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1
Glazier, Rebecca A. "Acting for God? Types and Motivations of Clergy Political Activity." Politics and Religion 11, no. 4 (April 25, 2018): 760–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000305.
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AbstractClergy members are often important political actors. Yet, scholars rarely distinguish among different types of clergy political activities. Here, I argue for three disaggregated categories of clergy political activity: personal, general congregation level, and election-specific congregation level. Data from two sources—the Cooperative Clergy Study and the Little Rock Congregations Study—demonstrate that important differences exist across these categories, with the majority of model variables significantly influencing different clergy political activitiesin different directions. For instance, a conservative ideology and affiliation with a Black Protestant church both negatively influence personal political activities, like donating to a campaign, while also positively influencing election-related political activities in the congregation, like distributing voter guides. Similarly, providential religious beliefs increase general congregation-level political activities, while decreasing personal and electoral activities. These relationships are obscured when political activity is considered in the aggregate, suggesting that clergy political activities are nuanced; different activities are driven by different motivations.
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Guerzoni, Michael Andre, and Hannah Graham. "Catholic Church Responses to Clergy-Child Sexual Abuse and Mandatory Reporting Exemptions in Victoria, Australia: A Discursive Critique." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i4.205.
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This article presents empirical findings from a critical discourse analysis of institutional responses by the Catholic Church to clergy-child sexual abuse in Victoria, Australia. A sample of 28 documents, comprising 1,394 pages, is analysed in the context of the 2012-2013 Victorian Inquiry into the Handling of Child Abuse by Religious and Other Organisations. Sykes and Matza’s (1957) and Cohen’s (1993) techniques of, respectively, neutralisation and denial are used to reveal the Catholic Church’s Janus-faced responses to clergy-child sexual abuse and mandatory reporting requirements. Paradoxical tensions are observed between Catholic Canonical law and clerical practices, and the extent of compliance with secular law and referral of allegations to authorities. Concerns centre on Church secrecy, clerical defences of the confessional in justification of inaction, and the Melbourne Response compensation scheme. Our research findings underscore the need for greater Church transparency and accountability; we advocate for mandatory reporting law reform and institutional reform, including adjustments to the confessional ritual.
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Boicu, Dragoş. "The Political Role of the Orthodox Clergy in the Union of the Romanian Principalities (1859)." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Orthodoxa 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbto.2022.1.02.
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"The union of the Romanian Principalities was a decisive moment in the history and evolution of the modern Romanian state, but its realization cannot be separated from the actions of the bishops and clergy, who were co-opted in the electoral process from the very beginning. The activity of the clergy was not strictly limited to the bureaucratic management of the elections but revealed a set of political beliefs, actively supporting the idea of Romanians’ national unity. This paper aims to insist on the political partisanship of the clergy respectively, on the immediate consequences of their involvement in political life. Keywords: Romanian Orthodox Church, Union of the Romanian Principalities, State and Church, Sofronie Miclescu, Nifon Rusăilă, Alexandru Ioan Cuza"
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Bystrycka, Ella. "Ukrainian Orthodoxy and Ecumenical Activity of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky in the Second World War." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 23 (September 10, 2002): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.23.1355.
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The issue of inter-denominational understanding has been relevant to Ukrainians for many centuries. During the discussions the idea of proclaiming the Ukrainian patriarchate was crystallized. According to the clergy, this would resolve the existing inter-denominational contradictions. However, the problem has become more political than religious. The emergence of such a powerful structure in Ukraine was opposed by the Polish authorities and the Polish-Latin clergy, as well as by the Russian government and its Orthodox Church. For Catholic Poland and Orthodox Moscow, the establishment of an independent church in Ukraine was associated with state formation and signified a sharpening of the Ukrainian issue. Therefore, depending on the political situation, work in this direction was suspended or, conversely, revived.
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Slesarev, A. V. "Political activity of the Belarusian Autocephalic Orthodox Church in 1950–1982." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 67, no. 2 (May 6, 2022): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2022-67-2-166-176.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of the political activity of the Belarusian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (BAOC) in 1950–1982. For several decades, the named religious organization carried out the functions of consolidating the post-war Belarusian Diaspora, focused on supporting the Council of the Belarusian People’s Republic (BNR). What happened in the second half 1950s the change in the strategy of American foreign policy associated with the adoption of the doctrine of “rolling back communism” entailed the involvement of the BAOC in carrying out events of a pronounced anti-Soviet character. In 1957, the tradition of annual visits to the US Congress by the hierarchs and clerics of the BAOC on the days of celebrating the next anniversaries of the proclamation of the BNR’s independence was established. During these visits, Belarusian clergy opened parliamentary sessions with prayers for an early fall of the communist system and positioned the Council of the BNR as the only legitimate body of Belarusian state power. Since 1960, representatives of the BAOC have taken an active part in events dedicated to the “Captive Nations Weeks”, initiated by the US Congress and aimed at demonstrating widespread condemnation of the Soviet political system. The regular participation of the clergy of the BAOC in these events testifies to the involvement of the religious organization in question in active political activity, which followed the mainstream of the US foreign policy strategy and had a pronounced anti-Soviet character.
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LISYUNIN, Viktor. "PARTICIPATION OF TAMBOV CLERGY IN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION AND STATE DUMA ACTIVITY OF 1–4 CONVOCATIONS (1906–1917)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-171-180.
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The analysis of participation of Orthodox clergy in the election process and State Duma activity of 1–4 convocations (1906–1917), and also attitude of the Russian Orthodox Church to carried out state reforms are presented. On a reasonable basis it is proved that general strategy of participation of clergy in parliamentary activities was planned at Tambov clergy congress in January of 1905 and it was resolved into following statements: peaceful progress, reforms without violence, preservation of dominating role of Orthodox Church with simultaneous liberation from state patronage, economic protection of poor people and laboring classes, development of education in Orthodox direction. The clergy had certain expectations towards activity of State Duma of 1 and 2 convocations, while during 3 and 4 convocations the voice of Tambov Eparchy representatives was unnoticed. Two deputies from Tambov clergy, priests P.F. Vozdvizhenskiy and M.F. Lachinov supported the authorities. Their inactivity is explained as the political inertia, and also it stood for objective reasons: village priest could not leave his parish for a long time. Among deputies there were representatives of Tambov clergy: metropolite of St. Petersburg and Ladoga Vladimir (Bogoyavlenskiy), synodical curator of missionary fellowships of the Tambov Eparchy I.G. Ayvazov, editor of the journal “The Voice of the Church” A.M. Spasskiy, former lecturer of Tambov Seminary. The evaluation is given to complicated relations between the church and the state, the result of which was the change of the Holy Synod body due to the initiative of chief procurator V.N. Lvov and Local Council of 1917–1918, in the work of which representatives of the Tambov Eparchy took part actively.
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Kostrzewski, Paweł. "Political and social activity of "patriotic priests" of Częstochowa diocese (1949–1955)." Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Humanistyczno-Przyrodniczego im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Zeszyty Historyczne 19 (2021): 175–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/zh.2021.19.09.
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The article presents the participation of the Częstochowa clergy in the so-called patriot priests movement. It gives the number of priests belonging to the District Commission of Priests in Katowice, the District Commission of Priests in Łódź, the Commission of Catholic Intellectuals and Activists, the Commission of Catholic Clergy and Lay Activists, it brings closer the motives of their involvement, the functions they performed in central and regional structures, it characterizes the forms of political and social activity. The 'patriotic priests' from Czestochowa actively participated in all propaganda actions concerning, among others, the so-called 'struggle for peace'. They also condemned, according to official rhetoric, the activities of the Church Caritas and sat on the new provincial boards established by the communists. They joined the fight to establish permanent church administration in the so-called Recovered Territories. They condemned the priests accused in the trial of the Krakow curia and spoke positively about the decree of the State Council of 9 February 1953 concerning the filling of church posts. They supported, and often themselves actively participated in social actions, e. g. sowing, harvesting, threshing, anti-potato beetle actions. The catechists instilled in the youth a respect for the state authorities, a love of work and the need to make an effort to implement the 6-year plan. An important aspect of their activity was writing and participation in the work of national councils at the provincial and district level.
