Academic literature on the topic 'Climatic changes – Religious aspects – Catholic Church'

Developmental Aspects of European Catholicism in the 20th Century European Catholicism retained into the 1960s essential principles it had formed in the 19th century as a European social movement against economic liberalism and socialism. It focused on the Catholic idea of an ideal society, a utopia critical of modernity, on the evolution of manifold social and socio-political activities as well as on the centralisation and modernisation of Church organisation according to the model of the modern nation state. The development of specific milieus or exclusive societies in this kind of Catholicism was successful in particular in those countries of Central and Northwestern Europe where Catholics formed the minority. World War I introduced a process of depolitising Catholicism, individualising religious ties and developing Catholic professional and elite organisations. World War II marked the end of the corporatist social utopia as well as the rise of Christian democratic parties. The Second Vatican Council concluded the cultural struggle between the Catholic Church and the liberal-pluralistic nation state in Europe. It introduced the orientation toward a global society, which has, since then, been accompanied in Europe by vastly differentiated changes in religious practice, organisational forms and Catholic values.

The changes in religious life of Ukrainian society of the 21st century are analysed in the article. Problems of church-state relations transformation, significance of religious-cultural heritage, confessional diversity and religious influence on society remain relevant not only in Ukraine, but in Europe as a whole. The peculiarity of Ukrainian religious life of the time period studied consists in its denominational diversity provided by law. Connection between religious affiliation and national identity in Ukrainian society, documented by researchers, is not only found in Orthodox midst, but also in Catholic, Islamic and Jewish religious communities. The Revolution of Dignity has become a turning point in the activity of church organizations. Many Prayerful Maidans, held during that time in various Ukrainian cities, are ecumenical in nature. The concept of Maidan theology has appeared and become widely used. It is introduced by the theologian Kyrylo Hovorun. This process has confirmed the necessity for church to start work in the direction of dialogue with society. Civic attitude of church leaders and social doctrine of the church have experienced significant changes because of military events in the Eastern Ukraine. Interconfessional consolidation of religious communities and believers on the principles of patriotism has taken place in the conditions of threat of the state security loss. The religious landscape of the country has been changed because of the territories loss and migration processes: a number of Protestant and Muslim communities is decreased on the occupied territories. The representatives of various denominations provide humanitarian aid to the wounded, displaced persons and the residents of the so-called Grey Zone. Military chaplaincy has become widespread and established by law. Receiving of the Tomos in 2018 and creation of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine has become a significant geopolitical event, assessed by the public opinion as an act of justice restoring, restitution of its historical heritage to Ukrainian church. Covid-19 pandemia has corrected the development of the country’s religious life, influencing both the level of common religiosity of the population and social stability in general. The significance of digital technologies in churches’ activity has increased during this time. Virtual liturgies and public prayers have hundreds of thousands of views (especially on holidays), social media vaccine discussions, video addresses of religious leaders to the flock in connection with key social events testify the population interest in church issues and importance of the religious factor in modern Ukrainian society.

In recent years, the sexual abuse of minors and vulnerable adults in the Catholic Church has received much attention. This is also true of the related changes to ecclesiastical legislation. Less attention, however, has been paid to other aspects of the reform. The revised penal law of the Code of Canon Law, in any case, demands closer study from the point of critical legal studies. It is striking that while the reform focused on improving the legal protection of minors, it also had rather detrimental effects on the legal standing of women in the church. Reading the revised law, it appears that the reform missed the chance to improve the legal situation of the mostly female adult victims of clerical sex offenses and abuses of power. It rather spotlighted “female” offenses such as abortion in contrast to typical “male” offenses such as homicide, and it moreover criminalized women who attempt ordination. Thus, the regulations of the reformed penal law not only generally leave the systemic causes of abuse untouched, but also establish norms which reinvent or even exacerbate abusive structures. The latter finally sustain clericalism and reinstitutionalize gender inequality, commonly identified as factors fostering abuse.

