Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Clientelist relations'

This thesis is the result of a comparative study utilizing qualitative evidence regarding the democratization process and history in Ghana and Nigeria. As a whole, this thesis seeks to exemplify some of the potential outcomes of democratization since independence in sub-Saharan African states. I analyze the strength and condition of democracy and the democratization process through the electoral histories of Ghana and Nigeria. In my argument, neopatrimonialism encapsulates corruption via patronage, clientelism, and godfatherism. These three theories are the primary areas of concern within this study regarding neopatrimonialism. I assert that democracy is measured in this region as a reflection of the quality of free and fair elections, a key (but not sole) determinant of democratization. The quality or maturation of democracy is measured through the degree to which neopatrimonialism has impacted the integrity of the electoral process. Thus, instances elite clientelism through predatory prebendalism and violent corruption by political elite represent a very troubled democracy under which power structures serve the personal interests of the political elite. Comparatively, evidence of a more distributive form of neopatrimonialism indicates a stronger democratic regime, and is indicated by mass clientelism in the electoral systems of the state.

Within a loose framework of two ongoing and interrelated processes (globalisation and changing roles of the nation-state) family and relations between family, economy and state are studied in Greece and Sweden. Greece is in focus. Modernization, development and family in social science literature are discussed. Using the idea of the social landscape and the existence of four different types of organizations (private enterprises, nation-states, families and voluntary organizations) several advantages are achieved: care work is made visible and nation-states are seen in a wider context. Informal economy and clientelism in general and in Greece in particular are described. The role of family in maintaining such patterns is discussed and attention is paid to the mutual strengthening of family, informal economy and clientelism in a social landscape where formal, universalistic and public procedures to get access to valued resources exist side by side and interwoven with informal, particularistic and veiled ones. Traditional patriarchal ideologies are breaking up and an increasing number of women work outside the family but women's role in caring for family members in Greece is crucial. Great progress in terms of equal rights has been made. State involvement in caring activities and other reproductive work is however small. Modernization and rationalization in economy and state in the wake of EU and EMU membership challenge such phenomena as informal economy, clientelism and women's subordination. Finally development in Greece and Sweden within the EU is discussed and division of responsibilities and work with care is problematized.

Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Resumo: O tema abordado nessa tese corresponde às relações entre os Estados Unidos e América Latina no início do século XXI, tendo como foco os casos de Brasil e Argentina e os temas atinentes à área de Segurança Internacional. As relações interamericanas são marcadas por intensa assimetria de poder, portanto, podem ser enquadradas no âmbito mais geral das dinâmicas entre grandes potências e países periféricos. Todavia, possuem importantes particularidades e entender o desenvolvimento histórico torna-se essencial para explicar as dinâmicas hemisféricas. Embora as relações Estados Unidos-América Latina tenham se desenvolvido com base em um paradigma de clientelismo – de cooperação assimétrica no campo militar – e de dependência econômica – de produção nacional condicionada por decisões externas – esses dois fatores foram questionados em alguns períodos, quando houve busca de autonomia por parte de governos latino-americanos. Considerando-se esse contexto, questiona-se: por que houve, no Brasil e na Argentina, uma retomada dos projetos de autonomia com relação aos Estados Unidos no início do século XXI e como ela expressou-se no campo da segurança internacional? Como hipótese, entende-se que a retomada dos projetos de autonomia foi provocada pelas mudanças nas coalizões politicamente predominantes na Argentina e no Brasil e pelas mudanças no cenário internacional, com o aumento da atuação chinesa na América Latina. Não houve negligência dos EUA em relação à região e, apesar dos desafio... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The thesis’ main subject is the relationship between the United States and Latin America, at the beginning of the 21st century, focusing on the Brazilian and Argentinean cases and security issues. Intense asymmetry of power is the main feature of the Inter-American relations and, therefore, they denote relations between great powers and peripheral countries. Nevertheless, they are also specific, and it is essential to analyze the historical developments to understand the Western Hemisphere international dynamics. The inter-American relations are marked by clientelism – meaning asymmetrical military cooperation - and economic dependency – meaning that the national economies’ dynamics are influenced by external factors. However, this reality was disputed by Latin American governments in different historical conjunctures. Guided by these assumptions, the main question is: why there was, in the Brazilian and Argentina cases, an autonomy project resumption at the beginning of the 21st century and how was it expressed on security issues? As a hypothesis, I argue that the sources of the autonomy projects were the changes in domestic politics and the China inroads in the Western Hemisphere. There was no U.S. negligence towards the region, but the challenges imposed by China were growing, and the United States maintained its capacity to impose costs and incentives to the Latin American governments. Moreover, security cooperation was a source of U.S. influence. The thesis has five chap... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor