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Lunkin, Roman N. "Social and Political Consequences of the Pandemic for the Russian Orthodox Church." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 547–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-547-558.
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In the article analyzed the social and political consequences of pandemic of coronavirus for the Russian Orthodox Church in the context of the reaction of different European churches on the quarantine rules and critics towards the church inside Russia. The author used the structural-functional and institutional approaches for the evaluation of the activity of the Russian Orthodox Church, was analyzed the sources of mass-media and the public claims of the clergy. In the article was made a conclusion that Orthodox Church expressed itself during the struggle with coronavirus as national civic institute where could be represented various even polar views. Also the parish activity leads to the formation of the democratic society affiliated with the Church and the role of that phenomenon have to be explored in a future. The coronacrisis makes open the inner potential of the civic activity and different forms of the social service in Russian Church. In the same time pandemic provoked the development of the volunteer activity in the around-church environment and also in the non-church circles among the young people and the generation of 40th age where the idea of the social responsibility for themselves and people around and the significance of the civil rights was one of the popular ideas till 2019. The conditions of the self-isolation also forced the clergy to struggle for their parishioners and once again renovate the role of the church in the society and in the cyber space.
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Sagan, Oleksandr N. "Orthodoxy of pre-war Ukraine (1921-1939): the main tendencies of development." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 19 (October 2, 2001): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2016.79.1162.
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The violent events of the revolutionary 1917 rocked the church life in Ukraine. Church movement began to become quite controversial in its content of national-political character. In the new political conditions, not only the clergy but also secular authorities, public organizations and private individuals took an active part in discussing the problems of church life, which politicized in some way Orthodoxy. The Civil War of 1918-1920 did all the efforts of church activists and clergy dependent on the state of affairs - the activity of many church and church organizations ceased or, on the contrary, restored under the rule of certain political forces. It was only from the beginning of 1921 that we could speak of more clearly defined lines of church development.
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Липовецкий, Павел Евгеньевич. "Conservative Clergy and Official Church Periodicals in 1905." Церковный историк, no. 1(3) (June 15, 2020): 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/ch.2020.3.1.011.
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Статья посвящена взаимодействию консервативно настроенных клириков и церковной периодической печати. Разразившаяся в 1905 г. революция поставила перед клириками Русской Церкви необходимость определиться в своих политических симпатиях. Большая часть епископата и значительная часть рядовых священнослужителей поддержали черносотенные партии. Причина таких симпатий в программных установках правых, ориентировавшихся на традиционные политические и религиозные ценности в противовес представителям либеральных и левых партий. Политическая деятельность архиереев могла выражаться в различных действиях: от создания печатных и устных призывов к сохранению порядка до организации своих политических партий. Идеологические предпочтения и активность иерархов среди прочего можно проследить на примере редакционной политики епархиальных ведомостей. Используя свою власть в пределах епархии, консервативно настроенные архиереи направляли в соответствующее русло редакционную политику местных периодических печатных органов. На страницах журнала в этом случае размещались материалы патриотического, антиреволюционного содержания. Причём даже если епархиальные ведомости были не в состоянии привлечь авторов для создания оригинальных материалов, редактор подбирал подходящие из других изданий и перепечатывал их. The article is about the interaction of conservative-minded clergy and church periodicals. The revolution that broke out in 1905 presented the clergy of the Russian Church with the need to define their political sympathies. Most of the episcopate and a significant part of the rank-and-file clergy supported the Black Hundred parties. The reason for such sympathies is in the programmatic attitudes of the right, oriented towards traditional political and religious values as opposed to representatives of the liberal and left parties. The political activity of bishops could be expressed in various actions: from the creation of printed and oral appeals to maintain order to the organization of their own political parties. The ideological preferences and activity of a hierarch, among other things, can be traced to the example of the editorial policy of the Diocesan Gazette. Using their power within the diocese, the conservative-minded bishops directed the editorial policy of local periodicals in the appropriate direction. In this case, the pages of the magazine contained materials of patriotic, anti-revolutionary content. Moreover, even if the Diocesan Gazette was unable to attract authors to create original materials, the editor selected suitable ones from other publications and reprinted them.
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Dmitriy S., Lavrinovich. "Representatives of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches from the Belarusian-Lithuanian Provinces in the State Duma of the Russian Empire." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 4 (October 30, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-4-49-61.
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Representatives of the Orthodox and Catholic Churches from the Belarusian-Lithuanian provinces in the State Duma of the first and fourth convocations took an active part in political and legislative activities, influenced the development of the socio-political and socio-economic situation, both in the territory of the region and the Russian Empire in general. Due to the support of the deputies and the Orthodox clergy, measures were taken to inhance the situation of the Orthodox Church, to develop school affairs, and draft laws were developed to improve the situation of the peasant population. The deputies representing the Catholic Church mostly supported the rights of the church and the Catholics. For the majority of deputies, as well as the Orthodox and Catholic clergy, the period of Duma activity was the peak of their socio-political career.
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Єгрешій, Олег. "THE REPRESSIVE POLICY OF THE POLISH AUTHORITIES AGAINST THE GREEK CATHOLIC CLERGY 1919–1921." Науковий і культурно-просвітній краєзнавчий часопис "Галичина", no. 32 (December 27, 2019): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/gal.32.67-73.
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In the scientific article, the author reveals the attitude of Polish government structures to the Ukrainian Greek Catholic clergy in Galicia in 1919–1921. The author defines the nature of repressions against priests in this region.
On June 22, 1919 many Greek Catholic priests from different parts of Galicia: Anatol Dolyńskii, Ivan Halibei, Mykola Nyklych and others were taken to Lviv prison “Bridgits” without any guilt. Some of the priests founded themselves in a camp for prisoners at Stshalkovo near Poznan. The higher clergy also suffered persecution. In November 1918, in connection with the “separation in political life”, a search was carried out at the premises of the Przemysl bishop Josaphat Kotsylovsky. The polish officer, Karminski, behaved unce- remoniously with the Ukrainian lord Yo. Kotsylovskyi.
The scientific article also notes that the Greek Catholic clergy showed marked activity during the census of the population in September 1921. The general population census of 1921 turned into a peculiar anti- occupational plebiscite.
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Glazier, Rebecca A. "Bridging Religion and Politics: The Impact of Providential Religious Beliefs on Political Activity." Politics and Religion 8, no. 3 (March 18, 2015): 458–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000139.
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AbstractPast research shows that religious beliefs can shape political activity. Yet current literature leaves open many questions about the mechanisms at work. I point to the key role of a particular religious belief found across denominations: providentiality, or the belief that God has a plan that humans can further. When these beliefs are connected to politics, providential believers are likely to be active and dedicated participators. I test this notion using survey data collected during the 2012 election campaign from congregants in Little Rock, Arkansas. In general, providential believers are less likely than their non-providential counterparts to participate in politics. However, when providential believers report hearing political sermons from their clergy, they are significantly more likely to participate. These findings illustrate one pathway by which religious beliefs can influence politics: through a cue that links providentiality and politics.
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Khodak, Inna. "THE ROLE OF THE HIERARCHES OF THE UGCC IN THE SOCIO-POLITICAL LIFE OF EASTERN GALICIA (1921-1939)." Chornomors’ka Mynuvshyna, no. 16 (December 24, 2021): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2519-2523.2021.16.245743.
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The purpose of the article is to highlight the features of socio-political activities of the Greek Catholic hierarchs of Eastern Galicia and their role in socio-political processes that took place in the region during the 20-30s of the twentieth century. The use of descriptive heuristic research methods made it possible to reproduce the main topics related to the political views of the hierarchs. The article clarifies the peculiarities of the sociopolitical activities of the Greek Catholic hierarchs of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland. The set of archival documents used in the work makes it possible to objectively assess the activities of Greek Catholic clergy in the interwar period. It is determined that the statechurch relations in interwar Poland were conditioned by a complex dialectic of internal and external factors caused by both the government's policy in the field of religion, in particular towards Ukrainians, and the UGCC itself with its historical and traditional features.The activity of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic clergy, which was aimed at creating political parties and organizations, is considered.