In the last decade and a half the process of desecularization has been undoubtedly verified in Serbia. Not only that the changes have been verified in the religious complex in general, but in traditional religious groups in particular as well. The revival of religiousness and people?s attachment to religion and church have been clearly proved in all aspects of religious life: in the areas of religious identification, doctrinaire religious beliefs and ritual religious practices. It should also be noted that in times of extremely turbulent political and social changes in the Balkans, all traditional religious complexes, orthodox, catholic and Muslim, began forming close ties with political and state, public and binding domains, which was absolutely unthinkable of a decade and a half ago. Which leads us to the crucial question: can religion make a contribution to the process of integration coming form the surrounding countries as the imperative of foreign powers on one hand, and as the striving of the majority of population in all the post socialist countries in the Balkans on the other hand, or will it only cause damage and interfere with the process of integration of those societies into the European commonwealth of nations? This article discusses different opinions that view the traditional complexes of religion, language and nation as disruptive factors of modernization of the Balkan countries, as well as completely opposite opinions based on the experiences of traditional Islamic societies in which religion is not a factor that hinders their rapid modernization.

In this paper we focus our attention on the changes that took place after the First World War in the life of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Alba Iulia led by Bishop Gusztáv Károly Mailáth. This diocese was the only new diocese in Romania to retain all the historical territory it had previously held in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy; all the others having been folded after the Great War. The specific character of the Roman Catholic Church in Transylvania was the ethnic factor, so the main problem became how to integrate the eparchy among the Romanian ecclesiastical administrative units while preserving its religious and ethnic characteristics. We are witnessing the beginning of a "diplomatic game" between the Romanian Government, the Holy See and Bishop Mailáth, and in this context the stake was the preservation of confessional and ethnic identity in a new political framework. The culmination of the integration process was the signing of the Concordat in 1927, but the road to the completion of the inter-state document contains many interesting facts that help us understand the formation of the identity issue.

The work analyzes the peculiarities of the political activity of the Russian autocracy concerning the representatives of confessional and religious communities in Podillya at the end of XVIII – at the beginning of the 30s of the XIX century. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, objectivity and historicism, and involves the use of general scientific methods (internal critique of sources, analysis, synthesis, generalization). The scientific novelty consists of the formation of the complex vision of implementation of religious politics of autocracy toward the representatives of non-Orthodox clergy and believers of Podillya. The analysis of legislative acts, incorporation and corporate governance documents that regulated the activities of religious communities was conducted. Based on the historical, ideological and political aspects of this policy, as well as the religious views of monarchs (on confessional and religious communities), and the status of the state religion (Orthodoxy), the main aspects of church and religious policy of the autocracy in Podillya were clarified. Conclusions.It is defined that the church-religious politics of the Russian government toward the confessional communities of the Podillya governorate were executed to get control over the confessional communities of the region and their full subordination to the autocratic government. The legal basis of religious and confessional policy was a series of imperial decrees, statutory documents and orders that defined and coordinated the activities of religious and confessional organizations. Their publications were based on the legal and ideological substantiation of the religious and confessional policy of the autocracy throughout the Right-Bank Ukraine and Podillya in particular. The implementation of the given policy led to the changes in the confessional hierarchy of the Podillya governorate; restrictions of activities and the influence of the Roman Catholic and Greek-Catholic denominations of the faithful of the region. As a result, it was the change of religion and confessional affiliation of the population of the region. Orthodoxy was recognized as the main religion by the government in the region, which depended entirely on secular authorities, the will of the emperor, and became the basis for the subordination of the Orthodox population of the region to the policy of the Russian state.