Using Tanzania as a case-study, this dissertation approaches the land grab issue in Tanzania with the following two main research question: How are new farmland investments shaping political dynamics and actors’ interactions in Tanzania? And, how actors’ interactions between and within levels of governance influence farmland investments’ outcomes at the local level? I tackle these questions by proposing an original theoretical framework which is based on two main assertions. First, local outcomes associated with farmland investments in Tanzania result from actors’ interactions. Second, these interactions are shaped by the interplay between three main elements: contingencies (C), actors’ agency (A), and structure (S). I use the acronym CAS to refer to these three elements. CAS, by combining various theoretical insights, is analytically productive because it furthers our understanding of what shapes relations among actors, and accounts for how their interactions change in time and space. It contributes significantly to the literature on land grabbing by proposing a unified analytical tool that builds up on the relational perspective that has been proposed by different scholars. In addition, CAS allows researchers to overcome misleading categorisations and to question dominant narratives that have been associated with the land grabbing literature. This dissertation is divided into 9 chapters. After the usual literature review (Chapter 1), theoretical framework (Chapter 2) and method (Chapter 3) chapters, Chapter 4 gets into the crux of the matter by first briefly presents Tanzania’s historical trajectory, with a specific focus on land policies in order to introduce this thesis’s empirical chapters, and to situate the reader in regards to Tanzania politics. Chapter 5 analysed land policies and related politics at the national level. It highlighted that actors’ interactions in relation to new farmland investments participate to the process of state formation. Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 both adopted a local perspective to capture the impacts associated with new farmland investments in district political arenas. More specifically, chapter 6 highlighted the importance of not overstating the authority of the central state, rather insisting on the key role played by intermediaries in Rufiji district. Chapter 7, seeking to capture how a specific investment has restructured the local political agrarian economy in Missenyi district, argued that Kagera Sugar safeguards its operational profitability by creating locally mediated market relations. It led to the emergence of new local patrons who used their position to benefit and foster their own material interests at villagers’ expense. Chapter 8 adopted a micro perspective, examining the political dynamics associated with investors-related land conflicts in a village in Missenyi district. I compared and explained why actors’ interactions are different even in the same institutional context, highlighting that the same local context may produce different CASs. In sum, this dissertation’s main findings are as follow. First, investments’ local impacts are contingent on investments’ terms of inclusion and exclusion that are constantly being negotiated between numerous actors. Second, although all actors exert their agency, their very capacity to negotiate and shape the social structure is partly influenced by structural constraints themselves. Third, it is interesting to note that specific local actors—and not necessarily the most powerful—such as district officials win almost every time, at least more than all the others. Although their place in the institutional architecture is decisive, it also shows that their capacity and ability to exert their agency is crucial: these district officials may have known better than others how to play their cards in the new Tanzanian farmland investment game. Fourth, even though processes through which new farmland investments affect the local political economy vary according to structural components (historical and institutional legacies), in both districts, the associated local outcomes were very similar. There are few exceptions, but the general trend in Tanzania is that most of the benefits associated with new farmland investments, the commodification of land and the increase of capital flows, are captured by government officials and political elites.

This thesis reviews the system of governance of professional baseball in Taiwan, which has developed since its inception in 1990. The analysis undertaken reviews three case studies of major events in the baseball world in Taiwan to provide an insight into the principal interests and forces in the governance system. In theoretical terms the study employs and evaluates classical theories of the state, strategic relations theory and governance theory to describe, evaluate and explain the processes evident in the three cases. The study concludes that the governance system is characterised by a tension between mechanisms of 'modem' liberal politics, and 'traditional' forms of political clientelism.

The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.

