Journal articles on the topic 'Co. Limerick'

Prehistoric stone circles are generally interpreted as having had a variety of roles and meaning in the Neolithic and Bronze Age, especially as places for gathering and ceremony in the case of the largest examples. This paper undertakes an archaeoastronomical investigation of one of the rarest types, known as an embanked stone circle. Contrary to popular belief, the findings do not indicate any clear evidence of significant astronomical alignments inherent in the monument’s architecture. However, the character of the Grange (B) stone circle is considered and interpreted within a broader range of perspectives including morphology, landscape setting, ritual function, and the likely role and meaning of the sky in the past. The modern perception of skyscapes as cultural heritage assets is considered in terms of their protection.

At the recent EUROCALL conference at the University of Limerick, my co-editor, Graham Chesters, remarked on two very heartening changes in the constituency of EUROCALL conference participants over the past ten years: one was the increasing number of younger teachers and researchers; the other was the multi-national representation, compared to the relatively small number of European countries who made up EUROCALL’s main body of members at the Hull conference in 1993.

The Centre for Applied Language Studies (CALS), founded in 1997, is a research centre within the School of Languages, Literature, Culture and Communication. It brings together researchers and postgraduate students from several disciplines within the School, which includes six languages: English (English Language Teaching and English Literature), French, German, Irish, Japanese and Spanish. The Centre provides a focus for research in applied language studies within the University and a focal point for national and international links. It also promotes the interaction of research and the application of language activities in areas such as language learning, corpus linguistics, language in society, and language planning and policy. CALS also has a number of associate members from other Irish and European universities who make an important contribution to the work of the Centre by co-supervising Ph.D. theses and collaborating in publications and events. The Centre currently has 65 members, including 21 Ph.D. students.

This interview took place during the Edinburgh Fringe Festival (August 2017), where Impromptu Shakespeare has been performing since 2013. An improvised theatre group, Impromptu Shakespeare weaves in one new ‘Shakespeare’ play at every show. The conversation was led by Marina Cano, as part of her research on improvised Shakespeare and improvised Jane Austen. It involved Impromptu actors Ailis Duff and Rebecca MacMillan, and touched upon matters of improvisation, methodology, adaptation, Shakespeare on stage, and gender-blind performance. Marina Cano is a Research Associate at the University of Limerick, Ireland. She is the author of Jane Austen and Performance (Palgrave 2017) and the co-editor of Jane Austen and William Shakespeare: A Love Affair in Literature, Film, and Performance (Palgrave 2019).

Background: In December 2019 a novel human coronavirus (COVID-19) was identified in Wuhan, China (Wu et al, 2020). The virus subsequently spread to most countries worldwide and the World Health Organisation characterised the outbreak a pandemic on March 11th 2020 (WHO, 2020a). Older age is associated with an increased risk of mortality in patients with COVID-19 (Chen et al., 2020). In March 2020, the Irish Government introduced 'cocooning' as a measure for those over 70 years of age to minimise interactions with others by not leaving their homes (Dept. of Health, 2020). The COVID-19 pandemic presents unique threats to the health and well-being of older adults. This study aims to explore the longitudinal experiences and beliefs of older adults during the COVID-19 pandemic. Findings will be important for tailoring supports, interventions and public health information for this population. Methods: A longitudinal exploratory qualitative study will be conducted using repeated semi-structured telephone interviews with a convenient sample of older adults recruited from participants of an older adult and family carer stakeholder panel for health services research established by the Ageing Research Centre (ARC) at the University of Limerick and through known older adult contacts of ARC academic members. Interviews will be audio recorded, transcribed and analysed using a reflexive approach to thematic analysis. Participants will have the opportunity to review and discuss preliminary analysis of the interview data and to co-write / design dissemination materials. Ethics and Dissemination: Ethical approval has been granted by the Faculty of Education and Health Sciences University of Limerick, Research Ethics Committee (2020_03_51_EHS (ER)). Findings will be disseminated through open access journal publications and distribution of lay summaries, a press release and an infographic to organisations of and for older people in Ireland, broadcast and print media.

Background:Public and patient involvement (PPI) improves quality and relevance of research (1). PPI is advocated by policy makers and funding bodies and is supported by EULAR (2). Arthritis Research Limerick (ARL) is a partnership between researchers at the University of Limerick and clinicians at University Hospitals Limerick. PPI representatives have been involved in ARL projects, however no formal PPI network had been established prior to 2020. The need for a formal PPI network to collaborate with ARL was identified by both ARL and patient representatives. This need arose from a joint ambition to promote meaningful involvement of the public and patients in ARL projects and to develop a platform through which researchers and PPI representatives could collaboratively set research priorities.Objectives:The aim of this project was to create a formal PPI network to engage with people living with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs) and their families and to identify collaborative research opportunities between ARL and PPI representatives.Methods:A face-to-face PPI seminar was planned for October 2020. The seminar consisted of speakers from ARL providing an overview of research projects and a World Café research ideas session. Funding was obtained through a competitive, peer-review funding call from the PPI Ignite group at the University of Limerick to support the PPI seminar. The funding application was a joint application between ARL members and a PPI partner (iCAN - Irish Children’s Arthritis Network). The seminar was advertised through national patient organisations (iCAN and Arthritis Ireland), social media and ARL research networks.Results:Due to Covid-19 public health restrictions the PPI seminar was held virtually. The ARL PPI inaugural seminar was attended by N=19 researchers and people living with RMDs. The seminar speakers included ARL researchers and a PPI representative. The World Café event was modified to adapt to the virtual seminar delivery. Research ideas were noted by the seminar organiser and summarised for attendees at the end of the research ideas and priorities session. An ARL PPI mailing list was set-up post seminar as a means of communicating with seminar attendees and will serve as a formal PPI network for ARL. Research updates and opportunities will be communicated via this formal network to people living with RMDs and researchers alike.Conclusion:This was the first PPI seminar organised by ARL in collaboration with a PPI seminar, and has led to the creation of a formal PPI network. Delivery mode of the PPI seminar was changed due to Covid-19 public health restrictions. This change may also have impacted engagement and attendance at the PPI seminar, given that virtual events are not accessible to all of the RMD population. Future PPI seminars will consider a hybrid approach of face-to-face and virtual attendance, to enhance accessibility. A formal PPI communication network has been established. Future work will focus future collaborative opportunities between the PPI panel and the ARL group, including project development, co-led research funding applications and joint research dissemination.References:[1]INVOLVE. (2012). Briefing notes for researchers: Involving the public in NHS, public health and social care research. Retrieved from www.invo.org.uk 7th January 2020.