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Ірина Олександрівна Мякінченко. "INTER-CONFESSIONAL RELATIONS IN UKRAINE IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITY: CHURCH-RELIGIOUS AND PUBLIC-POLITICAL ASPECTS." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 351–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.111826.
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The article deals with inter-confessional relations during the period of Ukraine's independence in the context of international activity, namely the relevant church-religious and state-political aspects. It is determined that in the historiography the outlined issues have not yet been the subject of a separate study. International activity is one of the areas of activity of churches and religious organizations in Ukraine; it is also implemented within the framework of inter-confessional relations. The most constructive inter-confessional dialogue in the context of international activity is being implemented by the All-Ukrainian Council of Churches and Religious Organizations. Both church-religious organizations and inter-confessional associations support their own and state-political international initiatives. Religious international initiatives are manifested through the support of relations with foreign church-religious structures, the organization of the participation of clergy in foreign thematic events, meetings of foreign religious and clergy, political and state figures, delegations from other countries. The controversial attitude of various religious denominations, which has come to the international level, is observed with regard to the creation of the Single Local Orthodox Ukrainian Church. An important direction in the inter-confessional dialogue in the international context was the support for European integration of Ukraine and the confrontation with Russian military aggression in Ukraine. In general, the church and religious organizations did not oppose European integration, and in some cases openly supported it. Church-religious organizations have been actively involved in Ukraine's activities aimed at engaging international support of Ukraine in confronting Russian military aggression. Significant successes of the religious community should be noted, specifically, in promoting the release of Ukrainian prisoners of war and hostages, providing humanitarian assistance to victims, condemning the harassment of freedom of conscience and the activities of religious organizations on the occupied territories, etc.
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Zima, Veniamin F. "Collected Documents on the History of the Pskov Orthodox Mission: A Recent Publication." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 306–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-306-312.
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The reviewed work is devoted to a significant, and yet little-studied in both national and foreign scholarship, issue of the clergy interactions with German occupational authorities on the territory of the USSR in the days of the Great Patriotic War. It introduces into scientific use historically significant complex of documents (1941-1945) from the archive of the Office of the Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) of Vilnius and Lithuania, patriarchal exarch in Latvia and Estonia, and also records from the investigatory records on charges against clergy and employees concerned in the activities of the Pskov Orthodox Mission (1944-1990). Documents included in the publication are stored in the archives of Moscow, St. Petersburg, Estonia, Lithuania, Leningrad, Novgorod, and Pskov regions. They allow some insight into nature, forms, and methods of the Nazi occupational regime policies in the conquered territories (including policies towards the Church). The documents capture religious policies of the Nazis and inner life of the exarchate, describe actual situation of population and clergy, management activities and counterinsurgency on the occupied territories. The documents bring to light connections between the exarchate and German counterintelligence and reveal the nature of political police work with informants. They capture the political mood of population and prisoners of war. There is information on participants of partisan movement and underground resistance, on communication net between the patriarchal exarchate in the Baltic states and the German counterintelligence. Reports and dispatches of the clergy in the pay of the Nazis addressed to the Metropolitan Sergius (Voskresensky) contain detailed activity reports. Investigatory records contain important biographical information and personal data on the collaborators. Most of the documents, being classified, have never been published before.
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Берестень, Ю. В., and В. І. Мороз. "Charitable activity of the Orthodox clergy of the Ekaterinoslav diocese at the beginning of the First World War (1914-1915)." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/11911.
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The military and political events during August-September of 1914 resulted in the active incorporation of clerical institutions of the Katerynoslav diocese in organizing systemic and ideological support and material provision for the political course of the Russian autocracy, practical implementation of numerous internal political campaigns aimed at strengthening the state system and defence capabilities of the country, increasing the combat spirit of the current army and naval forces, participation in the mobilization of conscripts, consolidating the population for the practical solution of a number of socio-economic and agricultural problems caused by the war. A significant component of the organization of charity in the Katerynoslav diocese was the provision of systematic material assistance to the personnel of the military units of the Russian army. As a rule, it was mostly implemented in various forms: collecting donations for military purposes, organizing the systematic supply of warm clothes, shoes, bedding and underwear, necessary military equipment, foodstuffs, medicines, articles of daily necessity, tobacco and personal hygiene products. One of the major directions of charitable activity of the Orthodox clergy during the First World War was the organization of a chain of hospitals and military sick quarters which provided the necessary medical assistance to the wounded and sick soldiers and officers. At the initial stage of the First World War, the Orthodox clergy of the Katerynoslav diocese participated actively in the organization and conducting of numerous charitable events and campaigns aimed at providing financial and material assistance to the low-income categories of the population suffering from hostilities. The charitable activity of the Orthodox clergy met the principal needs of the Russian society and played an important role in the depreciation and smoothing of destructive phenomena of social entropy caused by the war. However, due to the economic crisis determined by the exponential growth of the military conflict, the gradual destruction of the economic system, the elimination of the financial resources of a great part of charitable institutions and private benefactors, the rapid increase of the population in need, the charitable activity of the church could not reach its goal and effectively solve a set of urgent problems of social protection of the population of the country and Prydniprovsk region.
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Guth, James L., Linda Beail, Greg Crow, Beverly Gaddy, Steve Montreal, Brent Nelsen, James Penning, and Jeff Walz. "The Political Activity of Evangelical Clergy in the Election of 2000: A Case Study of Five Denominations." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 42, no. 4 (December 2003): 501–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1468-5906.2003.00199.x.
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Lupol, Ivan. "THE EPISTOLAR LEGACY OF HETMAN IVAN MAZEPA AS A SOURCE FOR THE STUDY OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE AUTHORITIES AND THE ORTHODOX CLERGY." Chornomors’ka Mynuvshyna, no. 16 (December 24, 2021): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2519-2523.2021.16.245735.
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The purposes of this article are to highlight on the basis of the epistolary legacy of Hetman Ivan Mazepa his relationship with the Ukrainian Orthodox clergy, the main directions, ways and methods of helping the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, to follow determine certain directions of Hetman I. Mazepa's activity in relation to the Orthodox Church in the Ukrainian lands, on the basis of his epistolary heritage, which was aimed at comprehensive assistance to the church; to establish the main directions of his help and the ways in which Hetman helped the Ukrainian Orthodox clergy. The article analyzes a certain part of the epistolary heritage of Hetman I. Mazepa. The set of letters used in the study makes it possible to trace the main trends in the relations of Hetman I. Mazepa with the Ukrainian Orthodox Church during his reign. It was found that most of the studied and analyzed letters of Hetman I. Mazepa to various representatives of the Orthodox clergy and some representatives of the Cossack officers speak of comprehensive support of the Orthodox Church in Ukrainian lands (benefits, material assistance, protection of Ukrainian Orthodox clergy at the political level, etc. e.). The letters also clearly show the tendency that Hetman I. Mazepa tried to make the Orthodox Church one of his main pillars for consolidating his power (it is clearly traced in the letters dated to the first years of his reign).
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Marshall, Alison R. "Followers of the Dao of the Bible." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 44, no. 2 (April 24, 2015): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429815580782.
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Studies of pre-1950s Chinese Canadian Christianity have tended to occlude Chinese perspectives and experiences for a number of reasons, including a lack of sources. Drawing on largely unpublished Chinese and English source materials including scrapbooks, correspondence, reports, membership rosters, marriage, funeral and clergy records, Chinese nationalist registers, diaries, oral histories, photographs and material culture, this article investigates Chinese experiences of Canadian Presbyterian missionary work in Victoria, Cumberland, Calgary, Winnipeg, Toronto and Montreal between 1896 and 1950. By examining the personal archival materials of Ma Seung, Frank Chan and Ernest Mark, and era-specific Chinese political involvements and fieldwork data, this article challenges previous simplistic understandings of the Chinese missionary experience that were based solely on the perspectives of mainstream Christian institutions and society. This article emphasizes the Chinese context and concepts such as the dao, efficacy ( ling), and affect ( renqing, or human sentiments) that guided relationships and faith in early Chinese Canada. It aims to provide a more complicated understanding of why Chinese ministers chose to Christianize fellow Chinese, and why before 1950 many Chinese chose to be nominal Christians and only a small number converted.
