Academic literature on the topic 'Clientelist relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "Clientelist relations"
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Ufen, Andreas. "Clientelist and Programmatic Factionalism Within Malaysian Political Parties." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (April 2020): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420916047.
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This article analyses factionalism within ruling and opposition parties in Malaysia, with a focus on party splits and/or the toppling or near-toppling of dominant factions at the national level. Political parties are either composed of clientelist or programmatic factions or represent hybrids that combine clientelist and programmatic factionalism. The strength and the type of factionalism depend upon policy space and the intensity of control over party groups. Programmatic factionalism is more probable if policy space is wide. Policy space is an effect of the positioning (relatively dependent or independent from other parties in the coalition) and the basic ideology of a party, that is, the major stance on religion, ethnicity, and the shape of the political system at large. If there is hardly any policy space, factionalism will be clientelistic rather than programmatic. Whether this type of factionalism arises is contingent upon the intensity of control over groups within the party and the availability of patronage goods. The control of party members is dependent upon the strength of the party leader and the centralisation of party organisation. This is demonstrated with reference to UMNO (United Malays National Organisation) (from programmatic to clientelist factionalism), some coalition partners of UMNO such as the MCA (Malaysian Chinese Association) (clientelist factionalism), and the Islamist PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia) (programmatic clientelism). Moreover, a brief analysis of East Malaysian parties in Sabah and Sarawak helps to further elucidate the major dynamics of factionalism.
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Frye, Timothy, Ora John Reuter, and David Szakonyi. "Vote Brokers, Clientelist Appeals, and Voter Turnout: Evidence from Russia and Venezuela." World Politics 71, no. 04 (August 27, 2019): 710–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887119000078.
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AbstractModern clientelist exchange is typically carried out by intermediaries—party activists, employers, local strongmen, traditional leaders, and the like. Politicians use such brokers to mobilize voters, yet little about their relative effectiveness is known. The authors argue that broker effectiveness depends on their leverage over clients and their ability to monitor voters. They apply their theoretical framework to compare two of the most common brokers worldwide, party activists and employers, arguing the latter enjoy numerous advantages along both dimensions. Using survey-based framing experiments in Venezuela and Russia, the authors find voters respond more strongly to turnout appeals from employers than from party activists. To demonstrate mechanisms, the article shows that vulnerability to job loss and embeddedness in workplace social networks make voters more responsive to clientelist mobilization by their bosses. The results shed light on the conditions most conducive to effective clientelism and highlight broker type as important for understanding why clientelism is prevalent in some countries but not others.
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U, Eddy. "Leninist Reforms, Workplace Cleavages, and Teachers in the Chinese Cultural Revolution." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 1 (January 2005): 106–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000058.
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Andrew Walder's “neo-traditional” image of Chinese socialism has profoundly shaped understanding of China before market reform. It has also influenced the broader debate on the nature of ‘actually existing socialisms.’ Walder argues that the Communist state dominated the industrial workforce through the institutionalization of organized dependence and clientelism in the workplace. State-appointed management tightly controlled access to goods, services, and positions and used these resources to reward cooperative workers and activists. Their actions created webs of clientelist relations but also a chasm on the shop floor, as ordinary workers resented the activists for acting against workers' general interest. But since ordinary workers could rarely obtain what they wanted beyond the factory, they, too, curried favors from factory officials. Walder observes that the growth of clientelist relations and personal ties within the industrial enterprise dampened workers' capacity for collective resistance and their pursuit of their personal welfare further depoliticized the working class. As a result, workers exhibited “a stable pattern of tacit acceptance and active cooperation” toward Communist political rule.
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Busia, Kwaku Abrefa, Alice Amegah, and Francis Arthur-Holmes. "Pathways of Electoral Clientelism in University Student Elections in Ghana: An Exploratory Study." Journal for Students Affairs in Africa 9, no. 2 (December 28, 2021): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24085/jsaa.v9i2.2204.
