuit die sewe kapasiteitsopeninge wel in Guinee-Bissau voorkom en gebruik word deur smokkelaars. Die wederregtelike rol van die landmag, wat gewoonlik die smokkelaars ondersteun, is vir die smokkelaars baie belangrik. Hierdie analiese laat dit toe dat die navorsingsvraag positief beantwoord word. Verder, in hierdie tesis word die bruikbaarheid van 'n politiek-ekonomiese aanslag tot die onwettige en die spesifieke teoretiese fondasies daarvan bevestig.
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44

Paterson, Craig. "Prohibition & resistance: a socio-political exploration of the changing dynamics of the southern African cannabis trade, c. 1850 - the present." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002403.

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Looking primarily at the social and political trends in South Africa over the course of the last century and a half, this thesis explores how these trends have contributed to the establishment of the southern Africa cannabis complex. Through an examination of the influence which the colonial paradigm based on Social Darwinian thinking had on the understanding of the cannabis plant in southern Africa, it is argued that cannabis prohibition and apartheid laws rested on the same ideological foundation. This thesis goes on to argue that the dynamics of cannabis production and trade can be understood in terms of the interplay between the two themes of ‘prohibition’ and ‘resistance’. Prohibition is not only understood to refer to cannabis laws, but also to the proscription of inter-racial contact and segregation dictated by the apartheid regime. Resistance, then, refers to both resistance to apartheid and resistance to cannabis laws in this thesis. Including discussions on the hippie movement and development of the world trade, the anti-apartheid movement, the successful implementation of import substitution strategies in Europe and North America from the 1980’s, and South Africa’s incorporation into the global trade, this thesis illustrates how the apartheid system (and its collapse) influenced the region’s cannabis trade.
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Menendez, Gonzalez Irene. "The politics of compensation under trade : openness, economic geography and spending." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7974d14a-b88d-46a3-99aa-553dc85a9192.

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This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.
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Steinecke, Tim. "National oil companies and state actors : an assessment of the role of Petronas and ONGC in the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India using the example of overseas investments in Sudan and South Sudan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7765.