In the history of canon law, as well as like in history of many other forms and aspects of ecclesiastical life, Trident Council (1545-1563) was of a great importance. Renovation work initiated by Council, thought as remedy for crisis situation intensified by reformation outbreak, was without any doubts a turning point not only in history of church legislation, but also in the history of Church itself. For hundred and forty years from ending of the conference of Trident Council is an occasion for discerning reflection over the role and importance of votes of that significant and grave event in the history of the Church, which was a great gift of the Spirit presented to the Church in hard times of XVIth century and turning point that started big, needed and salutary reform and renovation of the Church. Trident formed and changed the visage of Catholic Church more than any other ordinary Council except of The Und Vatican Council. The other Councils, despite their significance, influenced only specific areas of Church life, impressing their impact on them. It set a new direction and shape to the whole historical epoch. It was this Council that formed „catholic confession Church”, it gave him an order and shape in doctrinal and disciplinary area. Legal resolutions of the Council had first of all reformative character. Besides passing the resolutions, which had fundamental importance for Church’s work, as residency dictation, ban of benefices accumulation, establishing the clerical seminary, enforcing the obligatory legal form of marriages contracting or reform of religious law, the Council implemented all line of improvements and institutions started by Apostolic Capital. The great gift of the Spirit, reforms and renovation presented to the Church of the half of XVIth century in resolutions of Trident Council was to release comprehensive trend of assimilation by individual countries, nations, church’s provinces and dioceses the basic decrees and resolution, which were taken by Council’s fathers. Before everything else, situation that the Church winded up in required all that, because Church was from one side menaced by developing reformation, from the other side it was afflicted by crisis of its structures and institutions, collapse of discipline of priesthood and declining religious life. This situation forced to take on changes and reforms programmed by the Tridentinum and which concern widely understood religious renovation referring to priesthood and secular congregation, as well as Church structures themselves. In the same time, the point was both to correct recognition of totality of Council’s reformatory resolutions and to definitely implement them and enforce into life of mentioned church units. Acceptance of Trident resolutions meant the beginning of reforms on many areas of church and religious life. So no wonder, that efforts of popes from the end of XVIth century and the subsequent centuries were directed to propagate a conviction in Church’s consciousness, that Tridentinum should be recognized as not only the ultimate principle of faith, but also as rule of church discipline. Norms established earlier were integrated, specified and updated by Trident becoming a significant motor of further legislative activity of legislators in the Church. On the Council, foundations for development of modern canon law and its application in the Church were also set. Hereof, taking this all into consideration we can state, that this Council is a beginning of a new epoch for history of canon law. Its resolutions explained and determined dogmatic matters, strengthened organization and discipline in the Church, gave a new impulse to maintain shaken internal cohesion of the Church and created convenient conditions to take up offensive priestly action on wider scale. Thus they had significant impact on four centuries of life, activity and history of the church.

Introduction Health is the greatest value in our lives. Analyzing the current approaches of the WHO (2014), we consider this concept not only from the standpoint of physical health and the absence of disease, but understand this phenomenon as a holistic state of complete well-being, which includes, in addition to physical, emotional, mental, social, spiritual, sexual, environmental and many other aspects. This is the so-called holistic model of health (Orzhekhovska, 2013). Our reasoning suggests (given various aspects of health) that this value does not depend only on an individual's choice to be or not to be healthy, and cannot be governed solely by personal actions. Here are some examples. The lack of geographically close medical services and / or free medical services causes the inability to receive emergency medical care and / or to systematically monitor health. Negative relationships in the family, the absence of a father or mother in the family can lead to emotional rejection of the child (psycho-emotional disorders), the acquisition of undesirable behavior (child addictive behavior or delinquent behavior), lack of self-care skills (this can cause various infectious diseases), getting into institutional care, which usually do not contribute to the full development of personality, etc. Inadequate social policies and an imperfect health care system in the country can cause outbreaks of socially dangerous diseases and provoke the spread of pandemics. Aggressive urbanization creates uncomfortable living conditions in cities due to traffic jams, pollution, noise, which causes other health risks from stress to cancer. As we can see, good health depends not only on the individual being