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Recent studies on student politics and governance have shown that electoral clientelism (EC) in university student elections is often facilitated by clientelist relations between student leaders and political parties. However, there is a dearth of empirical research investigating the various forms of electoral clientelism, as manifested through vote-buying practices in campus electoral politics in African universities. This article, therefore, investigates the multifaceted and changing dynamics of vote-buying in student electoral processes in Ghanaian universities. The study adopted a qualitative approach based on semi-structured interviews with 15 student leaders, 4 university staff working with student leadership, and 4 focus group interviews involving students at the University of Ghana and Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology. From our finding, we argue that electoral clientelism takes place in five crucial ways in university student elections in Ghana. These include the provision of direct cash payments, exchanging electoral support for student government positions and appointments, provision of food and beverage consumables, award of student-related business contracts, and provision of educational materials and souvenirs.
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Swamy, Arun R. "Can Social Protection Weaken Clientelism? Considering Conditional Cash Transfers as Political Reform in the Philippines." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 35, no. 1 (April 2016): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341603500103.
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Since poverty is often believed to be a root cause of clientelism, government policies to reduce poverty should also help to reduce clientelism. However, scholars studying clientelism are more likely to view social policy as a potential resource for clientelist politicians. This article examines this paradox in the Philippine context by offering a general framework to identify when social welfare policies are likely to reduce clientelism, and by applying this framework to the Philippines, focusing on the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino conditional cash transfer programme, or Pantawid. I argue that the policies that are most likely to undercut clientelism are universal social protection policies that provide poor families with security, although these are the least acceptable to middle-class taxpayers. This is exemplified by the Philippines, which has tended to introduce social policies that increase the scope for clientelism by making discretionary allocation more likely, rather than policies that offer income security to the poor. The Pantawid programme attempts to overcome these problems by introducing a centralised targeting mechanism to identify beneficiaries and by guaranteeing the benefit to all eligible families, but like all conditional cash transfer programs falls short of guaranteed and universal social protection.
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García, César. "PR, clientelism and economics: a comparison of southern Europe and Latin America." Journal of Communication Management 19, no. 2 (May 5, 2015): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcom-03-2013-0026.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between clientelist relationships and economics in public relations practice in European Mediterranean countries and Latin America. It considers the cases of Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Design/methodology/approach – This paper uses a critical-conceptual method through a re-conceptualization of themes from secondary qualitative analyses of existing qualitative data sets and reviews of published qualitative papers. Findings – The public relations practice in these two regions is similar. The characteristics of the public relations landscape in these countries must be understood in relation to a broader history of clientelism and economics emphasizing government relationships at the expense of other publics, as well as the lack of scale economies. Persuasive models are prevalent, although a number of forces – including integration in supranational organizations, democratization, and globalization – have strengthened the use of symmetrical models. Research limitations/implications – This is not an empirical survey, there is a need of quantitative studies among practitioners and government officials that can measure empirically the nature of their relationships in a number of countries. This essay opens a door for future studies and cross-cultural comparisons about the role that clientelism plays in the PR practice of cultures and countries. Practical implications – The paper offers useful background information, such as the primacy that media relations still have in the public relations practice, for foreign public relations executives, agency heads, and managers of public relations who are directly involved with or managing international public relations campaigns in these countries. Social implications – Clientelism is a cultural concept that translates to the work of organizations and consequently public relations as a form of organizational behavior. Originality/value – This paper brings to the table the importance of the concept of clientelism in the PR practice as well as the existence of a similar PR culture between countries that are on different continents.
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Charbit, Myriam. "Shas between identity construction and clientelist dynamics: the creation of an ‘identity clientelism’." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2003): 102–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110412331301495.
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Kea, Pamela. "Maintaining Difference and Managing Change: Female Agrarian Clientelist Relations in a Gambian Community." Africa 74, no. 3 (August 2004): 361–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2004.74.3.361.