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Fayzullin, A. R. "Situation and Activity of Tatar Muslim Community in Kazan Province after the 1917 February Revolution (February — October 1917)." Islam in the modern world 15, no. 3 (October 29, 2019): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2019-15-3-137-150.
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The article deals with events related to the situation and activities of the Muslim Tatars of Russia after the February 1917 revolution. The revolution divided the Muslim Tatars of Russia of all strata and views into the opposing groups and movements that actively pursued their policies. Socio-political organizations and institutions were created, some of which supported the Provisional Government, while the others supported the Bolshevik Party. Initially, the Muslim clergy, headed by Mufti of Orenburg Spiritual assembly Muhammad-Safa Bayazitov, did not support the February revolution, that is why the assembly was dissolved by leaders of the Tatar bourgeoisie and nobility of Ufa. In May 1917, the First all-Russian Muslim Congress took place in Moscow, at which a number of important decisions were made, including the recognizing of equality of women and the land commodification. In contrast to the Kazan Muslim Committee supporting the Provisional Government, the Kazan Bolshevik Party in early April 1917 organized the Muslim Socialist Committee, headed by the revolutionary Bolshevik Mullanur Vakhitov, led his work among the working Muslims of the Tatars. The Kazan Muslim Committee relied on the intellectuals, the wealthy peasants, the clergy, the Tatar-Muslim bourgeoisie, and the Muslim Socialist Committee did more stakes on the Tatar workers. The October Revolution led to the victory of the Bolsheviks, who were supported by Muslim left socialists.
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Melnychuk, Oleh, and Yaroslav Tsetsyk. "Вплив чорносотенців на економічні процеси початку ХХ ст. на Волині." Eminak, no. 4(40) (December 31, 2022): 90–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2022.4(40).605.
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The purpose of the paper is to study the struggle for economic dominance of Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People and the Orthodox clergy of Volyn at the beginning of the 20th century. The key factors that influenced the activity of economic and financial institutions that were under the influence of the Black Hundreds are analyzed.
The scientific novelty of the study: based on archival documents and materials of the Black Hundreds’ press, the peculiarities of the struggle for the economic dominance of the Black Hundreds and the Orthodox clergy in Volyn at the beginning of the 20th century are clarified, and the results of the activities of the Union of the Russian People and their role in the aggravation of international relations are analyzed.
Conclusions. It is proven that since the beginning of its activity, Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People had launched an active and purposeful campaign to create a strong network of primary centers in the region. With the support of the imperial authorities and the clergy of the Russian Orthodox Church, which played an active role in the process of formation of the organization, the ‘allies’ managed to achieve their goal quite quickly. They put the struggle against ‘non-Russians’ as one of their priority tasks.
Taking into account that during the studied period in Volyn, Poles, Jews, and, to a lesser extent, German agrarian colonists played a key role in the economy, just with those ethnic groups the Black Hundreds began the struggle for economic dominance.
They saw one of their main tasks in that field of activity in creating a number of small credit societies and opening consumer stores. Covering up themselves with demagogic slogans about Jewish usury, they actively promoted the organization’s ideology through the named institutions with the help of the influence of parish priests.
In 1911, thanks to the persistent efforts of the Head of Pochaiv branch of the Union of the Russian People, Archimandrite Vitalii, the Black Hundreds managed to open their own bank, the main declared purpose of which was to help the peasants purchase land and oppose non-Russians in that. Due to the use of demagogic slogans, the Black Hundreds succeeded in achieving certain positive results in their efforts and strengthened their economic position in the region shortly before the First World War. However, that area of activity of the Union of the Russian People contributed to an even greater aggravation of inter-ethnic relations in Volyn during the period under study.
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Makhmutov, Zufar A. "The Roles and Activities of Tatar Mullahs in Kazakhstan, 18th to Mid-21st Century." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-61-73.
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This article is devoted to the study of the functions by the Institute of Tatar mullahs in Kazakhstan at different historical periods. The author examines the activities of clergymen in the region, analyzes the internal policy of the Russian and later Soviet state, which regulated their activities by legislative acts, creating certain political contexts. Research interest is also caused by the internal policy of the state, which regulated Tatar mullahs activities by legislative acts and it created certain political contexts. The sources for writing the work were materials of personal origin and office work, legislative and regulatory documents stored in the archives of Kazakhstan and Russia. In the initial period of the Kazakhstan's colonization the institute of Tatar mullahs was integrated into the management system of the newly-joined territory. In these conditions, the Tatar clergy had rather large powers in the Kazakh steppe. They conducted civil proceedings, document management, taught the Kazakhs literacy and agriculture, participated in government decisions, and carried out diplomatic missions. Their work gave legitimacy to the actions of the empire for the Kazakhs and promoted loyalty to the new government. In the middle of the 19th century, the attitude of the tsarist officials towards the mullahs changed dramatically. Activity of Tatar clergy was significantly limited by the Temporary Provision of 1868. Despite the prohibitions being undertaken, the political and religious influence of the ulama on the Kazakhs remained quite strong. In Soviet times, a significant part of the Tatar clergy was destroyed and completely removed from the legal field. However, although they were in an illegal situation, they continued to perform religious functions. After some religious relaxation during the Great Patriotic War, they made a significant contribution to the formation of Kazakhstani Kaziyat. The author considers that Tatar mullahs were the elite of the mobilized diaspora оn the basis of the analyzed material. Tatar ulemahs conspicuous influence was until the middle of the 19th century and occurred outside the religious sphere as well.
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Vyhovskyi, Leonid, and Nataliia Kulish. "RELIGION AS AN IMPORTANT FACTOR OF THE MODERN UKRAINIAN POLITICAL REALITY." Sophia. Human and Religious Studies Bulletin 16, no. 2 (2020): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/sophia.2020.16.1.
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The paper analyses the place and role of religion in the political life of modern Ukraine and its influence on the political life and transformations broght about by political factors. It shows that the growing level of believers' political activity determines the deepening of the process of politicization of religion and simultaneously contributes to the religionization of the political process. It demonstrates that the politicization of religion encourages the laity and the clergy to build and establish a democratic Ukrainian state and the revival of national spirituality and morality. But, on the other hand, in the presence of anti-Ukrainian tendencies in the activities of certain denominations such a process can lead to a sharp political and inter-church confrontation which can cause a political and religious crisis in society. It is shown that some activities of religious organizations operating in Ukraine are outside of the legal framework. The need to align the existing legal framework on the relationship between the Church, religious organizations and the state with modern realities is emphasized. In this context, the problem of developing and implementing deterrent mechanisms for the participation of extremist religious organizations in political activities is quite relevant. It is shown that a starting point for the involvement of religious organizations and institutions in political activities deals with understanding (at the theoretical and theological level) of the principles of their interactions with the structures of state authorities, society and citizens. Тhis is achieved by way of incorporating findings of theological and canonical research on such topics in the strategy, social concepts, appeals. This serves as the basis for specific instructions regarding the forms and content of participation of the Church, clergy, and laity in political life. It is emphasized that the direct inclusion of the Church, religious denominations and believers in political processes opens the possibility for manipulative influence on believers aiming at lobbying interests of certain political parties during the election processes.
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Klymov, Valeriy Volodymyrovych. "Orthodox monasteries in the socio-political and spiritual context of national liberation competitions of the Ukrainian people. Orthodox monasticism and the Pereyaslav council." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 45 (March 7, 2008): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.45.1902.
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Position, values, activity of the highest Orthodox (black) clergy, monasteries, monasticism in the era of numerous interstate wars, Cossack uprisings of the 20 - 30s of the 18th century, National Liberation War of 1648 - 1654, Pereyaslav council, and its succession that coincided with dramatic transformations on the European continent, a profound change of borders in Central and Eastern Europe, in the light of the present factual completeness and the possibility of scientific objective assessments, prove to be complex, multi-vector, and often synchronous with many sociopolitical processes and diplomatic movements and, in general, far from the given unambiguous, straightforward or spiral "procedural", which the position of the Orthodox Church, monasteries or monks in the national liberation competitions in the Ukrainian lands. until recently.
