Academic literature on the topic 'Climatic changes – United States – Public opinion'

AbstractAmericans remain polarized about climate change. However, recent scholarship reveals a plurality of climate change opinions among the public, with nontrivial support for a range of awareness, risk perceptions, and policy prescriptions. This study uses publicly available opinion estimates to examine the geographic variability of American climate change opinions and maps them as regions that share similarities or differences in the character of their beliefs. The exploratory geovisual environment of a self-organizing map is used to compare the support for 56 different climate opinions across all counties in the United States and arrange them into a spatially coherent grid of nodes. To facilitate the exploration of the patterns, a statistical cluster analysis groups together counties with the most similar climate beliefs. Choropleth maps visualize the clustering results from the self-organizing map. This study finds six groups of climate beliefs in which member counties exhibit a distinct regionality across the United States and share similarities in the magnitude of support for specific opinions. Groups that generally exhibit high or low levels of support for climate change awareness, risk perceptions, and policy prescriptions vary in their relative support for specific opinions. The results provide a nuanced understanding of different types of climate change opinions and where they exist geographically.

We measure the extent to which military spending policy reflects public opinion, while controlling for other reasonable influences on policy. We use survey data as an indicator of aggregate public opinion on military spending and find evidence that changes in public opinion consistently exert an effect on changes in military spending. The influence of public opinion is less important than either Soviet military spending or the gap between U.S. and Soviet military spending and more important than the deficit and the balance of Soviet conflict/cooperation with the United States. We also examine the hypothesis that public opinion does not influence the government but that the government systematically manipulates public opinion. We find no evidence to support this hypothesis.

Work exploring the relationship between public opinion and public policy over time has largely been restricted to the United States. A wider application of this line of research can provide insights into how representation varies across political systems, however. This article takes a first step in this direction using a new body of data on public opinion and government spending in Britain. The results of analyses reveal that the British public appears to notice and respond (thermostatically) to changes in public spending in particular domains, perhaps even more so than in the United States. They also reveal that British policymakers represent these preferences in spending, though the magnitude and structure of this response is less pronounced and more general. The findings are suggestive about the structuring role of institutions.

The article discusses the current problems of functioning democratic institutions in the United States. The consequences of presidential elections and their influence on public opinion are analyzed. In the face of growing tensions toward world democracy and democratic values, US citizens usually agree on the importance of democratic ideals and values that are important to the United States. The results of the study also demonstrate the awareness of American society of the objective existence necessary criticism. Most respondents emphasize their knowledge of basic facts about the political system and democracy in the United States. The majority of respondents said that “significant changes” are necessary in the fundamental structure of the executive bodies of the American government in order for it to work effectively at the present time.The article states the complexity of the ongoing domestic political processes in the United States, the existence of existing contradictions and the split of public opinion regarding the stability of democratic mechanisms of the functioning of the US political system. The complexity of religious, national, social and other contradictions of social development brought to the surface of public debate a complex of problems of the dynamics of political development and the state mechanism of government.

Over the last three decades, many countries across the world, including the United States, have experienced major increases in support for LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) individuals and related issues. In partial relation to these changes, multiple studies have examined the factors shaping public opinion. In this review, we focus on four major areas of research on public opinion in this field of study. First, we assess the terms that scholars typically use when examining attitudes and highlight the areas of public opinion research that have received the most attention. Second, we focus on the data and measurement challenges related to examining attitudes in the United States and across many nations. Third, we consider how and why attitudes and related laws have changed over time and across nations. Finally, we discuss the major micro and macro empirical forces that influence and the theoretical explanations for why there are such differences in attitudes. We end by offering several suggestions for future research.

AbstractRecent work suggests that multilateral security institutions, such as the UN Security Council, can influence foreign policy through public opinion. According to this view, authorization can increase public support for foreign policy, freeing domestic constraints. Governments that feel constrained by public opinion may thus alter their foreign policies to garner external authorization. These claims challenge traditional realist views about the role of international organizations in security affairs, which tend to focus on direct enforcement mechanisms and neglect indirect channels of influence. To examine these claims, this article investigates the first link in this causal chain—the effect of institutional statements on public opinion. Strategic information arguments, as opposed to arguments about the symbolic legitimacy of specific organizations or the procedural importance of consultation, posit that the effect of institutional statements on public opinion is conditional on public perceptions of member states' interests. This article tests this conditional relationship in the context of changes in presidential approval surrounding military disputes, using a measure of preference distance between the United States and veto-wielding members of the UN Security Council. Findings indicate that short-term changes in presidential approval surrounding the onset of military disputes in the United States between 1946 and 2001 have been significantly larger when accompanied by a positive resolution for a Security Council that is more distant in terms of foreign policy preferences. The article also discusses polling data during the 1990s and 2000s that support the strategic information perspective.