Esta tese trata das relações de poder em Roraima, examinando a influência política e econômica de Boa Vista sobre quatro municípios do interior, aqui limitados a Alto Alegre, Amajari, Cantá e Pacaraima. O marco temporal da pesquisa abrange as eleições municipais de 2004, 2008 e 2012, sendo seu objetivo estudar o fenômeno das transferências eleitorais de Boa Vista para os citados municípios do interior, analisando a probabilidade dessas transferências estarem influenciando no resultado das eleições, em prejuízo da legitimidade de escolha eleitoral. Para investigar as hipóteses, utilizou-se metodologia que a um só tempo calcula e comprova a possibilidade de prefeitos e vereadores estarem sendo eleitos com o apoio de eleitores domiciliados em Boa Vista, situação que forma no interior os chamados “currais eleitorais”; e, ainda, mede a compreensão desse fenômeno pelos cidadãos da capital e do interior. Foi assim traçado o “perfil do eleitor roraimense”, por um survey ou pesquisa de opinião, que estima suas preferências; seu entendimento sobre a supremacia política de Boa Vista em relação aos demais municípios selecionados; avalia também a impressão do eleitor sobre a atuação da polícia eleitoral, dos partidos políticos, da justiça eleitoral e das demais instituições que participam da fiscalização eleitoral, bem como sua opinião sobre aspectos integrantes da cultura política, formada no Estado de Roraima a partir da interação cultural de migrantes oriundos de diversas regiões brasileiras, principalmente dos contingentes dos estados do Norte, Nordeste e Sul do Brasil, cujos traços dominantes em Roraima encontram-se associados aos conceitos do personalismo, clientelismo e favoritismo.
This thesis deals with the relations of power in Roraima, examining the political and economic influence of Boa Vista on four municipalities of the rural area, here limited to Alto Alegre, Amajari, Cantá and Pacaraima. The time frame of the research encompasses the municipal elections of 2004, 2008 and 2012, having as its goal studying the phenomenon of electoral transfers of Boa Vista to the cited municipalities from the rural area, analyzing the probability of these transfers influencing the outcome of the election, to the detriment of the legitimacy of electoral choice. To investigate the hypothesis a methodology that, at the same time, calculates and shows the possibility of mayors and aldermen being elected with the support of electors residing in Boa Vista, situation that formed in the rural area, the so-called "electoral corrals"; and, yet, measures the understanding of this phenomenon by the citizens of the capital and interior. It was thus mapped out the "Roraimense voter profile ", for a survey or poll, which estimates their preferences; his understanding of the political supremacy of Boa Vista compared to other selected municipalities; it also evaluates the impression of the voter on the performance of electoral police, political parties, Electoral Justice and other institutions that participate in election supervision, as well as their views on aspects of political culture, formed in the State of Roraima from the cultural interaction of migrants from various regions of Brazil, mainly of the quotas of the States of North, Northeast and South Brazil, whose dominant traits in Roraima are associated with the concepts of personalism, patronage and favoritism.