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Dudra, Stefan. "Election of Bishop Bazyli (Doroszkiewicz) as the Metropolitan of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church as part of the religious policy of the Polish state." Review of Nationalities 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pn-2020-0020.
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Abstract The election of superiors in the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church was one of the key elements in the religious policy of the communist authorities. The new superiors were expected to be full of loyalty and closely cooperate and support the social and political changes taking place. The rulers wanted the bishops and the Orthodox clergy to take full control. The way to do this was to influence the selection of a suitable candidate for the position of a metropolitan. The choice of a superior appointed by the authorities was to fully guarantee the realization of tasks important from the point of view of the multilateral activity of the state.
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Hofmann, Mary Ann. "The Church and the Tax Law: Keeping Church and State Separate." ATA Journal of Legal Tax Research 13, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/jltr-51086.
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ABSTRACT In a democracy characterized by the separation of church and state, what role does the federal government play in regulating the activities and the financial transactions of churches and other religious nonprofit organizations? What are the current federal requirements regarding tax exemption for churches, tax deductibility of donations to churches, and political activity by churches, and are these requirements justified? Rather than interfering with the free exercise of religion, does the federal government actually come closer to violating the establishment clause of the First Amendment by providing inappropriate tax benefits to churches and clergy? This paper discusses tax laws and federal court decisions relating to these and other issues.
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MOLNAR, Fedir. "THE PROGRAMMES OF THE GREEK CATHOLIC CLERGY OF NORTHEASTERN HUNGARY (1860–1867)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 36 (2022): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2022-36-37-49.
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The article addresses the problem of religious and political activity of the Greek Catholic clergy of Northeastern Hungary between 1860 and 1867. Considerable attention is paid to analyze the role of the local Rusyn leaders. Among the nationalities of the Hungarian Kingdom in the ХІХ century, the Rusyns were considered to be the poorest people, both materially and culturally. Their society was truncated, in other words, incompletely structured, consisting of the vast majority of peasants. The author highlights that in the absence of nobility and citizenry, their Greek Catholic clergy served as elites. Their ecclesiastical organization provided an appropriate framework and base for the development of their national culture and literature. The most significant ecclesiastical structure of the Rusyns in Northeastern Hungary was the Greek Catholic Eparchy of Mukachevo, which had jurisdiction over seven Hungarian counties (Zemplén, Ung, Bereg, Ugocsa, Máramaros, Szabolcs and Szatmár). The current bishop of the diocese resided in Uzhhorod was the number one leader of the Rusyns. It is alleged that the so-called October Diploma, enacted by Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph on October 20, 1860, proclaimed a return to constitutional principles. On the basis of analysis of the various programmes of the Greek Catholic priests of the Eparchy of Mukachevo, it is established that the October Diploma had a great impact on the Rusyns of Hungary. This time, Adolf Dobriansky, a councillor of Hungary’s Lieutenancy Council claims the federal transformation of Hungary, the establishment of an independent Rusyn congress and a Greek Catholic archbishopric. As noted, his ideas also influenced many Rusyn priests. The traditionally pro-Hungarian Bishop of Mukachevo, Vasyl Popovych and his followers rejected Dobriansky’s ideas because of their «radical» nature. Instead, the Consistory of Uzhhorod wanted to accept nationality demands exclusively in cooperation with the Hungarian Parliament. The author comes to the conclusion that after the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867, the pro-Hungarian Greek Catholic clergy of the Eparchy of Mukachevo was satisfied with the rights enshrined in the Nationalities Law of 1868. In the end it is revealed that the clergy believed: the state subsidies of the Diocese of Mukachevo would have been at risk by claiming nationality rights. The article summarizes the new material on the topic under study, introduces it into scientific circulation.
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Meadwell, Hudson. "The politics of language: Republican values and Breton identity." European Journal of Sociology 31, no. 2 (December 1990): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560000607x.
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Among other things, the revolutionary period in France is notorious for two practices: the development of a civil religion and a project of linguistic standardization. The substitution of republican for religious symbols, the creation of public space for republican worship, the hostility towards intermediary bodies, all of this sought to ground a more direct relationship between the citizen and the republic. At the same time, the new order sought to consolidate its control of the church. An oath of loyalty to the republic was required from priests, as part of a plan to make priests functionaries of the state. The protest evoked, and its association with counterrevolution, however, produced equivocation on the part of regimes until the Concordat, which acknowledged the place of Catholicism in French society, without providing official recognition as the state religion, and which sought to monitor the activity of the clergy.
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Grzybowski, Jerzy. "Polskie cywilne duszpasterstwo prawosławne w Niemczech Zachodnich w latach 1945–1951." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 9 (July 14, 2016): 81–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0009.8270.
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The article discusses the history of the formation and activity of the Polish orthodox chaplaincy in the three western occupation zones of Germany after World War II. At that time, there were hundreds of thousands of refugees from Poland in the area. In terms of religion they constituted a mosaic. The followers of the Orthodox Church were the second largest group after the Catholics. The authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile felt obliged to provide these people with religious care. Led by Archbishop Sawa (Sowietov), priests carried out the ministry in Germany. The author has analyzed the political and social conditions in which the structures of the Polish Orthodox Church in refugee camps in West Germany were organized and functioned. The author has also presented the influence of the ethnic factor on the activity of the Polish Orthodox clergy.
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Douglas, Roger. "Restrained Dissent; Restrained Repression: Political Offenders and the Victorian Criminal Courts." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 22, no. 4 (December 1989): 237–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486588902200404.
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This article examines the conduct of political trials in Victoria between 1966–1989. Using a definition of political trial which classes trials as “political” if they relate to offences arising out of some form of political activity, the article discusses the problems faced by prosecutors, defendants and magistrates and judges in determining an optimal response to the problems and opportunities created by political trials. It examines prosecution strategies (the decision to withdraw charges); defence strategies (plea, type of defence, use of lawyers, types of plea in mitigation, decisions on whether to pay fines); and court strategies (response to contests, use of the contempt power, sentencing). Changing patterns over time are also explored. Marked differences are found to emerge between political and non-political cases, and between early and late cases.
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Shahriari, Kamyab, and Ku Hasnita Ku Samsu. "Malkom Khan’s Thoughts on Political Modernization from Bottom in Iran." International Journal of Culture and History 2, no. 2 (December 23, 2015): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v2i2.6148.
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Malkom Khan in the second period of his political activity either as activist or as political thinker chose a different approach to political modernization. In this period, instead of addressing the monarch and government to gain their support for modernization, he addressed the people and adopted the approach of political modernization from bottom. In this period Malkom Khan proposed the idea of parliamentary constitutional monarchy and introduced this kind of government as the most proper government for Iran and in this regard for the first time he proposed the formation of the national consultative assembly, with its representatives elected not by the monarch but by the people. In line with parliamentary constitutional monarchy Malkom Khan proposed new and modern structures and institutions in order to achieve the political modernization program. Research result shows that his political thoughts faced a major shift. Unlike the first period of his thoughts during which his idea of political modernization was based on state building, in this period it is based on nation building and in order to prevent possible opposition from the clergy and conservative and religious segment of the populace to his thoughts and also in order to attract the support of the progressive class of clergymen with his political modernization thoughts he advocated a reconciliation of modern political thoughts with Islamic beliefs and teachings.
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Vishivanyuk, Anna. "The Greek Catholic Church during the German Occupation of Western Ukraine (1941—1944): Relations with the Occupation Authorities and the Main Areas of Activity." ISTORIYA 13, no. 6 (116) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021881-8.