What are the dynamics of partisan conflict in the mass public in the United States? Has this conflict been driven by Republicans moving to the right across a wide range of issues, or have Democrats contributed to this as well? Have these changes been symmetric, occurring for both sides, or asymmetric, occurring for just one side? Understanding how the partisan gaps have widened may shed light on potential prospects for reversing extreme political conflict in public opinion. This paper examines this question with an analysis of opinion trend data over the last 40 years. It includes an original analysis of these trends among racial and ethnic groups. We find that symmetric partisan changes have only occurred among whites. Overall partisan differences have been less for Blacks and Hispanics than for whites.

A robust method for characterizing the biophysical environment of terrestrial vegetation uses the relationship between Actual Evapotranspiration (AET) and Climatic Water Deficit (CWD). These variables are usually estimated from a water balance model rather than measured directly and are often more representative of ecologically-significant changes than temperature or precipitation. We evaluate trends and spatial patterns in AET and CWD in the Continental United States (CONUS) during 1980–2019 using a gridded water balance model. The western US had linear regression slopes indicating increasing CWD and decreasing AET (drying), while the eastern US had generally opposite trends. When limits to plant performance characterized by AET and CWD are exceeded, vegetation assemblages change. Widespread increases in aridity throughout the west portends shifts in the distribution of plants limited by available moisture. A detailed look at Sequoia National Park illustrates the high degree of fine-scale spatial variability that exists across elevation and topographical gradients. Where such topographical and climatic diversity exists, appropriate use of our gridded data will require sub-setting to an appropriate area and analyzing according to categories of interest such as vegetation communities or across obvious physical gradients. Recent studies have successfully applied similar water balance models to fire risk and forest structure in both western and eastern U.S. forests, arid-land spring discharge, amphibian colonization and persistence in wetlands, whitebark pine mortality and establishment, and the distribution of arid-land grass species and landscape scale vegetation condition. Our gridded dataset is available free for public use. Our findings illustrate how a simple water balance model can identify important trends and patterns at site to regional scales. However, at finer scales, environmental heterogeneity is driving a range of responses that may not be simply characterized by a single trend.

224 pages
Natural scientists warn that global climate change is a risk with potentially devastating consequences for human societies and natural ecosystems around the world. Meeting this challenge will require a concerted national and international effort to dramatically reduce anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. It will also, however, require public support for political leaders and government mitigation policies, and committed action by individual citizens and consumers. This dissertation examined whether the American public perceives global warming as a real threat, supports public mitigation policies, or has taken individual actions to mitigate climate change. It found that measures of affect, imagery and cultural worldviews predict public risk perceptions, policy preferences, and individual behaviors. Finally, it used affective image analysis to identify several distinct "interpretive communities" within the American public. The data comes from three surveys: a national survey of the American public completed in February, 2003 (n=673); a statewide survey of the Oregon public completed in February, 2001 (n=900); and a survey of student activists at the 2000 World Climate Conference (COP6) in The Hague, Netherlands (n=112). This research describes an American public with broad concern about global warming, strong bipartisan support for international treaties and national mitigation policies, and strong opposition to higher energy or gasoline prices to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Relatively few Americans have undertaken individual mitigation behaviors. While global warming does have negative connotations for most Americans, the thoughts and images evoked by this term primarily reflect impacts temporally and spatially distant from most people's lives. Critically, this research also finds that Americans do not currently associate global warming with any impacts on human health. Overall, these results suggest that American public opinion about global warming is at a critical turning point. Americans are aware and concerned about global climate change and predisposed to support political leaders and mitigation policies across party lines. Global warming is not a national priority, however, and Americans have yet to confront the tradeoffs that will ultimately be required.