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The object of this dissertation is the expressions of power relations at the decisions of the Child and Adolescent Rights City Council of Sorocaba about the Child and Adolescent Rights City Fund, from 2006 to 2008. The objective is to know and analyze aspects of power relations that cross the CCCAR of Sorocaba in its connections with the local political culture. The formulate hypothesis is that the decisions of CCCAR of Sorocaba about the CARCF are predominantly crossed by power relations that contribute for the clientelism maintenance at this sphere. It's a qualitative research and had as methodological procedures, the documentary research, the bibliographic survey, the researcher's participant observation and the field research. The empirical research was fulfilled through the Oral History methodology since it confers visibility and centrality to the political subjects, enlightens the meanings in its narratives making the experiences elucidated in the collecting process of the testimonies reliable. Testimonies from 8 subjects were collected, three of them watched for a longer period the story of Council. However, all of them show a role of emphasis at the city political scenario, bound to the Child and Adolescent Rights issues. The bibliographic survey had as references the following concepts: power relations, political culture, the democracy and the rights, under an interdisciplinary foundation, having as line of thought a critical historical-political-cultural analysis, and the documentary analysis involved the data research about the social reality of the child and adolescent in Sorocaba and as regards the Council in lines, objective to clarify not exclusively the theoretical corps about the Rights Council, but also to contribute for the political practice of this democratic institution
O objeto desta dissertação são as expressões das relações de poder nas decisões do Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (CMDCA) de Sorocaba sobre o Fundo Municipal de Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (FMDCA), no período de 2006 a 2008. O objetivo é conhecer e analisar os aspectos das relações de poder que atravessam o CMDCA de Sorocaba em suas conexões com a cultura política local. A hipótese formulada é que as decisões do CMDCA de Sorocaba sobre o FMDCA são predominantemente atravessadas por relações de poder que contribuem para a manutenção do clientelismo nesta esfera. A pesquisa é de caráter qualitativo e teve por procedimentos metodológicos a pesquisa documental, o levantamento bibliográfico, a observação participante da pesquisadora e a pesquisa de campo. A pesquisa empírica foi realizada por meio da metodologia da História Oral que, por conferir visibilidade e centralidade aos sujeitos políticos, ilumina os significados em suas narrativas, tornando-as fidedignas às vivências elucidadas nos depoimentos. Foram colhidos depoimentos de oito sujeitos; sendo que três deles acompanharam por um período mais longo a história do CMDCA. Porém, todos os sujeitos apresentam papel de relevo na cena política municipal, vinculado à questão dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. A pesquisa bibliográfica tomou por referências os conceitos de relações de poder, de cultura política, de democracia e dos direitos, sob fundamentação interdisciplinar. O fio condutor foi uma análise crítica histórico-político-cultural e a documental envolveu o levantamento de dados sobre a realidade social da criança e do adolescente em Sorocaba e acerca do Conselho em pauta, com o objetivo de clarificar não exclusivamente o corpo teórico sobre os Conselhos de Direitos, mas também de contribuir para a prática política dessa instituição democrática

L’objectif principal de cette étude est d’analyser la configuration du pouvoir local dans quatre États mexicains : le Chiapas, le Veracruz, le Yucatan et le District Fédéral, en lien avec la reproduction de la pauvreté et des inégalités, qui persistent en dépit de la mise en œuvre de programmes sociaux destinés aux personnes âgées du pays. Ces quatre États mexicains montrent des similitudes et des différences dans la reproduction du pouvoir par le PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) et par les « grandes familles ». Cette reproduction est à mettre en relation avec le clientélisme politique, qui alimente également la reproduction de la pauvreté et des inégalités. L’étude comparative entre ces quatre États est réalisée dans un contexte de transition sociodémographique et de vieillissement de la population mexicaine. L’étude aborde également les questions de la discrimination du genre, des relations conflictuelles entre classes sociales et du racisme dans les rapports sociaux, en articulation avec la persistance du « colonialisme du pouvoir » mis en œuvre par différents groupes exogènes et endogènes
The main objective of this study is to analyze the local power configuration in four Mexican states: Chiapas, Veracruz, Yucatan and the Federal District, with regard to reproduction of poverty and inequality that persist despite the implementation of social programs for the elderly in Mexico. These four Mexican states show similarities and differences in the reproduction of power by the PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) and by the "big families". This reproduction is related to political clientelism, which also supplies the reproduction of poverty and inequality. The comparative study between four states is carried out within a context of socio-demographic transition and ageing processes of Mexican population. The study also addresses issues of gender discrimination, conflicts between social classes and racism in social relations, in articulation with persistence of the "colonialism of power" implemented by various exogenous and endogenous groups