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AbstractThe introduction of dry-season vegetable cultivation on a large scale in Brikama, The Gambia in the early 1970s has led to the development of a new labour system amongst female farmers whereby strangers or clients are given access to land primarily in the dry season for vegetable cultivation in exchange for providing unremunerated labour for hosts for the cultivation of rice in the rainy season. Hosts, who either claim descent from the founding families or have married into founding families, have access to land and control its distribution for women's crops. This article examines the way in which social difference is played out in the acquisition of land and labour through the establishment of agrarian clientelist relations. Agrarian clientelist relations are about the maintenance of host–stranger distinctions and the management of social difference within a rapidly changing Gambian political economy. The nature of these clientelist relations is changing because of the changing relations of agrarian production, related in turn to the introduction of cooperative gardens in the region, the increasing scarcity of farming land and the increasing political power of strangers on a local and national level. The youth, particularly those who are educated, are moving out of farming altogether. Consequently, female hosts are increasingly reliant on their clients' labour. I argue that female hosts attempt to manage these processes of change out of a need to maintain the particular power relations that form the basis for host–stranger distinctions and their existing claims to land and labour. The article examines the tensions and the intra-gender struggles that emerge between female hosts and their client-strangers. In refusing to take the initiative to set up cooperative gardens, female hosts have maintained what they see as their rightful claims to their land and their clients' labour. Hegemonic notions of ‘the correctness of practices’, associated with host–stranger identities, have informed hosts' behaviour and that of their clients, and ultimately influenced the nature of resource allocation.
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Nichter, Simeon, and Michael Peress. "Request Fulfilling: When Citizens Demand Clientelist Benefits." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 8 (October 10, 2016): 1086–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016666838.
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Traditional accounts of clientelism typically focused on patron–client relations with minimal scope for citizen autonomy. Despite the heightened agency of many contemporary citizens, most studies continue to depict clientelism as a phenomenon that is firmly under elite control. The prevailing tendency is to view clientelism as a top-down process in which machines target citizens with offers of material benefits. Without denying the importance of elites, we emphasize the role of citizen demands in clientelism. Citizens often approach machines of their own volition to ask for help and may vote for a competitor if requests are unfulfilled. In response to these citizens, machines often engage in what we call “request fulfilling.” Interviews with citizens and politicians, coupled with cross-national survey data from Africa and Latin America, suggest the importance of this phenomenon. In addition, Argentine survey data in studies by Stokes and Nichter are better explained by request fulfilling than alternative explanations.
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Ristiawan, Rucitarahma, Edward Huijbens, and Karin Peters. "Projecting Development through Tourism: Patrimonial Governance in Indonesian Geoparks." Land 12, no. 1 (January 11, 2023): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land12010223.
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Research on governance of tourism development predominantly focuses on sustainable management of a tourism destination, pinning hopes on the market and individual entrepreneurs. In Indonesia, this mission has been codified in post-reformation era (1998–2014) policies of land-use change promoting tourism and environmental conservation. One of these is the introduction of the UNESCO Geopark charter as a tool to realize the image of a modern state and “modernizing” regional economies. In this, a particular patrimonial governance arrangement appears to govern land use distribution to accrue the potential value of land from different use. This particular clientelist order will be analyzed in this article, namely by examining how finance, state power, and informal interactions between the national and regional structures of governance mesh in arranging land-use conversions for tourism purposes. Based on 4 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 32 interviews with various stakeholders in the Gunungsewu and Ciletuh UNESCO Geoparks, the paper will show how Indonesian post-reformation decentralization policies induced regional clientelism in the production of tourism destinations. This includes hierarchical relations between the local elite, private business owners, and governments representing asymmetric loyalty relations, negotiated subordination, and dominance. The more recent re-centralization attempts from the national government under Joko Widodo’s regime seem only to encourage this clientelism as a form of resistance to the state. This evidences that the Indonesian patrimonial governance and the production of tourism destinations in geoparks run counter to the ideals in governance as promoted for destination development.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Clientelist relations"
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Kea, Pamela Jennifer. "The politics of difference : female farmers and clientelist relations in a changing Gambian community." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369088.
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Paik, Woo Yeal. "Political participation, clientelism, and state-society relations in contemporary China." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1925793231&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Padilla, Sofia Lisette. "Impacts of Neopatrimonialism on Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Comparative Analysis Between Nigeria and Ghana’s Fourth Republics." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1248.