The Bush administration's decision to abandon the Kyoto Protocol can be explained by prospect theory. The change in federal climate policy between the Clinton and Bush administrations was due to the difference in domain that each president operated under. President Clinton operated under a domain of losses as he associated continued fossil fuel use with future socio-economic and environmental damages from climate change. This domain of losses increased President Clinton's risk tolerances and explains his pursuit of the Kyoto Protocol, an international agreement to limit greenhouse gas emissions. Conversely, President Bush operated under a domain of gains where he did not connect fossil fuel use with future damages, rather with continued economic growth. President Bush's domain of gains reduced his risk tolerance and resulted in his pursuit of fossil fuel intensive economic development policies. This paper defines the domain that Presidents Clinton and Bush operated under regarding climate change, the independent variable of this analysis. A total of 26 speeches on climate change by these presidents were coded to explicate domain according to two categories of beliefs. The single most salient variable is the decision makers beliefs about the perceived robustness of the current state of scientific knowledge on climate change. The second most important aspect of these decision makers beliefs revolve around the role of fossil fuels in economic growth. Once domain has been defined through the cognitive maps and each decision makers corresponding risk tolerance explicated, the dependent variable of policy preferences are analyzed. Two policy options are analyzed; the business as usual (BAU) option associated with the status quo, as well as a climate protection policy that is reflective of the emissions reductions associated with US compliance with Kyoto. These two policy options are evaluated in three case studies; the economy wide costs of compliance with Kyoto targets for greenhouse gas emissions, the public health impacts of greenhouse gas reductions, and finally against a component of the Kyoto Protocol that allows for international trading of permits to emit greenhouse gases.

With rare exceptions, since 1948 and the onset of the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts, the United States has provided near unconditional support of Israel. The downside of that support is that it has enabled Israel to spurn repeated opportunities for peace settlements of those conflicts, for even when US governments have disagreed with hard-line Israeli policies, they have only rarely been willing to press for changes. A number of factors that explain these US policies are examined: the belief that support of Israel is morally required; shared religious and political values; public opinion; strong congressional and presidential support of Israel; the strategic and national interests of the United States, particularly concerning Middle East oil and the containment of the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the “war on terrorism” afterward; and the power of the Israel lobby. Particular attention is paid to the dispute over how much power the lobby has over US Mideast policies.

This chapter explores changes in public opinion regarding the transatlantic politics of risk regulation, as well as the preferences of influential policy makers. Both separately and by their interaction with one another, they have had a critical impact on shaping the divergence in transatlantic regulatory stringency. The chapter presents a broad historical overview of changes in public demands for more stringent risk regulations and the willingness of policy makers to address them. During the second half of the 1980s, the extent and intensity of public concerns about a wide range of health, safety, and environmental risks increased substantially on both sides of the Atlantic. These concerns played a role in a major expansion of consumer and environmental regulation in both the EU and the United States.

This chapter sets the stage for the rest of the book, describing key political economic events, conditions, and changes in Canada, Mexico, and the United States from the 1940s to the early 1980s. The US government was broadly keen on regional economic integration throughout this period, but Canada and Mexico were opposed. As a consequence, this was in some ways a period of deglobalization. Canadian economists advocated freer trade (like their counterparts in the United States), but Canadian businesspeople prevented the state from pursuing it. In Mexico, political elites maintained a closed economy because they subscribed to the developmentalist economic ideas of the day. Public opinion everywhere was little informed about international economic issues, and had no significant role to play in shaping public policies.

This chapter reviews media coverage of El Niño 97-98 and identifies some significant trends within that coverage. The coverage analyzed includes that provided by the major American television networks, the elite press, and significant regional newspapers. During the early months of the study period, news coverage of El Niño was focused on the science of the prediction and was framed as an issue of risk with appropriate uncertainty. However, as the predictions themselves were borne out in real-world phenomena, coverage of El Niño became event driven, and the phenomenon itself was treated as certainty. The risks of climate change attributed to El Niño outweighed the potential benefits in many media reports. Coverage of El Niño was extensive, particularly on the West Coast of the United States, where many individual weather events were connected with the larger phenomenon. The chapter then explores the possibility that the totality of the media coverage may have two lasting impacts. First, on the basis of existing scholarship on mass communication and risk communication, it is reasonable to suggest that the extensive news coverage of El Niño may have had some influence on public perception of climate change, particularly the salience of climate change in discrete regions of the nation. Second, the chapter suggests that the mediated reality of the 1997-1998 event will serve as a signal event for popular and political understanding of the consequences of global warming. Historically, journalism has been both hampered and helped by its definition of news. Previous studies of media coverage of a variety of “risky” events have noted that news accounts tend to be event focused, lack context, and treat science as a matter of dueling opinions, rather than a process of knowledge acquisition. These scholarly findings, which are long-standing, have had some impact on the professional community, particularly among science writers, who over the past two decades have become both better trained in science and more aware of the limitations of the concept of “news”—at least when it comes to reporting certain sorts of events. Media coverage of El Niño , in general, reflected these previously documented trends.