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
This enterprise, whose geo-ethnographic impact falls on Muhlabje – one of the neighbourhoods of Macia, southern Mozambique – tries to understand the social relations and political dynamics that move people, community social networks and the Bantu-mozambican authoririties with the municipal bureaucracy and politics, without losing sight of the simultaneously continuous and changing social institutions in that community, which are precedent and in movement with colonial domination and with post-independence Mozambique. The argument also unfolds in capturing the social situations intertwined with each other in a continuous and transdynamic flow, that is, the worship of the ancestors, the ceremony by the Mozambican heroes, the achievements of agriculture, the purchase and sale of a land, the wine donated to the community by politicians and agricultural products donated by the community to politicians and bureaucrats and local feasts are activities-social institutes that cut across the supposed institutional divisions of the impersonal republican bureaucracy and (as opposed to) interpersonal relations (Municipality and communities [neopatrimonialism/clientelism]), the reason why this flow gains the concept of bureaucratictransinstitutional reciprocities.
Este empreendimento, cuja incidência geo-etnográfica recai sobre Muhlabje – um dos bairros do Município de Macia, sul de Moçambique –, tenta compreender as relações sociais e dinâmicas políticas que movimentam as pessoas, as redes sociais da comunidade e as autoridades bantu-mocambicanas e estas, na mesma via das interações políticas, com a burocracia e política municipal, sem perder de vista as instituições sociais simultaneamente contínuas e em mudanças, naquela comunidade, precedentes e em movimento com a dominação colonial e com Moçambique pós-Independente. O argumento desdobra-se, ainda, em capturar as situações sociais entrelaçadas umas com as outras num fluxo contínuo e transdinâmico, ou seja, o culto dos antepassados, a cerimônia pelos heróis moçambicanos, os ganhos de agricultura, a compra e venda de um terreno, o vinho doado à comunidade pelos políticos e os produtos de agricultura doados pela comunidade aos políticos e burocratas e as festas locais são atividades-institutos sociais que cortam transversalmente as supostas divisões institucionais da burocracia republicana impessoal e (em contraposição às) relações interpessoais (Município e comunidades [neopatrimonialismo/clientelismo]), razão pela qual esse fluxo ganha o conceito de reciprocidades burocrático-transinstitucionais.

La thèse porte sur l’utilisation, par les principaux ministres allemands du 18ème siècle, de leurs liens interpersonnels de dépendance (patronage, amitié...) lorsqu’il faut agir au-delà des frontières du territoire. Il s’agit de mettre au jour un mode d’action particulier, qui s’appuie sur les liens de dépendance. Nous analysons en quoi ces liens sont particulièrement efficaces dans le cadre de l’action à distance, et se trouvent à la base du pouvoir des ministres. L’offensive diplomatique anglaise des années 1720 et 1750 dans le Saint-Empire sert de cadre à l’analyse : nous observons comment les ministres de certains territoires (les principautés de Hanovre, de Prusse, de Cologne, de Saxe et de Wolfenbüttel) utilisent ces liens pour contrer ou aider cette diplomatie. Ce faisant, le travail entremêle des objets historiographiques habituellement séparés, et les renouvelle ainsi. C’est le cas du fonctionnement du Saint-Empire : l’observer à partir de ces liens permet de contourner la question de sa nature politique, et d’insister sur l’entremêlement des échelles étatiques. Les réseaux ministériels, qui irriguent l’espace impérial, apparaissent comme l’une des conditions du fonctionnement de cette société politique. C’est le cas, aussi, de l’histoire des affaires étrangères : en soulignant le poids des réseaux personnels des ministres dans l’action diplomatique, nous interrogeons le modèle d’une diplomatie de plus en plus professionnelle. Pour agir au-delà des frontières, les ministres sont en partie dépendants de leurs liens personnels de dépendance, qui représentent un niveau incontournable de l’action diplomatique, parallèle et complémentaire à la diplomatie officielle
This PhD analyses how the principal German ministers of the 18th century use their personal and informal relationships (friendship, patronage…) when they have to act beyond the borders of their state : in other words, it focuses on a particular way of acting. These relationships appear to be particularly efficient when it comes to taking action at a distance, and they are, therefore, fundamental for the power of the ministers. The scope of the work is the English diplomatic offensive in the Holy Roman Empire of the 1720's and 1750's : we observe how the ministers of several German territories (Hanover, Prussia, Cologne, Saxony and Wolfenbüttel) used their relations to act for or against this diplomacy. Through this analysis, we want to link different historiographical topics, which remain usually separate, and renew them by doing so: first, the functioning of the Holy Roman Empire, which depends not only on its institutions, but also depends on the networks which irrigate the Empire. To look at them is a way to avoid the question of its political nature, and to see how the imperial level and the level of the territories were functioning as a common system. Second, the diplomatic history: by looking at the personal networks of the ministers, we are able to challenge the idea of an ever-more “professional” diplomacy during modern times. The ministers and the princes depended on these personal networks, which constituted a parallel and complementary level of the “official” diplomacy