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This thesis is the result of a comparative study utilizing qualitative evidence regarding the democratization process and history in Ghana and Nigeria. As a whole, this thesis seeks to exemplify some of the potential outcomes of democratization since independence in sub-Saharan African states. I analyze the strength and condition of democracy and the democratization process through the electoral histories of Ghana and Nigeria. In my argument, neopatrimonialism encapsulates corruption via patronage, clientelism, and godfatherism. These three theories are the primary areas of concern within this study regarding neopatrimonialism. I assert that democracy is measured in this region as a reflection of the quality of free and fair elections, a key (but not sole) determinant of democratization. The quality or maturation of democracy is measured through the degree to which neopatrimonialism has impacted the integrity of the electoral process. Thus, instances elite clientelism through predatory prebendalism and violent corruption by political elite represent a very troubled democracy under which power structures serve the personal interests of the political elite. Comparatively, evidence of a more distributive form of neopatrimonialism indicates a stronger democratic regime, and is indicated by mass clientelism in the electoral systems of the state.
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Coniavitis, Gellerstedt Lotta. "Till studiet av relationer mellan familj, ekonomi och stat : Grekland och Sverige." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-69997.
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Within a loose framework of two ongoing and interrelated processes (globalisation and changing roles of the nation-state) family and relations between family, economy and state are studied in Greece and Sweden. Greece is in focus. Modernization, development and family in social science literature are discussed. Using the idea of the social landscape and the existence of four different types of organizations (private enterprises, nation-states, families and voluntary organizations) several advantages are achieved: care work is made visible and nation-states are seen in a wider context. Informal economy and clientelism in general and in Greece in particular are described. The role of family in maintaining such patterns is discussed and attention is paid to the mutual strengthening of family, informal economy and clientelism in a social landscape where formal, universalistic and public procedures to get access to valued resources exist side by side and interwoven with informal, particularistic and veiled ones. Traditional patriarchal ideologies are breaking up and an increasing number of women work outside the family but women's role in caring for family members in Greece is crucial. Great progress in terms of equal rights has been made. State involvement in caring activities and other reproductive work is however small. Modernization and rationalization in economy and state in the wake of EU and EMU membership challenge such phenomena as informal economy, clientelism and women's subordination. Finally development in Greece and Sweden within the EU is discussed and division of responsibilities and work with care is problematized.
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Milani, Lívia Peres. "A Argentina e o Brasil frente aos Estados Unidos : clientelismo e autonomia no campo da segurança internacional /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/191151.
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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e CruzResumo: O tema abordado nessa tese corresponde às relações entre os Estados Unidos e América Latina no início do século XXI, tendo como foco os casos de Brasil e Argentina e os temas atinentes à área de Segurança Internacional. As relações interamericanas são marcadas por intensa assimetria de poder, portanto, podem ser enquadradas no âmbito mais geral das dinâmicas entre grandes potências e países periféricos. Todavia, possuem importantes particularidades e entender o desenvolvimento histórico torna-se essencial para explicar as dinâmicas hemisféricas. Embora as relações Estados Unidos-América Latina tenham se desenvolvido com base em um paradigma de clientelismo – de cooperação assimétrica no campo militar – e de dependência econômica – de produção nacional condicionada por decisões externas – esses dois fatores foram questionados em alguns períodos, quando houve busca de autonomia por parte de governos latino-americanos. Considerando-se esse contexto, questiona-se: por que houve, no Brasil e na Argentina, uma retomada dos projetos de autonomia com relação aos Estados Unidos no início do século XXI e como ela expressou-se no campo da segurança internacional? Como hipótese, entende-se que a retomada dos projetos de autonomia foi provocada pelas mudanças nas coalizões politicamente predominantes na Argentina e no Brasil e pelas mudanças no cenário internacional, com o aumento da atuação chinesa na América Latina. Não houve negligência dos EUA em relação à região e, apesar dos desafio... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The thesis’ main subject is the relationship between the United States and Latin America, at the beginning of the 21st century, focusing on the Brazilian and Argentinean cases and security issues. Intense asymmetry of power is the main feature of the Inter-American relations and, therefore, they denote relations between great powers and peripheral countries. Nevertheless, they are also specific, and it is essential to analyze the historical developments to understand the Western Hemisphere international dynamics. The inter-American relations are marked by clientelism – meaning asymmetrical military cooperation - and economic dependency – meaning that the national economies’ dynamics are influenced by external factors. However, this reality was disputed by Latin American governments in different historical conjunctures. Guided by these assumptions, the main question is: why there was, in the Brazilian and Argentina cases, an autonomy project resumption at the beginning of the 21st century and how was it expressed on security issues? As a hypothesis, I argue that the sources of the autonomy projects were the changes in domestic politics and the China inroads in the Western Hemisphere. There was no U.S. negligence towards the region, but the challenges imposed by China were growing, and the United States maintained its capacity to impose costs and incentives to the Latin American governments. Moreover, security cooperation was a source of U.S. influence. The thesis has five chap... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor
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Bélair, Joanny. "Farmland Investments in Tanzania: a Local Perspective on the Political Economy of Agri-food Projects." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/39436.