healthy in the broad context of this word, but on the complex impact on us of a number of systems in which we are included. It is important to emphasize the role of social work in this context, the theory and practice of which aim, inter alia, to promote social development and well-being, as well as to improve the health care system and reduce social inequalities. Therefore, the task of social work in general and social workers together with other professionals in particular is to support the individual, family, community, society in the context of strengthening and maintaining the health of both individual and public. An ecosystem approach in social work helps us to understand the process of maintaining and strengthening health, which explains well the mutual influence of each element of the system. Purpose The aim of the article was to consider health social work according to ecosystem approach. Methodology The study used theoretical methods of research, in particular, analysis, comparison, synthesis and implementation of the results of the study of health social work based on the principles of integral ecology and ecosystem approach. Results and Discussion The ecosystem approach is used in various spheres of practical and scientific activity: public health, ecology, economy, legal and social spheres, church-religious sphere and even education (Forget, Lebel, 2001; Deinega, 2018; Veklych, 2017; Voronkin, 2017). Kabanenko and T. Semigina (2004) write about the separation of the ecological approach in social work on the basis of systems theory (sociological group of social work theories). Within this approach, the authors consider the main models of work and tools that can be used by social workers in their practice: eco-maps, genograms, etc. Systems theory and environmental theory are mentioned in the manual "Introduction to Practical Social Work". In systems theory, "a whole is greater than the sum of its parts", so it is important to consider "the interaction of the client and the environment." Ecological theory considers a person in the context of his or her entourage, but not only the family, society, but also the environment (Klos, Mykytenko, 2005, 52-54). In contrast to the mentioned researchers, T. Syla (2012) explores the problem of violence in the context of the ecosystem approach, she notes that this approach originates from the socio-ecological theory of Bronfenbrenner in psychology. So, no matter what theories the ecosystem approach is based on, the idea behind this concept is a wide range of interconnections. Every smaller object, such as a person, is part of a large range of interactions of larger systems: family, community, society, environment, and so on. Each element of the system affects the other, so solving a problem situation in one area can be an impetus for positive change in another. Chaikovska and O. Hlavatska talk about the need to train social workers with a "high level of environmental culture" (2019). In scientific works on social work we find the concepts "ecosystem approach" and "ecological approach", which are virtually identical in content. This perspective has formed over time one of the modern concepts of social work: "environmental social work", or "eco-social work", or "green social work". The latter in her current research is much covered by T. Semigina (2018). The researcher notes that "a healthy environment is seen as an inalienable human right, a component of human dignity and non-discrimination." However, today there is no research on health social work from the standpoint of an ecosystem approach. The ecosystem approach resonates with another very important concept. It is an integrated ecology. This concept appeared in the church-religious sphere, and was covered in the Encyclical (papal document) "Laudato si" by the head of the Catholic Church Pope Francis (2015/2019). According to the vision of Francis, there can be no question of ensuring the common good, guaranteeing fundamental rights, social justice, if humanity understands nature as something separate and does not link environmental pollution with economic activity, behavior, etc. Conclusion Therefore, it is obvious that today, in the conditions of social transformations and globalization processes, the solution of any social problem should be considered from the standpoint of the ecosystem approach. Health issues in social work cannot be considered without taking into account changes in the environment. For such activities, it is necessary to train social workers in the context of the ecosystem approach, programs and projects should be developed to help overcome the problems of clients' health in a comprehensive way. Further research is needed to study existing and develop new forms and models of social work on the basis of strengthening and maintaining the health of clients, taking into account the ecosystem approach and the basics of integral ecology