[2]de Wit MPT, Berlo SE, Aanerud GJ, et al (2011). European League Against Rheumatism recommendations for the inclusion of patient representatives in scientific projects. Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 70:722-726Disclosure of Interests:None declared

BackgroundIn May 2018, abortion laws in Ireland were liberalised allowing medical abortion for the first time. It was envisaged that Irish GPs would provide this service.AimTo elicit the views and level of preparedness of Irish GPs to provide medical termination of pregnancy.MethodIn total 222 practising GPs were surveyed. Participants are affiliated with the Graduate Entry Medical School (GEMS) in the University of Limerick, as well as graduates of the University Specialist Training Programme in General Practice.ResultsThe response rate was 57% (127/222): 93.7% of GPs were willing to share abortion information with their patients; 48.0% would be willing to prescribe abortion pills before 12 weeks’ gestation, with 37.0% unwilling to do so. A further 40.9% of responders believed that such a service should not be part of general practice, with a further 17.3% indicating uncertainty. 72.4% believed that those who do not wish to be part of the process should be entitled to a conscientious objection (CO) but should also be obliged to refer a woman to a participating doctor. Over four-fifths (82.7%) of GPs had no training in this area of practice, with 3.2% indicating that they had sufficient training. The majority of responders feel that necessary support services such as counselling are not currently available.ConclusionExploring the views and experiences of GPs in Ireland on this topic reveals many issues which need to be resolved before the service can be rolled out in a safe manner. It will be vital for state and professional bodies to provide appropriate education and guidance.

IntroductionA participatory approach to co-creating new knowledge in health research has gained significant momentum in recent decades. This is founded on the described benefits of community-based participatory research (CBPR), such as increased relevance of research for those who must act on its findings. This has prompted researchers to better understand how CBPR functions to achieve these benefits through building sustainable research partnerships. Several studies have identified ‘trust’ as a key mechanism to achieve sustainable partnerships, which themselves constitute social networks. Although existing literature discuss trust and CBPR, or trust and social networks, preliminary searches reveal that none link all three concepts of trust, CBPR and social networks. Thus, we present our scoping review protocol to systematically review and synthesise the literature exploring how trust is conceptualised, operationalised and measured in CBPR and social networks.Methods and analysisThis protocol follows guidelines from Levac et al (Scoping studies: advancing themethodology. Implement Sci 2010;5:69), which follow the methodological framework of Arksey and O’Malley. This scoping review explores several electronic databases including Scopus, Medline, PubMed, Web of Science, CINAHL, Cochrane Library, Google Scholar and PsychINFO. Grey literature such as theses/dissertations and reports will be included. A search strategy was identified and agreed on by the team in conjunction with a research librarian. Two independent reviewers will screen articles by title and abstract, then by full text based on pre-determined exclusion/inclusion criteria. A third reviewer will arbitrate discrepancies regarding inclusions/exclusions. We plan to incorporate a thematic analysis.Ethics and disseminationEthics is not required for this review specifically. It is a component of a larger study that received ethical approval from the University of Limerick research ethics committee (#2018_05_12_EHS). Translation of results to key domains is integrated through active collaboration of stakeholders from community, health services and academic sectors. Findings will be disseminated through academic conferences, and peer review publications targeting public and patient involvement in health research.

The Limerick Igneous Suite (LIS) in Co. Limerick, SW Ireland, contains two distinct basaltic igneous units: the Knockroe and Knockseefin, which are expressed as hypabyssal intrusions, porphyritic dykes, diatremes, lava flows, agglomerates, and tuffs. These units make up two distinct evolutionary trends: the Knockroe igneous units which range from alkaline basalts to trachyandesites and the Knockseefin igneous units which range from alkaline basalts to basanites. Uranium‒Pb dating of apatite establishes a primary crystallisation age of c. 350 Ma for the Knockroe units. Strontium and Nd isotopes from the least altered Knockroe bulk rock samples range from 0.70301 – 0.70454 and 0.512457 – 0.512493, respectively. The Sr isotopes for the least altered Knockseefin samples are similar, ranging from 0.70325 – 0.70386, but the Nd values are slightly more radiogenic, ranging from 0.512431 – 0.512437. Altered samples are buffered against changes in Nd, but some show excursions towards radiogenic Sr, suggesting contamination from Carboniferous seawater and/or introduction of Rb. Rubidium–Sr calculations conducted on altered Knockroe samples, returned ages within uncertainty of the U‒Pb dates. The bulk rock isotope values, normalised trace element plots as well as Zr/Sm, Ce/Pb, and Nb/U values demonstrate the LIS is comparable to ocean island basalts (OIBs) and Ce/Y and Zr/Nb values suggest the units likely originated from low degrees of partial melting likely caused by extension related to the assembly of Laurentia and Gondwana. Supplementary material: https://doi.org/10.6084/m9.figshare.c.6297395