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The article considers the position and activities of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC) under the German occupation. The authors analyzed the documents by Greek Catholics, German and Soviet authorities, and tried to understand the circumstances of the relationship between the UGCC hierarchy and the occupation regime. The transformation of the position of the Greek Catholics towards the German occupation authorities was studied. The work also highlights the social and socio-political activity of the Greek Catholic clergy in Galicia during this period, church activities to support those in need. In addition, we analyzed the connection of the UGCC with the Ukrainian nationalist movement - the church, on the one hand, supported the idea of independence, on the other, condemned terror. Finally, in the article we examined how, under the conditions of the German occupation, the UGCC tried to expand the union to the East, with the support of the Vatican.
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Mamadiev, Bakhrom. "FEATURES OF CENTERS FOR PUBLISHING FATWAS IN SAUDI ARABIA." Russia and the moslem world, no. 3 (2020): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rmw/2020.03.07.
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In Saudi Arabia, conservative Ulema are trying to resist the process of the country's modernization. Other clerics take a balanced view of the progress of Saudi society, including changing their religious positions in response to changing circumstances. There are two main problems that lead to the fragmentation of the uniformity of religious thought in the kingdom: the increased political activity of the clergy and undeniable social changes in society. From the end of the 17th century to the 90s of the last century, the clergy of Saudi Arabia issued fatwas that rejected and protected the population from the achievements of modern science, culture and art. The Ulema criticized King Fahd for his decision to allow the presence of US military bases on Saudi territories, arguing that cooperation with non-Moslems is unacceptable. The Ulema liberal to the state supported their government and issued a fatwa justifying the state's decision on the principle of “eliminating great harm with less harm.” The KSA Fatwa Institute was radically reformed in August 2010, the circle of persons who could issue fatwas was limited, but not all clergymen were silenced. In 2011, the Ulema issued a fatwa banning protest rallies and demonstrations in the KSA. The bureaucratization of religious institutions in Saudi Arabia weakened the position of the Ulema, as they became the object of state control and became an important factor supporting the Ulema in the face of modernization.
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Pulkin, Maxim. "Old Believers Wanderers in the Second Half of the 19th — Early 20th Century (Based upon Reports of Kargopol Missionaries)." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 3 (2020): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-3-207-222.
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The article discusses the patterns of everyday life of the Old Believerswanderers in the territory of Kargopol district of the Olonets province. It draws upon new archival materials of church and secular origin, as well as a number of significant works by the missionaries. The study explores peculiarities of the wanderers’ worldview, the forms and methods of their preaching activity, and the structure of their communities. The wonderers’ teaching was deeply eschatological, which led to a complete break with “the world of Antichrist”. The study provides a detailed description of the everyday life of the wanderers. An important feature in the life of these communities was constant and intensive ties between territories where their co-religionists were present. Particular attention is paid to the problems of mutual perception and confrontation between the wanderers and government representatives (police and clergy). The wanderers’ activities, in spite of their eschatological attitudes, showed in fact their intense involvement with the outside world.
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Macgregor, Paul. "Chinese Political Values in Colonial Victoria: Lowe Kong Meng and the Legacy of the July 1880 Election." Journal of Chinese Overseas 9, no. 2 (2013): 135–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341257.
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AbstractLowe Kong Meng (Liu Guangming 劉光眀, 1831-1888),1 pre-eminent merchant and community leader of gold-rush Melbourne, was active in Australian politics, self-regarded as a British subject yet engaged with the Qing dynasty and was likely the first overseas Chinese awarded rank in the Chinese imperial service. Victoria’s mid-1880 election was a watershed: the immediate aftermath was the re-introduction of regulations penalising Chinese, after over 15 years of free immigration and no official discrimination. After the election it was claimed that Lowe Kong Meng persuaded Victoria’s Chinese to vote for the government, but was it in his interests to do so? This article examines the nature of Lowe Kong Meng’s engagement in European and Chinese political activity in the colony, as well as the extent of his leadership in Chinese colonial and diasporic life and explores how much he could have used that leadership to influence electoral outcomes. The article also examines how Lowe Kong Meng and the wider Chinese population of the colony brought changing political agendas to Victoria and developed these agendas through their colonial experiences.
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Stępień, Stanisław. "Kazimir Maria Szeptytskyi (the blessed F. Klymentii, M.S.U): politician, land owner, public and economic figure." Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no. 12(28) (2020): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2020-12(28)-2.
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The paper on the background of heritage of the clergy of both nations (Ukrainian and Polish), the figure of Father Klemens (Kazimir) and his activities are presented, as a layperson and later a cleric. Particular attention was paid to the nature of the implementation of Sheptytskyi in several social sectors — politics, economy, public activity and education. The paper gives an overview of Szeptytskyi’s public responsibilities, his parliamentary involvement and work in many professional organizations, as well as the exemplary running of his own farm in Deviatnyki and engaging in matters of the local community. With so much experience and authority in Galician and general Austrian economic spheres, Kazimir Sheptytskyi was able to achieve a significant position not only in economic but even political life. However, at the age of 42, he decided to give up secular life and dedicate himself to the clerical state.
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Seymour, E. J. "Benefits, threats and getting started with Environmental Management Systems: views of primary producers and catchment managers in Victoria, Australia." Australian Journal of Experimental Agriculture 47, no. 3 (2007): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ea06022.
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In Victoria, as in many parts of Australia, there is a mixed understanding of what comprises an Environmental Management System (EMS), particularly among professionals in government and industry and landholders. To help overcome this issue, the Victorian government (then Natural Resources and Environment) and the Victorian Farmers Federation formed a partnership in 2003 to promote EMS adoption and coordinate EMS activity on a statewide basis. The Natural Resources and Environment and Victorian Farmers Federation partnership held a series of 11 workshops for catchment management authority regions across Victoria. The purpose was to seek advice from primary producers and catchment managers about how EMS might realistically be implemented and promoted. This paper explores the issues raised at these workshops and the implications they have for EMS adoption and promotion in Victoria, with regard to: (i) potential benefits of implementing EMS on farms; (ii) potential threats to the implementation of EMS on farms; and (iii) how to get started with EMS. A total of 213 people participated in the workshops including 144 landholders. There were some important regional differences in the response data. Improved community perception was seen as a major benefit of EMS (13% of all responses), as were possible market benefits (12%). The major threats to implementation included perceived ‘regulatory creep’ and suspicion of government (14% of responses) and that EMS was a political instrument (13%). Primary producers and catchment managers thought that building on existing schemes and groups was an ideal way to get started with EMS. These results provide a useful basis for how EMS is promoted in Victoria. Ensuring that EMS is driven by industry without being government-heavy is perceived as very important. Better coordination between stakeholders, the provision of practical EMS products and the use of existing groups is a sensible way forward, but in practice this will be difficult to achieve.
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Овчаренко, Елена Феликсовна. "VOLTAIRIAN TRADITIONS OF QUEBEC PRESS IN XVIII-XIX CENTURIES." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: Филология, no. 3(74) (September 29, 2022): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vtfilol/2022.3.191.
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На протяжении XVIII-XIX столетий вольтеровские традиции проявлялись в печати Квебека волнообразно - в зависимости от внешних или внутренних политических событий. Это эпоха Французской революции, время Восстания Патриотов 1837-1838 годов, период деятельности Канадских институтов (1844-1880). Сначала их носителями были издатели первых квебекских газет - американцы и французы, затем вольтеровские традиции продолжили журналисты-уроженцы Квебека. Католическое духовенство и его пресса вели беспощадную борьбу с «еретической» печатью, закончившуюся их победой: вплоть до Тихой революции 1960-х годов в Квебеке преобладала католическая журналистика. During XVIII-XIX centuries Voltairian traditions of Quebec press manifested themselves by waves, in dependence on the world or colonial political events (French Revolution; Patriots’ Rebellion, 1837-1838; Canadian Institutes’ activity, 1844-1880). At the beginning, Voltairian traditions in Quebec press were presented by American and French editors of first Quebec newspapers. Then journalists, natives of Quebec, supported this tendency. However, Catholic clergy and its press gained a victory. So, Catholic journalism dominated in Quebec until Quiet Revolution of 1960s years.
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Wenzel, Joshua I. "A Different Christian Witness to Society: Christian Support for Gay Rights and Liberation in Minnesota, 1977–1993." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 720–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900180x.