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Using Tanzania as a case-study, this dissertation approaches the land grab issue in Tanzania with the following two main research question: How are new farmland investments shaping political dynamics and actors’ interactions in Tanzania? And, how actors’ interactions between and within levels of governance influence farmland investments’ outcomes at the local level?
I tackle these questions by proposing an original theoretical framework which is based on two main assertions. First, local outcomes associated with farmland investments in Tanzania result from actors’ interactions. Second, these interactions are shaped by the interplay between three main elements: contingencies (C), actors’ agency (A), and structure (S). I use the acronym CAS to refer to these three elements. CAS, by combining various theoretical insights, is analytically productive because it furthers our understanding of what shapes relations among actors, and accounts for how their interactions change in time and space. It contributes significantly to the literature on land grabbing by proposing a unified analytical tool that builds up on the relational perspective that has been proposed by different scholars. In addition, CAS allows researchers to overcome misleading categorisations and to question dominant narratives that have been associated with the land grabbing literature.
This dissertation is divided into 9 chapters. After the usual literature review (Chapter 1), theoretical framework (Chapter 2) and method (Chapter 3) chapters, Chapter 4 gets into the crux of the matter by first briefly presents Tanzania’s historical trajectory, with a specific focus on land policies in order to introduce this thesis’s empirical chapters, and to situate the reader in regards to Tanzania politics. Chapter 5 analysed land policies and related politics at the national level. It highlighted that actors’ interactions in relation to new farmland investments participate to the process of state formation. Chapter 6 and Chapter 7 both adopted a local perspective to capture the impacts associated with new farmland investments in district political arenas. More specifically, chapter 6 highlighted the importance of not overstating the authority of the central state, rather insisting on the key role played by intermediaries in Rufiji district. Chapter 7, seeking to capture how a specific investment has restructured the local political agrarian economy in Missenyi district, argued that Kagera Sugar safeguards its operational profitability by creating locally mediated market relations. It led to the emergence of new local patrons who used their position to benefit and foster their own material interests at villagers’ expense. Chapter 8 adopted a micro perspective, examining the political dynamics associated with investors-related land conflicts in a village in Missenyi district. I compared and explained why actors’ interactions are different even in the same institutional context, highlighting that the same local context may produce different CASs.
In sum, this dissertation’s main findings are as follow. First, investments’ local impacts are contingent on investments’ terms of inclusion and exclusion that are constantly being negotiated between numerous actors. Second, although all actors exert their agency, their very capacity to negotiate and shape the social structure is partly influenced by structural constraints themselves. Third, it is interesting to note that specific local actors—and not necessarily the most powerful—such as district officials win almost every time, at least more than all the others. Although their place in the institutional architecture is decisive, it also shows that their capacity and ability to exert their agency is crucial: these district officials may have known better than others how to play their cards in the new Tanzanian farmland investment game. Fourth, even though processes through which new farmland investments affect the local political economy vary according to structural components (historical and institutional legacies), in both districts, the associated local outcomes were very similar. There are few exceptions, but the general trend in Tanzania is that most of the benefits associated with new farmland investments, the commodification of land and the increase of capital flows, are captured by government officials and political elites.
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Lee, Ping-Chao. "The governance of professional baseball in Taiwan." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2005. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7727.