Abstract Background Regular physical activity is associated with physiological and mental health benefits for adolescents including improved fitness and cardiometabolic health, increased muscle and bone strength and reduced risk of obesity. Despite this, globally, many adolescents (81%) fail to meet physical activity guidelines. Physical activity levels decline as children move into adolescence and through to adulthood and may affect the likelihood of developing chronic health conditions. It is recognised that parental support and friendship networks play an important role in attenuating declines in physical activity during adolescence and it is vital that we develop effective interventions to help adolescents stay active. Aim This symposium will engage policymakers, professionals, scientists and stakeholders to discuss research projects on Engaging peers, parents and pupils to increase physical activity among adolescents. The goals of this symposium are to highlight the challenges and ongoing work to address sub-optimal levels of physical activity in this population and disseminate the results of novel physical activity interventions to develop knowledge and understanding. This symposium will share experiences, learning and best practice in Patient and Public Involvement (PPI), transitioning from formative research to feasibility testing and upscaling interventions and it will also allow for debate and to identify gaps and priority areas for physical activity among adolescents. Symposia presentations 1. Putting young people at the heart of physical activity research design: The Walking In ScHools (WISH) Study (Professor Marie Murphy, Ulster University) This presentation will outline the importance of youth PPI and demonstrate how PPI can be embedded within research design using the WISH Study Youth Advisory Group as a case study. 2. The Girls Active Project (GAP): Co-design and feasibility of an after school-based physical activity intervention (Sara McQuinn, Dublin City University) This presentation will discuss the factors influencing physical activity behaviour in adolescents, outline how using public and patient involvement (PPI) and the behaviour change wheel provided a framework for developing the Girls Active Project, and the results from our feasiblity trial. 3. Supporting our lifelong engagement: mothers and teens exercising (SOLE MATES); from formative research to feasibility testing (Dr Elaine Murtagh, University of Limerick). Dr Murtagh will discuss the value of formative research in developing interventions and present findings from a novel mother-daughter multi-component physical activity programme. 4. Co-production of the Move Well, Feel Good movement behaviours intervention (Stuart Fairclougt, Edge Hill University) This presentation will describe phase 1 of the Move Well, Feel Good study, which aimed to co-produce and evaluate the feasibility of a primary school physical activity intervention to improve children’s motor competence and mental health. 5. The Walking In ScHools (WISH) Study: Development and evaluation of a peer-led school-based walking intervention in adolescent girls from pilot to fully-powered trial (Professor Marie Murphy, Ulster University) Professor Murphy will describe how the WISH pilot study guided the development of a full trial to evaluate the effects of a peer-led walking intervention at increasing physical activity in adolescent girls.

Abstract Background Progress made by modern healthcare has led to improved life expectancy across the globe. This progress, however, also means that individuals are living with more chronic illnesses and co-morbidities than in previous generations. Due to this aging population, we can expect increasing rates of STEMI in octogenarians and nonagenarians in the future. The challenge of older patients with STEMI is that they are particularly high-risk for complications. At present, very little is known about the outcomes of STEMI in the very old population because they were under-represented in previous studies. Many cardiologists around the world have been hesitant in performing primary percutaneous coronary intervention (PPCI) in octogenarians and nonagenarians due to fear of complications and poor outcomes. Purpose To review the trend of octogenarians and nonagenarians presenting with STEMI and to assess the 30-day and 1-year mortality rates. Methods A single-centre retrospective observational study was conducted. All patients presenting with STEMI between January 2012 and December 2017 were reviewed. Individuals aged 80 years or older were included for the purpose of this analysis. Patient level data was collected by chart review and individuals were identified using the local STEMI database. Standard Bayesian statistics were employed for analysis. Results 1,268 patients presented with STEMI during this period. 172 (13.6%) were 80 years or older. Of this subgroup, 159/172 (92.4%) were true STEMI (figure 1). 124/159 (77.9%) patients were brought to the catheterization lab and 35/159 (22%) were managed medically on the ward.107/159 (67.29%) were treated with PPCI. Patients in the PPCI group had a 30-day mortality rate of 20.6% while those in the medically managed group had a mortality rate of 37.1%; with a trend towards statistical significance (p=0.07). The one-year mortality rate in patients treated with PPCI was 22.4% which was significantly lower than those who received medical management 48.6% (p=0.005). Conclusions This review demonstrates that there is a high mortality rate with STEMI in those aged 80 years or above, however, patients who are treated with PPCI tend to do better and have a significantly lower mortality rate at 1-year. The incidence of STEMI in the very old cohort is likely to continue to rise and this may prove challenging. PPCI remains the most feasible treatment approach towards STEMI and this should not be biased based on age, however, interventionists will need to take into account patient suitability on a case-by case basis. Octogenarians who undergo angiography and PPCI as required have 77.6% survival at 1 year (figure 1) with 92.4% likelihood of going home and don't require long term nursing home care. Acknowledgement/Funding University Hospital Limerick

<div class="O"><p><strong>Background</strong></p><p>Paramedics are reported to be the most underutilised profession working within rural areas, due to the paucity of service requirements. (O’ Meara et al 2012). Infrequent opportunities to practice particular skills can lead to reduction in levels of confidence and competence that can have significant risk and safety ramifications for practitioners and patients. (Mulholland et al 2014). Traditionally paramedic practice provides emergency care and transport within the community, but current ambulance service models within rural Ireland may be inefficient and contributing to hospital overcrowding and increased healthcare costs. (Lightfoot, 2015). Alternative models of healthcare are implemented within alternative rural jurisdictions such as Australia and Canada that aims to address issues of practitioner underutilisation, skill retention and healthcare personnel shortages. (Wilson, et al 2009).</p><p><strong>Rationale</strong></p><p>Ireland’s population is ageing, with increased co-morbidities and reports of current and predicted workforce shortages in general practice. (Smyth et al 2017). With rising demands on general practitioners (GPs), measures to increase their supply and retention has become a challenging problem. Potential solutions to this will require immediate change to established work practices, to cater for current and predicted healthcare needs. (H.S.E, 2015). Paramedics with advanced skills (APs) could alleviate some of the shortages identified and enhance paramedic profile by transferring some tasks deemed appropriate from GPs to APs within both urban and rural communities. This process is globally known as task shifting where some competencies are transferred to alternative healthcare practitioners with less training. (WHO, 2007).