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The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota demonstrates that while Christianity has often been an oppressive force on homosexuals and homosexuality, Christianity was also a liberalizing influence. Putting forth arguments derived from religious understandings, using biblical passages as “proof” texts, and showing a mutuality between the liberal theological tradition and the secular political position, the Christian community was integral to advancing gay rights and liberation in Minnesota by the early 1990s despite religious right resistance. These efforts revealed a Christianity driven to actualize the love of God here on earth and ensure human wholeness, freedom, and an authentic selfhood. Christian clergy, churches, and ordinary persons of faith thus undertook activity in three areas to ensure wholeness and freedom: political activity for civil protections; emotional, pastoral care for persons with AIDS; and as a source of self-affirmation and social comfort in the midst of an inhospitable society.
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Rozlutska, Galyna, and Mariana Sokol. "The Paradigm of Zakarpatya Greek Catholic Church of Ukrainian National Consciousness Development (1771–1867)." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 7, no. 1 (April 21, 2020): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.7.1.57-63.
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Nowadays under the influence of external dynamic factors, the gap between Ukrainians and the spiritual traditions of the Ukrainian nation is widening. Globalization, internationalization and technologicalization are contributing to the spread of alien ideologies in the Ukrainian society that give rise to the formation of a mercantile-pragmatic outlook in the younger generations. The need for constructive-critical rethinking of the experience of the past and creative interpretation of its positive achievements in the construction of qualitatively new strategies for the spiritual healing of the Ukrainian nation is exacerbated. The aim of the article is to link the influence of the Greek Catholic Church on the formation of the national consciousness of the population of Transcarpathia between 1771 and 1867; identify the socio-historical factors behind the formation of the Greek Catholic Church in Transcarpathia in the context of nationalization; to analyze the cultural, educational and organizational-pedagogical activities of the Greek Catholic clergy. To achieve this goal, the following methods have been used: аnalytical and synthetic methods to analyze the source of the study; the problem-chronological method for the coverage of historical events and processes in the ontogenetic development of the ideology of the Greek Catholic Church; comparative-historical method for comparing historical facts and phenomena, revealing their characteristic features; manifestations in the cultural-educational, pedagogical activity of the Greek Catholic clergy. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is that the socio-political and socio-cultural conditions of the Greek Catholic Church in Transcarpathia in 1771–1867 have been revealed. The leading role of the Greek Catholic Church in national consciousness formation of Transcarpathian Ukrainians, which was structured due to the institutional design of the church, has been identified. The main ideological and political transformations of the Greek Catholic clergy in search of their national nature have been analyzed. On the basis of the analysis of historical events of the period from 1771 till 1867 in the development of the Greek Catholic Church in Transcarpathia it can be outlined the main results of the study such as the isolation of positive features, in particular, the canonization of Mukachevo and Prešov Dioceses, the increasing number of parishes and believers and the falls and negative aspects like manifestations of madyarization. It has been proved that the institutional registration of the church became an effective mechanism of self-identification of Transcarpathian Ukrainians through the preservation of the Church Slavonic language in liturgical services and its support in Hungarian environment. It has been found that national ideas crystallized in the environment of patriotic priests, which, under the pressure of socio-political influences of that era, sought to find their nationality in various ideological directions: Moscow, Austrophil, etc. The conducted research makes it possible to conclude that the institutional design of the Greek Catholic Church in Transcarpathia is conditioned by socio-historical influences, the canonization of Mukachevo and Prešov Dioceses, the increase in the number of parishes and parishioners in the period 1771–1867.
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Bublik, Olga. "Religious component of Soviet ideology as a factor influencing society." Bulletin of Luhansk Taras Shevchenko National University, no. 6 (337) (2020): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/2227-2844-2020-6(337)-109-116.
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The article comprehensively considers the religious component inherent in the development of the Soviet ideological model, the implementation of which began in the 20s of the twentieth century. The aim of the article is a detailed consideration of the religious component of Soviet ideology as a factor in strengthening the Bolshevik influence on the masses, especially during the formation of the Soviet state – 20's – early 30's. According to the author, establishing their own regime, the Bolsheviks tried to establish it as an alternative to the ruling before their coming to power in the USSR Christian Orthodox Church. This was the reason for the way of presenting to society the canons of Soviet ideology, which was based on the involvement of old methods of spreading the Christian religion. As a result of the study, the author concludes that Bolshevism is not just and not so much with the ideological and political movement as with religion. There is a clear substitution in Soviet ideology: just as the Church of Christ was founded on faith in Jesus Christ, so the Bolshevik Party-Church and the new people created had to be based on Lenin, even on his „immortal” body. The author notes that it is no coincidence that the tribunes of the highest ranks of the party and government were created on the mausoleum, above Lenin's body – a direct parallel to the Throne of the Orthodox Church, near which only the clergy can be chosen and which necessarily contains the relics of the saint. The main postulates of Bolshevik atheism were: belief in a bright future „kingdom of God”, belief in the evolutionary origin of man; worship of founders, teachers; the presence of a universal ideology; the idea of world revolution (missionary activity); irreconcilable hostility to other ideologies; the presence of its „clergy” - the party apparatus and the „Inquisition” – the punitive authorities.
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PUYDA, ROMAN. "THE STRUGGLE OF THE SOVIET AUTHORITY AGAINST THE «REMNANTS OF UNIAT» IN THE UKRAINIAN SSR AT THE BREAK OF THE 1970s – 1980s." Skhid 2, no. 2 (September 15, 2021): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2021.2(2).239428.
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The key methods of the Ukrainian SSR party authorities to counter the attempts of reviving the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the western Ukrainian regions at the break of the 80s-90s of the XX century were considered. It was noted that in the late 1970s in this region, particularly in Galicia, Greek-Catholic believers and the clergy measurably intensified their activity, which was evident mainly in houses of worship attendance, traditional rites observance, letters issued to the Council for Religious Affairs of the Soviet Union Ministers with the requirement to register religious communities, clandestine ordination of the clergy, etc. It was stated that in order to counter the religious influence intensification of the Russian Orthodox Church on the population, as well as to prevent negative anti-social manifestations of «remnants of Uniat», local Communist Party committees and Soviet authorities carried out a number of propaganda and mass political events to expose anti-Soviet religious ideology, in particular, «the reactionary role of the Uniat Church in the history of the Ukrainian people». It was noted that the Communist Party of Ukraine took concrete measures to step up anti-religious propaganda in Western Ukrainian regions, as well as to promote the advantages of the Soviet mode of life. It was alleged that the activities of Greek Ca¬tholic believers were discussed at the Council for Religious Affairs of the Soviet Union Ministers sessions of the Ukrainian SSR in the regions of Western Ukraine, party rallies at different levels, meetings of the ideological activists of the regions, seminars of cultural and educational wor¬kers, district and regional atheist conferences. It was noted that the Communist Party of Ukraine paid considerable attention to the media, which should have covered the historical aspects of the «anti-popular backbone of Uniat Church».
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Krykhovetskyi, Ivan. "Fractional organization of Ukrainian ambassadors of the Galician Sejm." Scientific and informational bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no. 11(23) (June 11, 2021): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2021.11.23.23-31.
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Purpose. The aim of the study is to identify the legal basis for the organization and establishment of the status of the Ukrainian Seimas factions of the second half of the nineteenth - early twentieth century. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was a set of general scientific, special scientific and historical methods, as well as the principles of historicism and objectivity. Results. It was established that the faction is defined as a natural institution of association of Sejm ambassadors, which allowed to carry out effective legislative activity, as the minimum number of deputies who could submit a bill or block the one under consideration was 15. Emphasis is placed on the leadership of the Ukrainian faction. in particular their social affiliation and political beliefs of leaders. The legal bases of the faction's activity are considered separately. Emphasis is placed on how the activities of the Sejm influenced the state and legal thought of Galicia in the late nineteenth - early twentieth century. The peculiarities of the Polish-Ukrainian political confrontation within the walls of the Sejm, including in the process of factional organization, are studied. It was established that social affiliation had a significant influence on the political opinion of Galician Ukrainians, including the process of their factional organization. Thus, until the 1870s, the Ukrainian Sejm ambassadors were dominated by representatives of the clergy, and only at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. political leadership passes to the secular intelligentsia - lawyers, lawyers. Scientific novelty. It has been established that for more than 50 years of the Seimas' activity, no normative acts regulating the process of formation of the Seimas factions have been issued either by the central government or by the Seimas itself. The creation of Sejm factions was the competence of the deputies themselves or political groups, which were represented in the highest representative body of the region. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal research, preparation of special courses.