This concluding chapter looks at the National Academy of Public Administration's project in which they made a public call for comments about the “grand challenges of public administration.” Specifically, it sought advice on two questions, capitalizing for emphasis: “WHAT government must do over the next decade and HOW it should do it.” In other words, the academy wondered what the strategy for governing the United States should be in the coming decade. The field of public administration has been caught out at a critical moment. The problems that will confront the American state in the mid-twenty-first century are no less substantial than those of writer Walter Lippmann's time. Climatic disruption, shifts in the global power balance, demographic changes, technological revolutions, fiscal pressures, infrastructural shortfalls-all of these trends could jeopardize security, order, and citizens' well-being if government does not anticipate the dangers and organize itself properly in response. And people know from experience that it takes years to build agreement on strategy and reconstruct institutions so that they give expression to it. Choices made in the next few years will shape the contours of American public administration for decades to come.

This chapter assesses social, racial, and economic injustice. The marginalization of communities of color in the United States is of unique concern, particularly the marginalization of Black Americans. While it is true that many communities of color have suffered from deep-seated structural injustice, it is Black Americans who have, since before the country's founding, been the group most vulnerable to racial injustice. The emergence of some excellent scholarship in the past few years that has highlighted the place of anti-Blackness specifically as a detrimental force that influences health cannot, and should not, be swept up into broader generalizations around the pernicious influence of racial injustice overall. COVID-19 revealed how the institution of slavery has, over hundreds of years, continued to shape racial injustice and consequent poor health for Black Americans. Before changes to this status quo can be achieved, movements must change public opinion around issues of injustice. Once we understand injustice, we have a responsibility to not look away, to fix the racial, social, and economic inequities which generate poor health. But the path to justice does not end with changes in public attitudes and the passage of civil rights legislation. Achieving this goal takes pursuing not just social, but economic justice.

Earlier, I posed the question of how privileged perspectives are established on the ubiquitous and changeable climate. Enlightenment philosophes based their arguments on the impressions of travelers and colonists. Their perspectives were framed by memory, history, and folklore; their reasoning colored by environmental determinism. Early American writers followed this pattern, adding patriotic hopes to the rhetorical mix. A new approach to the climate issue was developing, however, based on projects that set out to collect large amounts of meteorological data. Thomas Jefferson, who participated vigorously in the great climate debate, was a staunch advocate of widespread, comparative, and long-term meteorological measurements. Inspired by Benjamin Franklin’s suggestion that extensive measurements of the climate would be necessary to resolve the issue, Jefferson advised his correspondents to keep weather diaries and send them to the American Philosophical Society. Throughout his life, Jefferson maintained the belief that human-induced climate change due to settlement would be proved by extensive measurements. He wrote the following to Lewis Beck in 1824: “We want . . . [an index of climate] for all the States, and the work should be repeated once or twice in a century, to show the effect of clearing and culture towards the changes of climate.” In the closing decades of the eighteenth century in Europe, and slightly later in Russia and the United States, serious attempts were made to broaden the geographic coverage of observations, standardize their collection, and publish the results. Individual observers in particular locales dutifully tended to their journals, and networks of cooperative observers gradually extended the meteorological frontiers. Much of the work was state funded and motivated primarily by desires to improve agriculture, answer health-related questions, and provide public storm warnings. Military issues and national pride were also at stake. Most of the projects were motivated, at least in part, by the hope that climatic patterns and their temporal changes would be revealed directly. The development of sytematic data collection networks occurred over several centuries. Its history can be traced to many roots, some more significant than others. Descriptive records of phenomena related to the climate, such as the opening and closing of rivers, the first and last frosts, and the blossoming and harvesting of fruit trees, existed from early times.

Nuclear power generation has become an increasingly attractive alternative in the global power market due to growing demand for electric power, increasing global competition for fossil fuels, concern over greenhouse gas emissions and their potential impact on climate change, and the desire for energy independence. Nuclear energy plays an integral role in providing carbon free energy for sustainable development of global electric power generation. Assuring the protection of people and the environmental is a prime consideration in the design, construction, and operation of nuclear power plants. Potential environmental and safety concerns must be carefully evaluated and addressed. In order to assure that the nuclear power plant designs are sufficiently robust, the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (USNRC) requires that applicants for early site permits (ESP) and construction/operating licenses (COL) identify the most severe natural phenomena historically reported for the site and surrounding area to ensure sufficient design margin exists, considering the limited accuracy, quantity, and time in which the associated data has been collected. Because these permits are valid for a period up to 40 years, the potential impacts of climate change on the severity of natural phenomena, as it relates to the design basis and nuclear safety and environmental impacts are of increasing interest. Although no conclusive evidence or consensus of opinion is available on the long-term climatic changes resulting from human or natural causes, the USNRC has requested that climate change forecasts be considered for their potential affecting the most severe natural phenomena. The specific subject areas of concern include: • Extreme temperature and extreme precipitation (liquid & frozen) statistics – review 100 years of data around the site versus a review of the previous 30 years of data. • Extreme wind/basic wind speed – review previous 100 years of tropical cyclone data (including hurricanes) in the site vicinity versus previous 30 years of data. • Tornado – review of frequency and intensity trends and forecasts. • Drought – review of water availability / water supply during drought conditions and drought of record. • Stagnation Potential – review of conditions that would result in restrictive dispersion of greenhouse gas emissions. This paper examines the challenges and constraints in identifying and developing appropriate design- and operating-basis site/regional meteorological conditions while accounting for potential climate change during preparation of an ESP and/or COL. Because there is no regulatory guidance or quantitative acceptance criteria currently available, the methodology used to address climate change in a recent issued ESP will be discussed as an example.