</p><p><strong>Aim</strong></p><p>To ascertain the attitudes and opinions of paramedics and GPs associated with GEMS - UL, towards a new concept of joint collaboration in primary care that should be of mutual benefit to both groups, and also to identify potential barriers.</p><p><strong>Methodology</strong></p><p>Questionnaire survey of graduate Paramedics and General Practitioners associated with University of Limerick Graduate Entry Medical School and Paramedic Studies to identify competencies that GPs would deem appropriate to reassign to APs and ascertain both groups’ opinions towards this new concept of joint collaboration and practice.</p><p><strong>Conclusion</strong></p><p>Studies report successful outcomes in similar models of joint collaboration to support shortages of GPs in rural healthcare. (Reaburn, 2017). Collaboration on this scale has been shown to be beneficial for enhancing the paramedic profession within the wider healthcare system while providing essential support within primary care and general practice. Potential benefits have been reported with reduced emergency department admissions and early intervention in the management of chronic disease. (Blacker et al, 2009).</p></div>

In western cultures, neoliberalism has resulted in a shift from collective risk responsibility to individual risk responsibility; one in which individuals are expected to manage their risks for the collective good (O’Malley 61). A good citizen of the 21st century is one who accepts responsibility for their own personal health, well-being, and success. Individuals who require structural support, or refuse to (re)produce white, cis, able-bodied, and heteronormative, systems threaten the status quo and face marginalisation. Fat people, for example, are viewed as irresponsible citizens. They consume too many resources and fail to uphold the revised social contract (the moral obligation to be healthy). Furthermore, capitalism, according to Jones (32), relies on the apparatus of desire; more specifically, heterodesire. Fatness, therefore, is considered a threat to this apparatus, as it is excluded from heteronormative desire (Murray 239). Instead, fatness is positioned as a category for regulation (and legislation), that demands individuals to undertake the “uncompensated, unending work of individualist self-improvement…a condition of both the body and of labour under neoliberal capitalism” (Wykes, Queer 7). Fat bodies are monitored by their governments, their families, and their workplaces. They are regulated by friends and strangers alike; fat bodies are public property to shame and scold for the betterment of the individual. In the intersection of neoliberalism and capitalism, fatness is read “as a moral failing and as an aesthetic affront” (Murray 14). This results in hostile environments in which fat people are exposed to negative bias, hostile attitudes, and legalised discrimination (Puhl and Heuer 941). Living in such a context requires fat people to develop, maintain, and revise, identities in the shadow of internalised oppression. Many fat people, unsurprisingly, experience negative weight and/or body identities that often eclipse other identities held. And these weight identities are spoiled identities; stigmatised identities in which the bearer is held responsible for the stigma (Courtot 201; Kent 368). Goffman (42, 130) argued that individuals living with spoiled identities engaged in identity management strategies, including withdrawing (removing oneself from public interaction), passing (camouflaging the stigma), and covering (engaging in behaviours that made the stigma less offensive). More recently, scholars have argued that a fourth identity management style of coming out is available to individuals as well. Coming out has been explored in individuals with discreditable (non-visible) stigmas (Sánchez et al 17; Schrimshaw, Siegel, Downing, and Parsons, 143) and those with discredited (visible) stigmas (Howarth 444; Titschkoshy 135). Coming out as fat has been empirically explored by Saguy and Smith (53) and Pausé (Coming out, 50). Individuals in the Fatosphere, an online community of people who have come out as fat, are engaging in anti-assimilationist activism (Cooper 17-18). They queer fat embodiment, disrupting the normative obesity discourse and rejecting the demands of the neoliberal system. They are defiant resistors, performing their fatness in inappropriate ways (Wykes, Neoliberalism). They are, in short, doing fatness wrong. Consider, for example, Jenn Leyva, of The Fat and the Ivy, and her online project aimed at responding to neoliberal messages of responsibility. The project, But What about Your Health? is hosted on Tumblr, a Web 2.0 tool that allows for user created content to be blogged and reblogged. Tumblr allows for text posts, video posts, picture posts, audio posts, link posts, and quotes. According to information on But what about your health?, Leyva uses the site to respond to messages she receives that concern her health. “Every time you tell me I'm unhealthy or ask, I mean concern-troll about my health, you have to watch me eat something ‘unhealthy’”, the site informs. Some of the questions that Leyva receives include, “Have you had a stroke yet?”, “I’m not out to police your body, but how do you not feel sick after that much sugar that fast?” “…what if your doctor told you that should lose weight to have a better life quality or improve your health?”, and the old standby, “But what about your health?!” Some commenters do not ask a question, but leave a declarative statement instead (“You are so unhealthy”). In the project, Leyva shares the comments she has received, and responds by posting videos and gifs of her eating. And not just eating, but eating junk food such as donuts, hash browns, brownies, chocolate covered cinnamon rolls, and the ubiquitous McDonald’s fried apple pie. Leyva is pushing back and rejecting the discourse of the obesity epidemic. Similar to those who use the #obeselifestyle tag in Twitter and Instagram, Leyva is flaunting her irresponsible choice; doing fatness wrong by gleefully consuming foods she should deny herself. Fat people are not supposed to take pleasure in their fatness, they are supposed to feel shame. They are not allowed to embrace their size, they are to be burdened with the work of becoming less than who they are. One commenter felt that Leyva is not only performing her fatness wrong, but performing her fat activism wrong as well, this is really upsetting to me. its not about ‘fat acceptance’ this is encouragement of poor and deteriorating health conditions among people everywhere…Please dont encourage people to neglect their health, have respect for your body and nourish it with exercise and healthy clean food. The commenter is suggesting that Leyva is tarnishing the fat civil rights movement with her unapologetic performance, and setting a dangerous example for others (glorifying obesity, anyone?) Is this commenter seeking for Leyva to engage in a different identity management style? Would they take comfort if Leyva was apologetic, or consuming a salad as a gesture of penance? Maybe satisfaction would only occur if Leyva removed herself from the Internet entirely. Or perhaps this respondent is hoping that Leyva will change her performance to that of the good fatty. A good fatty