Introduction The decline of marriage in the West has been extensively researched over the last three decades (Carmichael and Whittaker; de Vaus; Coontz; Beck-Gernshein). Indeed, it was fears that the institution would be further eroded by the legalisation of same sex unions internationally that provided the impetus for the Australian government to amend the Marriage Act (1961). These amendments in 2004 sought to strengthen marriage by explicitly defining, for the first time, marriage as a legal partnership between one man and one woman. The subsequent heated debates over the discriminatory nature of this definition have been illuminating, particularly in the way they have highlighted the ongoing social significance of marriage, even at a time it is seen to be in decline. Demographic research about partnering practices (Carmichael and Whittaker; Simons; Parker; Penman) indicates that contemporary marriages are more temporary, fragile and uncertain than in previous generations. Modern marriages are now less about a permanent and “inescapable” union between a dominant man and a submissive female for the purposes of authorised sex, legal progeny and financial security, and more about a commitment between two social equals for the mutual exchange of affection and companionship (Croome). Less research is available, however, about how couples themselves reconcile the inherited constructions of romantic love as selfless and unending, with trends that clearly indicate that romantic love is not forever, ideal or exclusive. Civil marriage ceremonies provide one source of data about representations of love. Civil unions constituted almost 70 per cent of all marriages in Australia in 2010, according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics. The civil marriage ceremony has both a legal and symbolic role. It is a legal contract insofar as it prescribes a legal arrangement with certain rights and responsibilities between two consenting adults and outlines an expectation that marriage is voluntarily entered into for life. The ceremony is also a public ritual that requires couples to take what are usually private feelings for each other and turn them into a public performance as a way of legitimating their relationship. Consistent with the conventions of performance, couples generally customise the rest of the ceremony by telling the story of their courtship, and in so doing they often draw upon the language and imagery of the Western Romantic tradition to convey the personal meaning and social significance of their decision. This paper explores how couples construct the idea of love in their relationship, first by examining the western history of romantic love and then by looking at how this discourse is invoked by Australians in the course of developing civil marriage ceremonies in collaboration with the author. A History of Romantic Love There are many definitions of romantic love, but all share similar elements including an intense emotional and physical attraction, an idealisation of each other, and a desire for an enduring and unending commitment that can overcome all obstacles (Gottschall and Nordlund; Janowiak and Fischer). Romantic love has historically been associated with heightened passions and intense almost irrational or adolescent feelings. Charles Lindholm’s list of clichés that accompany the idea of romantic love include: “love is blind, love overwhelms, a life without love is not worth living, marriage should be for love alone and anything less is worthless and a sham” (5). These elements, which invoke love as sacred, unending and unique, perpetuate past cultural associations of the term. Romantic love was first documented in Ancient Rome where intense feelings were seen as highly suspect and a threat to the stability of the family, which was the primary economic, social and political unit. Roman historian Plutarch viewed romantic love based upon strong personal attraction as disruptive to the family, and he expressed a fear that romantic love would become the norm for Romans (Lantz 352). During the Middle Ages romantic love emerged as courtly love and, once again, the conventions that shaped its expression grew out of an effort to control excessive emotions and sublimate sexual desire, which were seen as threats to social stability. Courtly love, according to Marilyn Yalom, was seen as an “irresistible and inexhaustible passion; a fatal love that overcomes suffering and even death” (66). Feudal social structures had grounded marriage in property, while the Catholic Church had declared marriage a sacrament and a ceremony through which God’s grace could be obtained. In this context courtly love emerged as a way of dealing with the conflict between the individual and family choices over the martial partner. Courtly love is about a pure ideal of love in which the knight serves his unattainable lady, and, by carrying out feats in her honour, reaches spiritual perfection. The focus on the aesthetic ideal was a way to fulfil male and female emotional needs outside of marriage, while avoiding adultery. Romantic love re-appeared again in the mid-eighteenth century, but this time it was associated with marriage. Intellectuals and writers led the trend normalising romantic love in marriage as a reaction to the Enlightenment’s valorisation of reason, science and materialism over emotion. Romantics objected to the pragmatism and functionality induced by industrialisation, which they felt destroyed the idea of the mysterious and transcendental nature of love, which could operate as a form of secular salvation. Love could not be bought or sold, argued the Romantics, “it is mysterious, true and deep, spontaneous and compelling” (Lindholm 5). Romantic love also emerged as an expression of the personal autonomy and individualisation that accompanied the rise of industrial society. As Lanz suggests, romantic love was part of the critical reflexivity of the Enlightenment and a growing belief that individuals could find self actualisation through the expression and expansion of their “emotional and intellectual capacities in union with another” (354). Thus it was romantic love, which privileges the feelings and wishes of an individual in mate selection, that came to be seen as a bid for freedom by the offspring of the