Les relations entre la clientèle et le pouvoir à la fin de la république romaine ont été étudiés à partir d'un type de document, les lettres de recommandation de Cicéron. Dans une société pénétrée de valeurs hiérarchiques comme la société romaine, les règles de la clientèle, codifiées dans le plus ancien droit, sont toujours respectées. Nous avons tenté d'appréhender les rapports de clientèle d'une manière concrète, en dépassant la définition strictement juridique de ceux-ci. Les lettres de recommandation font connaitre une partie des multiples réseaux d'amis et de clients (clients individuels et clientèles collectives) qui constituent un élément important de la puissance sociale de Cicéron et de son pouvoir politique dans un monde ou la force des groupes d'amis est partout mise en évidence. L'enquête prosopographique permet l'identification des personnes en cause. L'étude des lettres informe sur les pratiques du patronage à cette époque. La médiation de Cicéron s'exerce dans des domaines divers: élections, accès à des postes de commandement militaire et à la citoyenneté romaine, soutien des intérêts financiers et des affaires judiciaires et, enfin, protection des personnes et des biens dans une situation politique difficile. L'examen des stratégies de l'influence de Cicéron en faveur de ses clients menaces par la colonisation césarienne a ensuite été aborde. Le patronage est lié alors à la manipulation de la décision politique et la recommandation est un de ses modes d'action
The Cicero's letters of recommendation are used as basic data for the study of clientele to political power relations at the end of the roman republic. The roman society was impregnated with a high sense of hierarchy. Consequently, the patron-client rules which had been codified in the ancient law were still enforced. Our purpose has been to analyze patron-client relationship not only on its legal bases but especially on practical examples. The study of recommendation letters produce evidence for some aspects of the multiple network of Cicero's friends and clients (either individual or collective clients). They played an important part in his political leadership in a world where the influence of friend groups was always shown to be powerful. The prosopographical method is used to identify the individuals and the study of the letters to recognize patronage practices of that time. Cicero acted as a broker in many cases such as elections, access to military command and to roman citizenship, support in financial benefits and in trials, and, at last, protection of individuals and properties when political circumstances were difficult. For instance, Cicero's strategical influence is shown in the case of his clients threatened by Caesar's colonization. Patronage is thus related to power in regard to decision-making and recommendation can be considered as one of its effective implement

Examining state-civil society relationships within the context of social movements is vital for understanding the ways in which movements function at the micro-, meso-, and macro-levels—both independently and in relation to the state. This thesis takes the case of the women's movement in Peru under the presidency of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) to provide empirical evidence for the ways in which such relationships are established, function, and evolve over time. I argue that the opening of State institutions, when combined with non-violent state repression, served as political opportunities that allowed the women's movement to expand their repertoire of contention and to contest the clientelistic and corporatist aspects of the interdependent power relationship they had established with Fujimori and the State. Chapter One offers a portrait of the social, economic, and political context in the years leading up to Fujimori's election. Chapter Two constructs a theoretical framework for the case of the women's movement by interweaving theories of clientelism, corporatism, and political opportunities. I outline, in Chapter Three, the data and methods used to analyze the discursive and institutional activities of both the State (Chapter Four) and the women's movement (Chapter Five), while Chapter Six discusses these activities of the State and the women's movement both comparatively and longitudinally. Finally, the conclusion outlines the key contributions of this study to the fields of Latin American Studies, Social Movement Studies, and Political Sociology before offering avenues for potential future research.
acase@tulane.edu

This thesis analyzes caciquismo as a temporally and spatially specific type of clientelistic relations in the Restoration Spain (1874 - 1923). First, the analysis primarily focuses on Spanish historiography of caciquismo/clientelism, its development and current situation of research including contemporary reception of the problem. Second, it also deals with the discussion of contemporary manifestations of caciquismo/clientelism in relation to the issues of terminology, corruption and political clientelism in modern Spain. In both cases the researcher sonsiders other important non-Spanish theoretical works. The thesis is based on interdisciplinary approach: besides of a historical perspective, it also brings to the topic view of anthropology, political science and sociology as well. The contribution of this thesis is refuting the concept according to that the contemporary critics (regeneracionists, Generation of '98 and Generation of '14) condemn caciquismo as a wholly negative manifestation of social interaction, which is based on a psychopathological and ethno-geographical perspective destined only to the Spanish nation, the idea, which is attributed to the contemporary critics of the Restoration Spain by the historians of caciquismo. Keywords: Spain - caciquismo - clientelism - patron-client...