is an apologetic fat person who takes “care” of themselves (read: is well groomed, fashionable, and active) and acknowledges that they could and should be pursuing lifestyle choices that are socially palatable. Stacy Bias has suggested that there are many versions of the good fatty in her comic blog, 12 Good Fatty Archetypes, including the fat unicorn (a healthy eating, daily exercising, metabolically healthy fatty), the work in progress (“the fatty in the process of becoming not-a-fatty”), and the no fault fatty (the fatty who can trace their fatness to a genetic or biological (pre)disposition, thereby shifting the blame to out of their control). Each of these performances, notes Bias, seeks to legitimise their existence with the larger fat hating culture. This is the opposite of the performance of the rad fatty, the dangerous fat person who rejects cultural expectation and stigma. In choosing to eat junk food in response to moralising questions about her health, Leyva is performing the rad fatty; she is “engaging in performative displays of behaviours that are discourages or considered stereotypical of fat people but with intention and a tone of rebellion” (Bias). Bias’ comic draws to mind Graham’s (178) work on lipoliteracy. Lipoliteracy, according to Graham, is the act in which people read fat bodies, believing the visual inspection of a fat body provides the viewer information about the individual’s lifestyle choices, health status, and moral character (Graham 179). In this comic, Bias illuminates how lipoliteracy may operate and the power structures it reinforces. It also highlights the danger the good fatty archetype(s) present to the fat civil rights movement. These acceptable versions of fatness may open the door for those who perform them, but they also ensure that the frame is not wide enough for other kinds of fatness to push through. Bitchtopia argued that in putting good fatties on a pedestal as acceptable forms of fatness, “our media is alienating the bodies who aren’t glowing white, able-bodied, smooth-skinned, and only slightly chubby”. Because the correct performance of fatness is not just about behaviours and attitudes, but also the privileges attached to race, class, and cis gender, that many recognized good fatties embody. It Gets Fatter (IGF) is a group that works to promote the issues of fat queer people of colour by unpacking body positivity and challenging the conflation between weight and health. IGF represents a community that is often ignored or overshadowed in fat activism, people of colour. The creators share, “This project was born out of the frustration and the isolation that a lot of fat, brown queer folks face in their communities, and in an attempt to find a way of feeling less alone in ours. While there is a thriving online community of white fat people, we know that there is something uniquely different about experiencing fatness as a person of colour” (It Gets Fatter). It Gets Fatter hosts a Facebook page (see above link), a Tumblr, and a series of videos on vmeo. The group also hosts events in Canada, including workshops. Information about the events are posted across the group’s social media platforms, making their work a note of difference in the Fatosphere as visible Fat Studies scholarship and activism is dominated by individuals in the United States (Cooper 328). On the IGF Tumblr, individuals who identify as fat and a person of colour are invited to make submissions; submissions may be text, video, audio, and photos. The purpose of these submissions is to provide a repository of fat positive material that highlights the experiences and lives of fat queer people of colour. Sites such as this strive to provide a community for others and allow for representations from individuals who may marginalised within the larger fat community. They note, “We will show preference to submissions from queer, trans*, disabled and poor/working class folks. If you don’t fit into one of these categories just be aware of the space you’re taking up in the movement and consider submitting something to another fat positivity thingy if it feels relevant!” In this, It Gets Fatter speaks directly to tensions within the fat civil rights movement, as white cis straight fat people often have their voices amplified at the expense of other voices within the movement. One member of IGF, Asam Ahmad, has reflected on this in a piece on Marilyn Wann’s blog, Fat!So?. Ahmad notes that the media/community organisations usually approach white fat people to speak on the issues of fat politics. He argues that in doing so, only certain kinds of fatness are presented to the larger public; only certain kinds of voices get heard. In these conversations, considerations of how fatness intersects with race, class, orientation, and ability, are rarely brought to the fore. He implores well known fat activists to ask themselves, “Is your voice really that idiosyncratic and fabulous? Or is it more likely that you are benefitting from white privilege and other structural systems of oppression?” (Ahmad). Fat Studies scholarship and activism are making many of the same mistakes as second wave feminism, as white voices and issues are presented as the voices and issues of fat people. Many scholars and activists also fail to acknowledge and authentically engage with their white privilege; their straight privilege; their cis privilege. For scholars and activists alike to continue to push back against neoliberal responsibility and capitalism’s heterodesire, a commitment must be made to do better at recognizing the value of an intersectional lens (Pausé, Intersectionality 83). And acknowledgement that responsibility for highlighting voices of fat people of colour, voices of fat working poor, voices of fat queers, does not fall to those groups alone. The power transferred through white supremacy places the largest burden on white people within Fat Studies scholarship and activism to ensure that spaces are made and held for people of colour. The power transferred through capitalism places the largest burden on middle and upper class people within Fat Studies scholarship and activism to ensure that spaces are made and held for people from working and poorer classes. And the power transferred through the academy places the largest burden on those within academia to ensure that spaces are made and held for those denied entry to the Ivory Tower. For many outside of the academy, the emergence of Web 2.0 tools have allowed for spaces to be created, maintained, and shared, that amplify voices of disparate individuals across social platforms. For fat people, the rise of the Fatosphere has ensured that oppositional fat politics may be engaged with by anyone with access to the Internet (Pausé, Express 1; Pausé, Commotion 76). And with the technological advance, the conversation around fatness is changing. It has been argued that spoiled identities, especially visible ones, present a situation where “all other narratives are impossible” (Kent 368). But fat people online have (co)constructed ways to present opposing narratives of fatness. And many are rejecting dominant discourses and appropriate ways of being, delighting in the opportunities to perform their fatness wrong. References Ahmad, Asam. “Dear White Fatties (and Other Socially Visible Fat Activists).” Fat!So? 23 Jan. 2015. Bias, Stacy. “12 Good Fatty Archetypes.” Stacy Bias 4 June 2014. Bitchtopia. “How the Inspiring Good Fatty Hurts the Body Positive Movement.” Bitchtopia 10 Mar. 2015. Cooper, Charlotte Rachel Mary. “Maybe It Should Be Called Fat American Studies?” The Fat Studies Reader, eds. Esther Rothblum and Sandra Solovay. New York: New York University Press, 2009. 