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The thesis addresses the role of national oil companies and their overseas engagement in the foreign policy decision-making process of states. Over the past 40 years, national oil companies have gained importance in the international oil industry and currently control around 90 per cent of the global oil reserves. A number of political and economic factors – depleting domestic reserves, economic growth – have resulted in an increasing expansion of Asian national oil companies to Africa. Through the use of two Asian national oil companies – Malaysia's Petronas and India's Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC) – and their overseas engagement in Sudan and South Sudan as case studies, the thesis assesses three aspects: factors and motives that influence the relationship between government institutions and Petronas and ONGC, the connection between this domestic relationship and the overseas engagement of both companies, and the implications of the overseas engagement of Petronas and ONGC in both Sudans for the foreign policy decision-making process of Malaysia and India. This set of questions is analysed through a comparative case study design that is supported by in-depth interviews and based on Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), proposing a four-level theoretical framework. This thesis thus seeks to demonstrate how FPA can help assess the connection between the domestic decision-making process and the international engagement of the companies. In doing so, it not only argues that process and engagement are in fact connected, but also critically addresses conventional assumptions about the overseas engagement of national oil companies. Furthermore, this thesis questions the idea that government institutions and national oil companies act in a coherent and coordinated manner when operating abroad.
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Foot, Anne. "A policy of plunder: the development and normalisation of neo-patrimonialism in Equatorial Guinea." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86299.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Equatorial Guinea has, since the mid-1990s, been an oil-rich state. With the highest GDP per capita it should be a continental leader in terms of development. Instead, it ranks in one of the worst positions on the United Nations Development Programme’s (UNDP) Human Development Index (HDI). This study employs the theory of neopatrimonialism to explain why such a discrepancy in these development indicators is evident. As a result of examining the post-independence regimes in Equatorial Guinea through the theoretical lens of neo-patrimonialism it is possible to conclude that the country is afflicted by a governance curse, rather than the more narrowly defined ‘resource curse’ that has become the central explanation of the situation in the country since the discovery of oil favoured by the existing literature on the subject. Instead, this study highlights the fact that the neo-patrimonial nature of the regime in Equatorial Guinea has developed steadily over the years since independence was granted by Spain in 1968, and indeed, the seeds of this system were in fact evident during Spanish colonial control. Whilst the existing literature has focused on the role of oil in explaining the dire state that Equatorial Guinea finds itself in, this study argues that there are other central factors that need to be examined. These include: the Spanish colonial legacy that led the way for such a system to take root; the role of the first post-independence president, Macías Nguema (1968-1979) and; the regime of Obiang Nguema (1979- present). By looking at these factors in addition to the role of oil it is possible to conclude that the neo-patrimonial system in place in Equatorial Guinea has much deeper roots than the existing literature acknowledges. It is vital to examine these deeper roots in order to discover an understanding of and effective solution to the current situation. Moreover, through examining the central features and operations of the ‘predatory’ neo-patrimonial regime in Equatorial Guinea, most notably the profligate spending and evident capital flight, it is possible to acknowledge the international nature of the problem: a factor that has heretofore been neglected in the literature. A greater focus on this issue is necessary in order to understand why the regime is sustained and what prospects there can be for future regime change. The outcomes of the study suggest that a ‘predatory’ neo-patrimonial regime is the central explanation for how the political sphere operates in Equatorial Guinea. This means that there can be no distinction made between the central features of the state and the personal property of those that rule it. It is a classic, modern-day example of ‘L’État c’est moi’. As such, the Nguema family have since independence treated the state resources as their own private property to do with as they wish. This means that there has been no attention paid to the development of Equatorial Guinea as it is not in the interests of the ruling elites to do so. Instead, they utilise state resources for their own self-enrichment. Such behaviour accounts for why despite having the highest GDP per capita on the African continent, Equatorial Guinea has such a low rank in the UNDP Human Development Index. It can therefore be concluded that Equatorial Guinea is affected by a governance curse that has decimated the state since independence, rather than the popularised theory of a ‘resource curse’ which has been used in explanations since the discovery of oil in the mid-1990s. iii
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ekwatoriaal-Guinee is reeds sedert die middel negentigerjare ’n olieryke staat. Met die hoogste BBP per capita behoort dit die leier op die vasteland te wees wat ontwikkeling betref. Dit beklee egter een van die laagste plekke op die menslike ontwikkelingsindeks (HDI) van die Verenigde Nasies se Ontwikkelingsprogram (UNDP). In hierdie studie is die teorie van neopatrimonialisme gebruik in ’n poging om die teenstrydigheid in hierdie ontwikkelingsaanwysers te verklaar. Op grond van ’n ondersoek van die regimes na onafhanklikheid in Ekwatoriaal- Guinee deur die teoretiese lens van neopatrimonialisme kan die gevolgtrekking gemaak word dat die land onder ’n regeringsvloek gebuk gaan, eerder as die eng gedefinieerde ‘hulpbronvloek’ wat die vernaamste verklaring geword het vir die situasie in die land sedert die ontdekking van olie, soos in die huidige literatuur oor die onderwerp aangevoer word. Hierdie studie beklemtoon hierteenoor die feit dat die neopatrimoniale aard van die regime in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee met verloop van tyd ontwikkel het sedert Spanje die land in 1968 onafhanklik verklaar het. Die sade van hierdie stelsel was inderwaarheid reeds sigbaar tydens Spaanse koloniale beheer. Waar die bestaande literatuur fokus op die rol van olie in die verklaring van die nypende toestand waarin Ekwatoriaal-Guinee verkeer, word in hierdie studie aangevoer dat ander kernfaktore ook ondersoek moet word. Dit sluit in die Spaanse koloniale erfenis wat die weg gebaan het vir die groei van so ’n stelsel; die rol van die eerste president na onafhanklikwording, Macias Nguema (1968–1979); en die regime van Obiang Nguema (1979 – tans). Deur hierdie faktore tesame met die rol van olie in oorweging te bring, kan die gevolgtrekking gemaak word dat die neopatrimoniale stelsel in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee veel dieper wortels het as wat in die bestaande literatuur erken word. Die ondersoek van hierdie dieper wortels is noodsaaklik ten einde begrip van en doeltreffende oplossings vir die huidige situasie te verkry. Deur die ondersoek van die kernfaktore en -bedrywighede van die ‘roofsugtige’ neopatrimoniale regime in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee, vernaamlik die roekelose verkwistinge en sigbare kapitaaluitvloei, is dit moontlik om die internasionale aard van die probleem te identifiseer – ’n faktor wat tot op hede in die literatuur nagelaat is. Groter fokus op hierdie kwessie is nodig ten einde te begryp waarom die regime volgehou word en watter vooruitsigte daar is vir toekomstige regimeverandering. Die uitkomste van hierdie studie doen aan die hand dat ’n ‘roofsugtige’ neopatrimoniale regime inderwaarheid die vernaamste verklaring is vir die werking van die politieke sfeer in Ekwatoriaal-Guinee. Dit beteken dat geen onderskeid getref kan word tussen die kerneienskappe van die staat en die persoonlike eiendom van diegene in bewind nie. Dit is ’n klassieke, hedendaagse voorbeeld van ‘L’Etat c’est moi’. As sodanig hanteer die Nguema-familie sedert onafhanklikwording die staat se hulpbronne as hul eie private eiendom wat hulle na willekeur aanwend. Dit beteken dat geen aandag gegee word aan die ontwikkeling van Ekwatoriaal-Guinee nie, aangesien dit nie in die belange van die heersende elite is om dit te doen nie, en hulle staatshulpbronne vir selfverryking gebruik. Sodanige gedrag verklaar die land se lae posisie op die UNDP se HDI. Die gevolgtrekking kan dus gemaak word dat Ekwatoriaal-Guinee onder ’n staatsvloek ly, wat die staat sedert onafhanklikwording afmaai, eerder as die gewilde teorie van ’n ‘hulpbronvloek’.
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48

Hailu, Martha Belete. "Agriculture under the Doha Round and food security in Sub-Saharan Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&amp.

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The objectives of the research was to critically analyse arguments for and against agricultural trade liberalization and its impact on food security, investigating the nexus between the three pillars of agriculture and food security, considering how the Agreement on Agriculture and the Food Aid Convention addressed the concerns that were raised by the different parties during the negotiation period, and finally it considered how the current multilateral negotiations in agriculture can provide a secure framework within which developing African countries can pursue effective policies to ensure their food security.
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49

Yiu, Lo, and 姚魯. "The development and implementation of the strategic trade control system in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: an exploratory study." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B4456983X.

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50

Zhao, Xin. "E-commerce in the WTO and the evolution in China." Thesis, University of Macau, 2009. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2138654.

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