growing middle classes coerced into marriage for financial or property reasons. Throughout the 19th century romantic love was seen as a solution to the dehumanising forces of industrialisation and urbanisation. The growth of the competitive workplace—which required men to operate in a restrained and rational manner—saw an increase in the search for emotional support and intimacy within the domestic domain. It has been argued that “love was the central preoccupation of middle class men from the 1830s until the end of the 19th century” (Stearns and Knapp 771). However, the idealisation of the aesthetic and purity of love impacted marriage relations by casting the wife as pure and marital sex as a duty. As a result, husbands pursued sexual and romantic relationships outside marriage. It should be noted that even though love became cemented as the basis for marriage in the 19th century, romantic love was still viewed suspiciously by religious groups who saw strong affection between couples as an erosion of the fundamental role of the husband in disciplining his wife. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries romantic love was further impacted by urbanisation and migration, which undermined the emotional support provided by extended families. According to Stephanie Coontz, it was the growing independence and mobility of couples that saw romantic love in marriage consolidated as the place in which an individual’s emotional and social needs could be fully satisfied. Coontz says that the idea that women could only be fulfilled through marriage, and that men needed women to organise their social life, reached its heights in the 1950s (25-30). Changes occurred to the structure of marriage in the 1960s when control over fertility meant that sex was available outside of marriage. Education, equality and feminism also saw women reject marriage as their only option for fulfilment. Changes to Family Law Acts in western jurisdictions in the 1970s provided for no-fault divorce, and as divorce lost its stigma it became acceptable for women to leave failing marriages. These social shifts removed institutional controls on marriage and uncoupled the original sexual, emotional and financial benefits packaged into marriage. The resulting individualisation of personal lifestyle choices for men and women disrupted romantic conventions, and according to James Dowd romantic love came to be seen as an “investment” in the “future” that must be “approached carefully and rationally” (552). It therefore became increasingly difficult to sustain the idea of love as a powerful, mysterious and divine force beyond reason. Methodology In seeking to understand how contemporary partnering practices are reconstituting romantic love, I draw upon anecdotal data gathered over a nine-year period from my experiences as a marriage celebrant. In the course of personalising marriage ceremonies, I pose a series of questions designed to assist couples to explain the significance of their relationship. I generally ask brides and grooms why they love their fiancé, why they want to legalise their relationship, what they most treasure about their partner, and how their lives have been changed by their relationship. These questions help couples to reflexively interrogate their own relationship, and by talking about their commitment in concrete terms, they produce the images and descriptions that can be used to describe for guests the internal motivations and sentiments that have led to their decision to marry. I have had couples, when prompted to explain how they know the other person loves them say, in effect: “I know that he loves me because he brings me a cup of coffee every morning” or “I know that she loves me because she takes care of me so well.” These responses are grounded in a realism that helps to convey a sense of sincerity and authenticity about the relationship to the couple’s guests. This realism also helps to address the cynicism about the plausibility of enduring love. The brides and grooms in this sample of 300 couples were a socially, culturally and economically diverse group, and they provided a wide variety of responses ranging from deeply nuanced insights into the nature of their relationship, to admissions that their feelings were so private and deeply felt that words were insufficient to convey their significance. Reoccurring themes, however, emerged across the cases, and it is evident that even as marriage partnerships may be entered into for a variety of reasons, romantic love remains the mechanism by which couples talk of their feelings for each other. Australian Love and Marriage Australians' attitudes to romantic love and marriage have, understandably, been shaped by western understandings of romantic love. It is evident, however, that the demands of late modern capitalist society, with its increased literacy, economic independence and sexual equality between men and women, have produced marriage as a negotiable contract between social equals. For some, like Carol Pateman, this sense of equality within marriage may be illusory. Nonetheless, the drive for individual self-fulfilment by both the bride and groom produces a raft of challenges to traditional ideas of marriage as couples struggle to find a balance between independence and intimacy; between family and career; and between pursuing personal goals and the goals of their partners. This shift in the nature of marriage has implications for the “quest for undying romantic love,” which according to Anthony Giddens has been replaced by other forms of relationship, "each entered into for its own