327-333. Cooper, Charlotte Rachel Mary. "What’s Fat Activism?" University of Limerick Department of Sociology Working Paper Series, 2008. Courtot, Martha. “A Spoiled Identity”. Shadow on a Tightrope: Writings by Women on Fat Oppression, eds. Lisa Schoenfielder and Barb Wiser. San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1983. 199-203. Dickins, Marissa. Weight-Related Stigma in Online Spaces: Challenges, Responses and Opportunities for Change. Diss. Monash University, 2013. Goffman, Erving. Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1963. Graham, Mark. “Chaos.” Fat: The Anthropology of an Obsession, eds. Dan Kulick and Anne Meneley. New York: Penguin, 2005. 169-184. Howarth, Caroline. “Race as Stigma: Positioning the Stigmatized as Agents, Not Objects.” Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology 16.6 (2006): 442-451. It Gets Fatter. “It Gets Fatter! Fat Queers of Color Take on Fat Phobia in Our Communities.” Black Girl Dangerous 1 Oct. 2012. Jones. Stefanie. “The Performance of Fat: The Spectre Outside the House of Desire.” Queering Fat Embodiment, eds. Cat Pausé, Jackie Wykes, and Samantha Murray. Surrey: Ashgate, 2014, 31-48. Kent, Le’a. “Fighting Abjection: Representing Fat Women.” The Body Reader: Essential Social and Cultural Readings, eds. Lisa Jean Moore and Mary Kosut. 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In the last decade, the cell phone’s transformation from a tool for mobile telephony into a multi-modal, computational “smart” media device has engendered a new kind of emplacement, and the ubiquity of technological mediation into the everyday settings of urban life. With it, a new kind of media literacy has become necessary for participation in the networked social publics (Ito; Jenkins et al.). Increasingly, the way we experience our physical environments, make sense of immediate events, and form impressions is through the lens of the camera and through the ear of the microphone, framed by the mediating possibilities of smartphones. Adopting these practices as a kind of new media “grammar” (Burn 29)—a multi-modal language for public and interpersonal communication—offers new perspectives for thinking about the way in which mobile computing technologies allow us to explore our environments and produce new types of cultural knowledge. Living in the Social Multiverse Many of us are concerned about new cultural practices that communication technologies bring about. In her now classic TED talk “Connected but alone?” Sherry Turkle talks about the world of instant communication as having the illusion of control through which we micromanage our immersion in mobile media and split virtual-physical presence. According to Turkle, what we fear is, on the one hand, being caught unprepared in a spontaneous event and, on the other hand, missing out or not documenting or recording events—a phenomenon that Abha Dawesar calls living in the “digital now.” There is, at the same time, a growing number of ways in which mobile computing devices connect us to new dimensions of everyday life and everyday experience: geo-locative services and augmented reality, convergent media and instantaneous participation in the social web. These technological capabilities arguably shift the nature of presence and set the stage for mobile users to communicate the flow of their everyday life through digital storytelling and media production. According to a Digital Insights survey on social media trends (Bennett), more than 500 million tweets are sent per day and 5 Vines tweeted every second; 100 hours of video are uploaded to YouTube every minute; more than 20 billion photos have been shared on Instagram to date; and close to 7 million people actively produce and publish content using social blogging platforms. There are more than 1 billion smartphones in the US alone, and most social media platforms are primarily accessed using mobile devices. The question is: how do we understand the enormity of these statistics as a coherent new media phenomenon and as a predominant form of media production and cultural participation? More importantly, how do mobile technologies re-mediate the way we see, hear, and perceive our surrounding evironment as part of the cultural circuit of capturing, sharing, and communicating with and through media artefacts? Such questions have furnished communication theory even before McLuhan’s famous tagline “the medium is the message”. Much of the discourse around communication technology and the senses has been marked by distinctions between “orality” and “literacy” understood as forms of collective consciousness engendered by technological shifts. Leveraging Jonathan Sterne’s critique of this “audio-visual litany”, an exploration of convergent multi-modal technologies allows us to focus instead on practices and techniques of use, considered as both perceptual and cultural constructs that reflect and inform social life. Here in particular, a focus on sound—or aurality—can help provide a fresh new entry point into studying technology and culture. The phenomenon of everyday photography is already well conceptualised as a cultural expression and a practice connected with identity construction and interpersonal communication (Pink, Visual). Much more rarely do we study the act of capturing information using mobile media devices as a multi-sensory practice that entails perceptual techniques as well as aesthetic considerations, and as something that in turn informs our unmediated sensory experience. Daisuke and Ito argue that—in contrast to hobbyist high-quality photographers—users of camera phones redefine the materiality of urban surroundings as “picture-worthy” (or not) and elevate the “mundane into a photographic object.” Indeed, whereas traditionally recordings and photographs hold institutional legitimacy as reliable archival references, the proliferation of portable smart technologies has transformed user-generated content into the gold standard for authentically representing the everyday. Given that visual approaches to studying these phenomena are well underway, this project takes a sound studies perspective, focusing on mediated aural practices in order to explore the way people make sense of their everyday acoustic environments using mobile media. Curation, in this sense, is a metaphor for everyday media production, illuminated by the practice of listening with mobile technology. Everyday Listening with Technology: A Case Study The present conceptualisation of curation emerged out of a participant-driven qualitative case study focused on using mobile media to make sense of urban everyday life. The study comprised 10 participants using iPod Touches (a device equivalent to an iPhone, without the phone part) to produce daily “aural postcards” of their everyday soundscapes and sonic experiences, over the course of two to four weeks. This work was further informed by, and updates, sonic ethnography approaches nascent in the World Soundscape Project, and the field of soundscape studies more broadly. Participants were asked to fill out a questionnaire about their media and technology use, in order