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This thesis reviews the system of governance of professional baseball in Taiwan, which has developed since its inception in 1990. The analysis undertaken reviews three case studies of major events in the baseball world in Taiwan to provide an insight into the principal interests and forces in the governance system. In theoretical terms the study employs and evaluates classical theories of the state, strategic relations theory and governance theory to describe, evaluate and explain the processes evident in the three cases. The study concludes that the governance system is characterised by a tension between mechanisms of 'modem' liberal politics, and 'traditional' forms of political clientelism.
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Bardallo, Bandera Joaquín. "A Tale of Two Latin American Countries Within the Same Region and a Very Different Democratic Rule of Law Experience." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31271.
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The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.
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Furlan, Rodrigo Cardoso. "As transferências de domicílio eleitoral em Roraima e a interferência nas eleições municipais de 2004, 2008 e 2012." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/131657.
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Esta tese trata das relações de poder em Roraima, examinando a influência política e econômica de Boa Vista sobre quatro municípios do interior, aqui limitados a Alto Alegre, Amajari, Cantá e Pacaraima. O marco temporal da pesquisa abrange as eleições municipais de 2004, 2008 e 2012, sendo seu objetivo estudar o fenômeno das transferências eleitorais de Boa Vista para os citados municípios do interior, analisando a probabilidade dessas transferências estarem influenciando no resultado das eleições, em prejuízo da legitimidade de escolha eleitoral. Para investigar as hipóteses, utilizou-se metodologia que a um só tempo calcula e comprova a possibilidade de prefeitos e vereadores estarem sendo eleitos com o apoio de eleitores domiciliados em Boa Vista, situação que forma no interior os chamados “currais eleitorais”; e, ainda, mede a compreensão desse fenômeno pelos cidadãos da capital e do interior. Foi assim traçado o “perfil do eleitor roraimense”, por um survey ou pesquisa de opinião, que estima suas preferências; seu entendimento sobre a supremacia política de Boa Vista em relação aos demais municípios selecionados; avalia também a impressão do eleitor sobre a atuação da polícia eleitoral, dos partidos políticos, da justiça eleitoral e das demais instituições que participam da fiscalização eleitoral, bem como sua opinião sobre aspectos integrantes da cultura política, formada no Estado de Roraima a partir da interação cultural de migrantes oriundos de diversas regiões brasileiras, principalmente dos contingentes dos estados do Norte, Nordeste e Sul do Brasil, cujos traços dominantes em Roraima encontram-se associados aos conceitos do personalismo, clientelismo e favoritismo.This thesis deals with the relations of power in Roraima, examining the political and economic influence of Boa Vista on four municipalities of the rural area, here limited to Alto Alegre, Amajari, Cantá and Pacaraima. The time frame of the research encompasses the municipal elections of 2004, 2008 and 2012, having as its goal studying the phenomenon of electoral transfers of Boa Vista to the cited municipalities from the rural area, analyzing the probability of these transfers influencing the outcome of the election, to the detriment of the legitimacy of electoral choice. To investigate the hypothesis a methodology that, at the same time, calculates and shows the possibility of mayors and aldermen being elected with the support of electors residing in Boa Vista, situation that formed in the rural area, the so-called "electoral corrals"; and, yet, measures the understanding of this phenomenon by the citizens of the capital and interior. It was thus mapped out the "Roraimense voter profile ", for a survey or poll, which estimates their preferences; his understanding of the political supremacy of Boa Vista compared to other selected municipalities; it also evaluates the impression of the voter on the performance of electoral police, political parties, Electoral Justice and other institutions that participate in election supervision, as well as their views on aspects of political culture, formed in the State of Roraima from the cultural interaction of migrants from various regions of Brazil, mainly of the quotas of the States of North, Northeast and South Brazil, whose dominant traits in Roraima are associated with the concepts of personalism, patronage and favoritism.
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Carlos, Carla Jacques. "As interfaces das relações de poder nas decisões do Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente de Sorocaba (SP) sobre o Fundo Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente - 2006 a 2008." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17976.