sake, for what can be derived by each person from a sustained association with another; and which is continued only in so far as it is thought by both parties to deliver enough satisfactions for each individual to stay within it” (qtd. in Lindholm 6). The impact of these social changes on the nature of romantic love in marriage is evident in how couples talk about their relationship in the course of preparing a ceremony. Many couples describe the person they are marrying as their best friend, and friendship is central to their commitment. This description supports research by V.K. Oppenheimer which indicates that many contemporary couples have a more “egalitarian collaborative approach to marriage” (qtd. in Carmichael and Whittaker 25). It is also standard for couples to note in ceremonies that they make each other happy and contented, with many commenting upon how their partners have helped to bring focus and perspective to their work-oriented lives. These comments tend to invoke marriage as a refuge from the isolation, competition, and dehumanising elements of workplaces. Since emotional support is central to the marriage contract, it is not surprising that care for each other is another reoccurring theme in ceremonies. Many brides and grooms not only explicitly say they are well taken care of by their partner, but also express admiration for their partner’s treatment of their families and friends. This behaviour appears to be seen as an indicator of the individual’s capacity for support and commitment to family values. Many couples admire partner’s kindness, generosity and level of personal self-sacrifice in maintaining the relationship. It is also not uncommon for brides and grooms to say they have been changed by their love: become kinder, more considerate and more tolerant. Honesty, communication skills and persistence are also attributes that are valued. Brides and grooms who have strong communication skills are also praised. This may refer to interpersonal competency and the willingness to acquire the skills necessary to negotiate the endless compromises in contemporary marriage now that individualisation has undermined established rules, rituals and roles. Persistence and the ability not to be discouraged by setbacks is also a reoccurring theme, and this connects with the idea that marriage is work. Many couples promise to grow together in their marriage and to both take responsibility for the health of their relationship. This promise implies awareness that marriage is not the fantasy of happily ever after produced in romantic popular culture, but rather an arrangement that requires hard work and conscious commitment, particularly in building a union amidst many competing options and distractions. Many couples talk about their relationship in terms of companionship and shared interests, values and goals. It is also not uncommon for couples to say that they admire their partner for supporting them to achieve their life goals or for exposing them to a wider array of lifestyle choices and options like travel or study. These examples of interdependence appear to make explicit that couples still see marriage as a vehicle for personal freedom and self-realisation. The death of love is also alluded to in marriage ceremonies. Couples talk of failed past relationships, but these are produced positively as a mechanism that enables the couple to know that they have now found an enduring relationship. It is also evident that for many couples the decision to marry is seen as the formalisation of a preexisting commitment rather than the gateway to a new life. This is consistent with figures that show that 72 per cent of Australian couples chose to cohabit before marriage (Simons 48), and that cohabitation has become the “normative pathway to marriage” (Penman 26). References to children also feature in marriage ceremonies, and for the couples I have worked with marriage is generally seen as the pre-requisite for children. Couples also often talk about “being ready” for marriage. This seems to refer to being financially prepared. Robyn Parker citing the research of K. Edin concludes that for many modern couples “rushing into marriage before being ‘set’ is irresponsible—marrying well (in the sense of being well prepared) is the way to avoid divorce” (qtd. in Parker 81). From this overview of reoccurring themes in the production of Australian ceremonies it is clear that romantic love continues to be associated with marriage. However, couples describe a more grounded and companionable attachment. These more practical and personalised sentiments serve to meet both the public expectation that romantic love is a precondition for marriage, while also avoiding the production of romantic love in the ceremony as an empty cliché. Grounded descriptions of love reveal that attraction does not have to be overwhelming and unconquerable. Indeed, couples who have lived together and are intimately acquainted with each other’s habits and disposition, appear to be most comfortable expressing their commitment to each other in more temperate, but no less deeply felt, terms. Conclusion This paper has considered how brides and grooms constitute romantic love within the shifting partnering practices of contemporary Australia. It is evident “in the midst of significant social and economic change and at a time when individual rights and freedom of choice are important cultural values” marriage remains socially significant (Simons 50). This significance is partially conveyed through the language of romantic love, which, while freighted with an array of cultural and