to establish their participation in new media culture and correlate that to the documentary styles used in their aural postcards. With regard to capturing sonic material, participants were given open-ended instructions as to content and location, and encouraged to use the full capabilities of the device—that is, to record audio, video, and images, and to use any applications on the device. Specifically, I drew their attention to a recording app (Recorder) and a decibel measurement app (dB), which combines a photo with a static readout of ambient sound levels. One way most participants described the experience of capturing sound in a collection of recordings for a period of time was as making a “digital scrapbook” or a “media diary.” Even though they had recorded individual (often unrelated) soundscapes, almost everyone felt that the final product came together as a stand-alone collection—a kind of gallery of personalised everyday experiences that participants, if anything, wished to further organise, annotate, and flesh out. Examples of aural postcard formats used by participants: decibel photographs of everyday environments and a comparison audio recording of rain on a car roof with and without wipers (in the middle). Working with 139 aural postcards comprising more than 250 audio files and 150 photos and videos, the first step in the analysis was to articulate approaches to media documentation in terms of format, modality, and duration as deliberate choices in conversation with dominant media forms that participants regularly consume and are familiar with. Ambient sonic recordings (audio-only) comprised a large chunk of the data, and within this category there were two approaches: the sonic highlight, a short vignette of a given soundscape with minimal or no introduction or voice-over; and the process recording, featuring the entire duration of an unfolding soundscape or event. Live commentaries, similar to the conventions set forth by radio documentaries, represented voice-over entries at the location of the sound event, sometimes stationary and often in motion as the event unfolded. Voice memos described verbal reflections, pre- or post- sound event, with no discernable ambience—that is, participants intended them to serve as reflective devices rather than as part of the event. Finally, a number of participants also used the sound level meter app, which allowed them to generate visual records of the sonic levels of a given environment or location in the form of sound level photographs. Recording as a Way of Listening In their community soundwalking practice, Förnstrom and Taylor refer to recording sound in everyday settings as taking world experience, mediating it through one’s body and one’s memories and translating it into approximate experience. The media artefacts generated by participants as part of this study constitute precisely such ‘approximations’ of everyday life accessed through aural experience and mediated by the technological capabilities of the iPod. Thinking of aural postcards along this technological axis, the act of documenting everyday soundscapes involves participants acting as media producers, ‘framing’ urban everyday life through a mobile documentary rubric. In the process of curating these documentaries, they have to make decisions about the significance and stylistic framing of each entry and the message they wish to communicate. In order to bring the scope of these curatorial decisions into dialogue with established media forms, in this work’s analysis I combine Bill Nichols’s classification of documentary modes in cinema with Karin Bijsterveld’s concept of soundscape ‘staging’ to characterise the various approaches participants took to the multi-modal curation of their everyday (sonic) experience. In her recent book on the staging of urban soundscapes in both creative and documentary/archival media, Bijsterveld describes the representation of sound as particular ‘dramatisations’ that construct different kinds of meanings about urban space and engender different kinds of listening positions. Nichols’s articulation of cinematic documentary modes helps detail ways in which the author’s intentionality is reflected in the styling, design, and presentation of filmic narratives. Michel Chion’s discussion of cinematic listening modes further contextualises the cultural construction of listening that is a central part of both design and experience of media artefacts. The conceptual lens is especially relevant to understanding mobile curation of mediated sonic experience as a kind of mobile digital storytelling. Working across all postcards, settings, and formats, the following four themes capture some of the dominant stylistic dimensions of mobile media documentation. The exploratory approach describes a methodology for representing everyday life as a flow, predominantly through ambient recordings of unfolding processes that participants referred to in the final discussion as a ‘turn it on and forget it’ approach to recording. As a stylistic method, the exploratory approach aligns most closely with Nichols’s poetic and observational documentary modes, combining a ‘window to the world’ aesthetic with minimal narration, striving to convey the ‘inner truth’ of phenomenal experience. In terms of listening modes reflected in this approach, exploratory aural postcards most strongly engage causal listening, to use Chion’s framework of cinematic listening modes. By and large, the exploratory approach describes incidental documentaries of routine events: soundscapes that are featured as a result of greater attentiveness and investment in the sonic aspects of everyday life. The entries created using this approach reflect a process of discovering (seeing and hearing) the ordinary as extra-ordinary; re-experiencing sometimes mundane and routine places and activities with a fresh perspective; and actively exploring hidden characteristics, nuances of meaning, and significance. For instance, in the following example, one participant explores a new neighborhood while on a work errand:The narrative approach to creating aural postcards stages sound as a springboard for recollecting memories and storytelling through reflecting on associations with other soundscapes, environments, and interactions. Rather than highlighting place, routine, or sound itself, this methodology constructs sound as a window into the identity and inner life of the recordist, mobilising most strongly a semantic listening mode through association and narrative around sound’s meaning in context (Chion 28). This approach combines a subjective narrative development with a participatory aesthetic that draws the listener into the unfolding story. This approach is also performative, in that it stages sound as a deeply subjective experience and approaches the narrative from a personally significant perspective. Most often this type of sound staging was curated using voice memo narratives about a particular sonic experience in conjunction with an ambient sonic highlight, or as a live commentary. Recollections typically emerged from incidental encounters, or in the midst of other observations about sound. In the following example a participant reminisces about the sound of wind, which, interestingly, she did not record: Today I have been listening to the wind. It’s really rainy and windy outside today and it was reminding me how much I like the sound