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Previous issue date: 2009-06-15The object of this dissertation is the expressions of power relations at the decisions of the Child and Adolescent Rights City Council of Sorocaba about the Child and Adolescent Rights City Fund, from 2006 to 2008. The objective is to know and analyze aspects of power relations that cross the CCCAR of Sorocaba in its connections with the local political culture. The formulate hypothesis is that the decisions of CCCAR of Sorocaba about the CARCF are predominantly crossed by power relations that contribute for the clientelism maintenance at this sphere. It's a qualitative research and had as methodological procedures, the documentary research, the bibliographic survey, the researcher's participant observation and the field research. The empirical research was fulfilled through the Oral History methodology since it confers visibility and centrality to the political subjects, enlightens the meanings in its narratives making the experiences elucidated in the collecting process of the testimonies reliable. Testimonies from 8 subjects were collected, three of them watched for a longer period the story of Council. However, all of them show a role of emphasis at the city political scenario, bound to the Child and Adolescent Rights issues. The bibliographic survey had as references the following concepts: power relations, political culture, the democracy and the rights, under an interdisciplinary foundation, having as line of thought a critical historical-political-cultural analysis, and the documentary analysis involved the data research about the social reality of the child and adolescent in Sorocaba and as regards the Council in lines, objective to clarify not exclusively the theoretical corps about the Rights Council, but also to contribute for the political practice of this democratic institution
O objeto desta dissertação são as expressões das relações de poder nas decisões do Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (CMDCA) de Sorocaba sobre o Fundo Municipal de Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (FMDCA), no período de 2006 a 2008. O objetivo é conhecer e analisar os aspectos das relações de poder que atravessam o CMDCA de Sorocaba em suas conexões com a cultura política local. A hipótese formulada é que as decisões do CMDCA de Sorocaba sobre o FMDCA são predominantemente atravessadas por relações de poder que contribuem para a manutenção do clientelismo nesta esfera. A pesquisa é de caráter qualitativo e teve por procedimentos metodológicos a pesquisa documental, o levantamento bibliográfico, a observação participante da pesquisadora e a pesquisa de campo. A pesquisa empírica foi realizada por meio da metodologia da História Oral que, por conferir visibilidade e centralidade aos sujeitos políticos, ilumina os significados em suas narrativas, tornando-as fidedignas às vivências elucidadas nos depoimentos. Foram colhidos depoimentos de oito sujeitos; sendo que três deles acompanharam por um período mais longo a história do CMDCA. Porém, todos os sujeitos apresentam papel de relevo na cena política municipal, vinculado à questão dos direitos da criança e do adolescente. A pesquisa bibliográfica tomou por referências os conceitos de relações de poder, de cultura política, de democracia e dos direitos, sob fundamentação interdisciplinar. O fio condutor foi uma análise crítica histórico-político-cultural e a documental envolveu o levantamento de dados sobre a realidade social da criança e do adolescente em Sorocaba e acerca do Conselho em pauta, com o objetivo de clarificar não exclusivamente o corpo teórico sobre os Conselhos de Direitos, mas também de contribuir para a prática política dessa instituição democrática
Books on the topic "Clientelist relations"
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Rotchin, Glen. The clientelist state and international patronage: The case of revolutionary Bolivia, 1952-64. Genève: Institut universitaire de hautes études internationales, 1994.
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Collective clientelism: The Lomé Conventions and north-south relations. New York: Columbia University Press, 1985.
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Leksana, Grace T. Memory Culture of the Anti-Leftist Violence in Indonesia. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463723565.
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This book examines how community remembers one of the most gruesome acts of violence in the 20th century: the anti-communist violence in 1965 in Indonesia. Through a case study in a rural district in East Java, this research presents complexities of memory culture of violence. These memories are not exclusively determined by the state’s repressive memory project, but are actually embedded in intricate social relations and local context where the violence occurred. What people remember, forget, or silenced is part of the continuous negotiation to claim one’s right, to relate to the state, and to be Indonesian citizen. This book redefines the politics of memory – that it does not necessarily appear in formal arenas, but actually lies in the intricate web of local dynamics, often involving transactional and clientelistic practices.
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Nichter, Simeon. Votes for Survival: Relational Clientelism in Latin America. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2018.
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Nichter, Simeon. Votes for Survival: Relational Clientelism in Latin America. Cambridge University Press, 2018.
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Nichter, Simeon. Votes for Survival: Relational Clientelism in Latin America. Cambridge University Press, 2018.