The global water nexus is still in the formative stages as a area of study. The needs are mostly clear: people need adequate water for drinking, for growing food, for cooling steam-based power plants, and for sustaining the natural habitats that keep the carbon and hydrologic cycles functioning properly. What has emerged is a growing awareness of how finite the earth’s water resources are and how this creates a complex set of interconnected challenges in both developed and developing nations. What has also emerged are predictions with increasing urgency for water and energy crises in the next 20–50 years, especially if these concerns are left unaddressed. The Water-Nexus is not new, but its emerging importance now is driven primarily by population growth, climate change, and our growing awareness of societal impact on ecosystems. Providing energy for buildings, homes, and transportation is an increasingly difficult task for the growing population and aging infrastructure. Most individual issues within the Water-Energy Nexus are fairly well known with quantifiable water impacts. What is lacking is a clear representation of the Nexus relationships that show how changes in one sector impact another. What is needed is a compact way to represent the interrelationships that provide both insight and perspective on how much influence one proposed change has compared to another. Such an understanding should surface the most strategic, viable methods for simultaneously meeting water and energy needs while being a good steward of finances and natural resources. We propose the use of decision matrices from engineering design to represent the interconnected relationships that form the Water-Energy Nexus. The customers in this case are water-centric stakeholders such as government and corporate decision makers, educators, and water-oriented development agencies. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods are used to integrate the nexus topics into the decision matrix. Both positive and negative correlations in water impacts are indicated with their relative level of influence. Common units are used when possible to quantify water consumption or savings. Decision matrices are presented for transportation fuels and utility power generation. The transportation fuels matrix includes evaluation criteria for water impact, sustainability, convenience, emissions, public opinion, and geographic considerations. The utility power decision matrix has similar evaluation criteria except capacity factor is considered instead of convenience. These criteria are intended to aid policy makers in strategically navigating the legislative and policy generation process to emphasize or reduce emphasis on different fuel types. Recommendations are provided for strategic, viable methods to mitigate future effects of the Water-Energy crisis.

On both U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) and U.S. Department of Defense sites in the southwestern United States (U.S.), significant areas of surface soils are contaminated with radionuclides from atmospheric nuclear testing, and with depleted uranium, primarily from military training. At DOE sites in Nevada, the proposed regulatory closure strategy for most sites is to leave contaminants in place with administrative controls and periodic monitoring. Closure-in-place is considered an acceptable strategy because the contaminated sites exist on access-restricted facilities, decreasing the potential risk to public receptor, the high cost and feasibility of excavating contaminated soils over large areas, and the environmental impacts of excavating desert soils that recover very slowly from disturbance. The largest of the contaminated sites on the Tonopah Test Range in Nevada covers over 1,200 hectares. However, a factor that has not been fully investigated in the long-term stewardship of these sites is the potential effects of fires. Because of the long half-lives of some of the contaminants (e.g., 24,100 years for 239Pu) and changes in land-cover and climatic factors that are increasing the frequency of fires throughout the western U.S., it should be assumed that all of these sites will eventually burn, possibly multiple times, during the timeframe when they still pose a risk. Two primary factors are contributing to increased fire frequency. The first is the spread of invasive grasses, particularly cheatgrass (Bromus tectorum and Bromus rubens), which have out-competed native annuals and invaded interspaces between shrubs, allowing fires to burn easier. The second is a sharp increase in fire frequency and size throughout the western U.S. beginning in the mid-1980s. This second factor appears to correlate with an increase in average spring and summer temperatures, which may be contributing to earlier loss of soil moisture and longer periods of dry plant biomass (particularly from annual plants). The potential risk to site workers from convective heat dispersion of radionuclide contaminants is an immediate concern during a fire. Long-term, post-fire concerns include potential changes in windblown suspension properties of contaminated soil particles after fires because of loss of vegetation cover and changes in soil properties, and soil erosion from surface water runoff and fluvial processes.

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.