of wind. And you know when I was growing up on the wide prairies, we sure had a lot of wind and sometimes I kind of miss the sound of it… (Participant 1) The aesthetic approach describes instances where the creation of aural postcards was motivated by a reduced listening position (Chion 29)—driven primarily by the qualities and features of the soundscape itself. This curatorial practice for staging mediated aural experience combines a largely subjective approach to documenting with an absence of traditional narrative development and an affective and evocative aesthetic. Where the exploratory documentary approach seeks to represent place, routine, environment, and context through sonic characteristics, the aesthetic approach features sound first and foremost, aiming to represent and comment on sound qualities and characteristics in a more ‘authentic’ manner. The media formats most often used in conjunction with this approach were the incidental ambient sonic highlight and the live commentary. In the following example we have the sound of coffee being made as an important domestic ritual where important auditory qualities are foregrounded: That’s the sound of a stovetop percolator which I’ve been using for many years and I pretty much know exactly how long it takes to make a pot of coffee by the sound that it makes. As soon as it starts gurgling I know I have about a minute before it burns. It’s like the coffee calls and I come. (Participant 6) The analytical approach characterises entries that stage mediated aural experience as a way of systematically and inductively investigating everyday phenomena. It is a conceptual and analytical experimental methodology employed to move towards confirming or disproving a ‘hypothesis’ or forming a theory about sonic relations developed in the course of the study. As such, this approach most strongly aligns with Chion’s semantic listening mode, with the addition of the interactive element of analytical inquiry. In this context, sound is treated as a variable to be measured, compared, researched, and theorised about in an explicit attempt to form conclusions about social relationships, personal significance, place, or function. This analytical methodology combines an explicit and critical focus to the process of documenting itself (whether it be measuring decibels or systematically attending to sonic qualities) with a distinctive analytical synthesis that presents as ‘formal discovery’ or even ‘truth.’ In using this approach, participants most often mobilised the format of short sonic highlights and follow-up voice memos. While these aural postcards typically contained sound level photographs (decibel measurement values), in some cases the inquiry and subsequent conclusions were made inductively through sustained observation of a series of soundscapes. The following example is by a participant who exclusively recorded and compared various domestic spaces in terms of sound levels, comparing and contrasting them using voice memos. This is a sound level photograph of his home computer system: So I decided to record sitting next to my computer today just because my computer is loud, so I wanted to see exactly how loud it really was. But I kept the door closed just to be sort of fair, see how quiet it could possibly get. I think it peaked at 75 decibels, and that’s like, I looked up a decibel scale, and apparently a lawn mower is like 90 decibels. (Participant 2) Mediated Curation as a New Media Cultural Practice? One aspect of adopting the metaphor of ‘curation’ towards everyday media production is that it shifts the critical discourse on aesthetic expression from the realm of specialised expertise to general practice (“Everyone’s a photographer”). The act of curation is filtered through the aesthetic and technological capabilities of the smartphone, a device that has become co-constitutive of our routine sensorial encounters with the world. Revisiting McLuhan-inspired discourses on communication technologies stages the iPhone not as a device that itself shifts consciousness but as an agent in a media ecology co-constructed by the forces of use and design—a “crystallization of cultural practices” (Sterne). As such, mobile technology is continuously re-crystalised as design ‘constraints’ meet both normative and transgressive user approaches to interacting with everyday life. The concept of ‘social curation’ already exists in commercial discourse for social web marketing (O’Connell; Allton). High-traffic, wide-integration web services such as Digg and Pinterest, as well as older portals such as Reddit, all work on the principles of arranging user-generated, web-aggregated, and re-purposed content around custom themes. From a business perspective, the notion of ‘social curation’ captures, unsurprisingly, only the surface level of consumer behaviour rather than the kinds of values and meaning that this process holds for people. In the more traditional sense, art curation involves aesthetic, pragmatic, epistemological, and communication choices about the subject of (re)presentation, including considerations such as manner of display, intended audience, and affective and phenomenal impact. In his 2012 book tracing the discourse and culture of curating, Paul O’Neill proposes that over the last few decades the role of the curator has shifted from one of arts administrator to important agent in the production of cultural experiences, an influential cultural figure in her own right, independent of artistic content (88). Such discursive shifts in the formulation of ‘curatorship’ can easily be transposed from a specialised to a generalised context of cultural production, in which everyone with the technological means to capture, share, and frame the material and sensory content of everyday life is a curator of sorts. Each of us is an agent with a unique aesthetic and epistemological perspective, regardless of the content we curate. The entire communicative exchange is necessarily located within a nexus of new media practices as an activity that simultaneously frames a cultural construction of sensory experience and serves as a cultural production of the self. To return to the question of listening and a sound studies perspective into mediated cultural practices, technology has not single-handedly changed the way we listen and attend to everyday experience, but it has certainly influenced the range and manner in which we make sense of the sensory ‘everyday’. Unlike acoustic listening, mobile digital technologies prompt us to frame sonic experience in a multi-modal and multi-medial fashion—through the microphone, through the camera, and through the interactive, analytical capabilities of the device itself. Each decision for sensory capture as a curatorial act is both epistemological and aesthetic; it implies value of personal significance and an intention to communicate meaning. The occurrences that are captured constitute impressions, highlights, significant moments, emotions, reflections, experiments, and creative efforts—very different knowledge artefacts from those produced through textual means. Framing phenomenal experience—in this case, listening—in this way is, I argue, a core characteristic of a more general type of new media literacy and sensibility: that of multi-modal documenting of sensory materialities, or the curation of everyday life. 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