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Nichter, Simeon. Votes for Survival: Relational Clientelism in Latin America. Cambridge University Press, 2018.
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Weiss, Meredith L. The Roots of Resilience. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.001.0001.
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This book examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or “hybrid” regimes—Singapore and Malaysia—where politically liberal and authoritarian features are blended to evade substantive democracy. Although skewed elections, curbed civil liberties, and a dose of coercion help sustain these regimes, selectively structured state policies and patronage, partisan machines that effectively stand in for local governments, and diligently sustained clientelist relations between politicians and constituents are equally important. While key attributes of these regimes differ, affecting the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages—and notwithstanding a momentous change of government in Malaysia in 2018—the similarity in the overall patterns in these countries confirms the salience of these dimensions. As the book shows, taken together, these attributes accustom citizens to the system in place, making meaningful change in how electoral mobilization and policymaking happen all the harder to change. This authoritarian acculturation is key to the durability of both regimes, but, given weaker party competition and party–civil society links, is stronger in Singapore than Malaysia. High levels of authoritarian acculturation, amplifying the political payoffs of what parties and politicians actually provide their constituents, explain why electoral turnover alone is insufficient for real regime change in either state.
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Businessmen, Clientelism, and Authoritarianism in Egypt. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.
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Tarouty, Safinaz El. Businessmen, Clientelism, and Authoritarianism in Egypt. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.
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de Barros, Françoise. "Protests Against Shantytowns in the 1950s and 1960s: Class Logics, Clientelist Relations and ‘Colonial Redeployments’." In France's Modernising Mission, 199–224. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-55133-7_8.
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Weiss, Meredith L. "Duelling networks: relational clientelism in electoral- authoritarian Malaysia." In Varieties of Clientelism, 100–118. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003352259-6.
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Orlovsky, Daniel T. "Political Clientelism in Russia: the Historical Perspective." In Leadership Selection and Patron–Client Relations in the USSR and Yugoslavia, 174–99. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341116-5.
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Minagawa, Shugo. "Political Clientelism in the USSR and Japan: a Tentative Comparison." In Leadership Selection and Patron–Client Relations in the USSR and Yugoslavia, 200–228. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003341116-6.
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Yaghi, Mohammad. "Neoliberal reforms, protests, and enforced patron–client relations in Tunisia and Egypt." In Clientelism and Patronage in the Middle East and North Africa, 118–42. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351169240-6.
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Suárez-Collado, Ángela. "Centre–periphery relations and the reconfiguration of the state’s patronage networks in the Rif." In Clientelism and Patronage in the Middle East and North Africa, 168–91. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351169240-8.
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Sotiropoulos, Dimitri A. "Political Clientelism as a Type of State-Society Relation Eroding Democracy." In The Irregular Pendulum of Democracy, 167–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25609-7_6.
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Provero, Luigi. "L’azione politica dei sudditi." In La signoria rurale nell’Italia del tardo medioevo. 4. Quadri di sintesi e nuove prospettive di ricerca, 263–76. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0187-2.10.
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Within a broad and articulated political action of medieval peasant society, the essay aims to identify the specific dynamics relating to Italy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Through an analysis of the domains of action related to justice, tax collection, frontiers, churches, new villages and clienteles, a specific peasant focus is outlined in the search for effective mediation tools between local society and princely powers.
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"Chapter Six. Female Agrarian Clientelist Relations And Entrustment." In Land, Labour and Entrustment, 145–63. BRILL, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004182325.i-218.45.
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Herrold, Catherine E. "The Co-Optation of Egypt’s NGO Sector." In Delta Democracy, 27–49. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190093235.003.0002.
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Chapter 1 opens the book with an account of Egypt’s NGO sector as it existed under Mubarak. Tracing the growth of Egypt’s NGO sector through the latter half of the twentieth century, it introduces the reader to the types of organizations established and shows how the Mubarak regime used them to simultaneously divide Egyptian civil society and advance the government’s neoliberal economic agenda. It goes on to show how, through official laws, unofficial harassment, and clientelist relations, the Mubarak regime molded an NGO sector that addressed social welfare needs and presented a guise of liberalization while failing to unite in a cohesive oppositional bloc.