historical associations, remains the lingua franca of marriage, perhaps because as Roberto Unger observes, romantic love is “the most influential mode of moral vision in our culture” (qtd. in Lindholm 5). It is thus possible to conclude, that while marriage may be declining and becoming more fragile and impermanent, the institution remains important to couples in contemporary Australia. Moreover, the language and imagery of romantic love, which publicly conveys this importance, remains the primary mode of expressing care, affection and hope for a partnership, even though the changed partnering practices of late modern capitalist society have exposed the utopian quality of romantic love and produced a cynicism about the viability of its longevity. It is evident in the marriage ceremonies prepared by the author that while the language of romantic love has come to signify a broader range of more practical associations consistent with the individualised nature of modern marriage and demystification of romantic love, it also remains the best way to express what Dowd and Pallotta describe as a fundamental human “yearning for communion with and acceptance by another human being” (571). References Beck, U., and E. Beck-Gernsheim, Individualisation: Institutionalised Individualism and Its Social and Political Consequences. London: Sage, 2002. Beigel, Hugo G. “Romantic Love.” American Sociological Review 16.3 (1951): 326–34. Carmichael, Gordon A, and Andrea Whittaker. “Forming Relationships in Australia: Qualitative Insights into a Process Important to Human Well Being.” Journal of Population Research 24.1 (2007): 23–49. Coontz, Stephanie. Marriage, A History: How Love Conquered Marriage. New York: Viking, 2005. Croome, Rodney. “Love and Commitment, To Equality.” The Drum Opinion, Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC) News. 8 June 2011. 14 Aug. 2012 < http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/2749898.html >. de Vaus, D.L. Qu, and R. Weston. “Family Trends: Changing Patterns of Partnering.” Family Matters 64 (2003): 10–15. Dowd, James T, and Nicole R. Pallotta. “The End of Romance: The Demystification of Love in the Postmodern Age.” Sociological Perspectives 43.4 (2000): 549–80. Gottschall, Jonathan, and Marcus Nordlund. “Romantic Love: A Literary Universal?” Philosophy and Literature 30 (2006): 450–70. Jankowiak, William, and Ted Fischer, “A Cross-Cultural Perspective on Romantic Love,” Ethnology 31 (1992): 149–55. Lantz, Herman R. “Romantic Love in the Pre-Modern Period: A Sociological Commentary.” Journal of Social History 15.3 (1982): 349–70. Lindholm, Charles. “Romantic Love and Anthropology.” Etnofoor 19:1 Romantic Love (2006): 5–21. Parker, Robyn. “Perspectives on the Future of Marriage.” Australian Institute of Family Studies 72 Summer (2005): 78–82.Pateman, Carole. “Women and Consent.” Political Theory (1980): 149–68. Penman, Robyn. “Current Approaches to Marriage and Relationship Research in the United States and Australia.” Family Matters 70 Autumn (2005): 26–35. Simons, Michelle. “(Re)-forming Marriage in Australia?” Australian Institute of Family Matters 73 (2006): 46–51.Stearns, Peter N, and Mark Knapp. “Men and Romantic Love: Pinpointing a 20th-Century Change.” Journal of Social History 26.4 (1993): 769–95. Yalom, Marilyn. A History of the Wife. New York: Harper Collins, 2001.

It is important to analyze the activities of fighters for the Ukrainian national idea, who found themselves in extreme conditions. After all, they had to fight against different occupation regimes at the same time. The political changes that took place during this time affected the tactics and methods of the fighters for the Ukrainian national idea. The analysis of OUN and UPA activities during the World War II and in the postwar period is important. The relevance of the study of organizational and militarypolitical activities in the Zhovkva district is explained by the peculiarities of this region. Among them are the following: this territory during the World War II was under the influence of various military and political formations in (UPA, OUN, AK – the regional army, guerrillas from the Soviet Union); some ideological sprouts for the future struggle were born on the territory of the Zhovkva district; this region was a kind of spiritual and religious center of Eastern Galicia. There were Zhovkva and Krekhiv monasteries of the Greek Catholic Church; having endured a lot of suffering of the Polish, Soviet and German occupation regimes, the population did not want to contribute to the restoration of Soviet power in the region; residents of Zhovkva region were forced to go underground. They wanted to avoid direct conflicts with the new government; the population was looking for alternative ways to gather contingent, serve in the army, ideological influence. The study of OUN activities in the Zhovkva district will help fill the gaps in understanding the processes and phenomena of World War II and the postwar years, to reach a new level of preparation of generalized works on the political history of Ukraine in this period. In order to properly assess the actions of the OUN members, it is necessary to follow their reaction to the change of political regimes and to find out whether these fighters were consistent in achieving their task – in defending national interests. Now that Ukraine is again under threat of occupation, it is important to pay attention to the experience of predecessors in the struggle for independence, point out the positive aspects of the OUN and take into account the mistakes made by Ukrainian nationalists.