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Berg, Thomas C. "“Proclaiming Together”? Convergence and Divergence in Mainline and Evangelical Evangelism, 1945-1967." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 5, no. 1 (1995): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1995.5.1.03a00030.
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By now, it is a commonplace of the American religious scene that the majority of the nation's white Protestant Christians are split into “two parties.” The ideological dividing line runs between “mainline” denominations—Methodists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians—and a bevy of conservative denominations and groups, but it also cuts through the mainline itself, which contains a substantial contingent of conservatives.Among the two parties' numerous disagreements, theological and political, few have run deeper and longer than their difference over the meaning and importance of evangelism, the activity of “proclaiming the gospel” to those outside the Christian community. Is the church's prime call in this regard to seek conversions to the Christian faith, or is it to show the love of Christ by working for charitable goals and social justice? A well-known 1973 study of Presbyterian clergy found that the greatest polarization between self-described “conservatives” and “liberals” came over the relative priority of evangelism and social action. Indeed, the fight over these goals was an important (though by no means the only) factor precipitating the “split” early in this century.
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Kaninska, Maja. "Psychology of Nationalism and Religion on Example of Serbi-an Orthodox Church for a Period 1980-2000 (At the End of 20th Century)." European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i2.481.
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This paper is to show nationalism through psychological perspective as a world's widespread phenomenon which impacts to internal social, economic and political radical changes. Religion as a nationalism itself has an ideological structure, and there is a fundamental explanation for that. Religion, because of its eternal character, has an exclusive, omnipresent pattern with its constituent elements (religious beliefs and feelings, rituals and symbols, as well as the fifth element) – and finally clergy, that psychologically fulfil human spiritual needs. Influenced by, usually, unpleasant historical events and many social changes, religion very often played a role in maintaining some visions that have always been of special significance to human. Process of secularization brought to religion marginalized position in society and it was reduced mainly to its elementary activity (in Christianity, those would be ceremonies related to baptism, matrimony, burial). However, its ideological postulates remained in the function of the new secular environment and manifested themselves with recognizable religious characteristics, which is given in the paper through a theoretical psychological approach.
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Horbec, Ivana. "Multilingualism in the Croatian lands under the sceptre of the Habsburgs in the eighteenth century." Central-European Studies 2019, no. 2 (11) (2020): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2019.2.5.
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The paper examines the role of multilingualism in Croatian lands under the Habsburg rule during the 18th century. The focus of the research is set on Croatian-Slavonian nobility and other local elites (clergy, officers, physicians, engineers, etc.) as part of the society susceptible to the influence of the educational norms and linguistic policies set by the Habsburg authorities. It provides an insight into the language skills of the 18th-century Croatian society, the impact of educational policy on the language learning and the importance of language choices for social or political representation. It is argued that the culture of the educated, mostly politically active part of the Croatian society remained intensely multilingual until deep into the 19th century due to the specificity of language practices, and that the educational policy of the Court in Vienna contributed more to the affirmation of the national language than did the activity of the Croatian elites. The research is based on archival sources kept in Croatian, Hungarian and Austrian state archives and selected contemporary records (correspondence, memoirs, and publications).
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Petronis, Vytautas. "Radikalios rusų monarchistinės organizacijos ir jų veikla Vilniuje 1906–1914 metais." Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/2 (December 2, 2020): 85–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202002004.
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RADICAL RUSSIAN MONARCHIST ORGANISATIONS AND THEIR ACTIVITIES IN VILNIUS IN 1906–1914 The article analyses the branches of imperial radical political parties that operated in Vilnius between 1906 and 1914, their history, members, ideology and activities. The research is divided into two periods of activity, 1906 to 1912, and 1912 to 1914. The first period saw the formation of branches of political parties, their political activities, and differentiation; whereas in the second period, after the 1912 elections to the Fourth Duma, radical monarchists withdrew from the political arena, and focused mostly on social, economic and religious spheres of urban life. The nucleus of the political movement was formed by the Orthodox clergy, teachers in public and private schools, junior civil servants, reservists, and railway workers. An important role when establishing branches of radical monarchist movements was played by certain members of the Old Believer community. With no support in the city, which was dominated by a foreign-born infidel population, they tried to penetrate the local Russian community and promote the old, monarchist, traditionalist and patriarchal dogmas declared in the ideologeme they advocated: ‘Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationalism’. When participating in the political struggle for a place in local dumas, radical monarchists in Vilnius not only distanced themselves from their more liberal counterparts, the nationalists, but also became involved in internal conflicts. The end of the 1905 revolution, the turn towards more secular Russian nationalism by Prime Minister Pyotr Stolypin, and disagreements between local monarchists, resulted in the torpidity of monarchism on the eve of the First World War.
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Román Ruiz, Gloria. "Escuelas de democracia»: el tajo y la parroquia como espacios cotidianos de conflictividad durante el franquismo final en el campo altoandaluz." Historia Agraria Revista de agricultura e historia rural, no. 79 (May 8, 2019): 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.079e07r.
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Inhabitants of the rural world in Spain have generally been attributed higher levels of political apathy and acquiescence towards the Francoist dictatorship (1939-1975); but they did not always, nor did most of them, remain passive. The objective of this article is to demystify and reassess the role of the rural world in democratization processes of the 1960s and 1970s in Spain, a period of deterioration in the relationship between the state and the civil society. By looking at episodes of conflict in two of the most dynamic spheres of rural life at that time, the workplace and the Church, we argue that rural society engaged in a democratic learning process through the articulation of protest. The research relies on diverse sources such as letters from people in several eastern Andalusian towns in the provinces of Jaén, Málaga, Granada and Almería along with records from the clandestine Communist Party radio station La Pirenaica, which are available in the AHPCE. We also include the activity reports of clergy from Andalusian dioceses, generated by the Ministry of Information and Tourism, and the annual reports of Civil Governors, both of which are conserved in the state archives (AGA).
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Sankova, S. M. "The Russian Nationalist Party and Its Ideologist M.O. Menshikov on the Problems of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ways to Overcome Them." Orthodoxia, no. 4 (December 26, 2022): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2021-4-109-134.
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The article regards the attitude of party ideologists and leaders of the Duma faction of All-Russian National Union (Russian nationalist party) to the problems of the Russian Orthodox Church at the beginning of the 20th century and its role in the political life of the country. The research aims to reveal the perception of the role and place of the Russian Orthodox Church in the state life of the Russian Empire during the Third of June Monarchy period by nationally-conservative representatives of the All-Russian National Union party. The relevance of this topic is determined both by the lingering ambiguity in the perception of relation between the country and the confession by the modern society, and by a certain degree of newly emerged dominance of the conservative ideology in the political life of the country. The article considers the main problems the Russian Orthodox Church faced in the historical period in question, and the understanding of these problems and ways of solving them by the said party. The reason for such close attention on behalf of the party leaders to the issues of the Church was their consideration of the Orthodox Church primarily as one of the most important components of the spiritual and educational foundations of the country and, consequently, every possible assistance they provided to parliamentary bills in its support. At the same time, they did not turn a blind eye to the negative trends that took place among a certain part of the clergy, which damaged both the Church itself and its reputation in the eyes of the population. Their active support, therefore, was often accompanied by rather active criticism, when the nationalists felt that certain destructive trends in the Church carried negative consequences for the country. Particular emphasis is placed on the lack of unity between representatives of the Duma faction and party ideologists, in particular M.O. Menshikov, on a number of issues related to the Russian Orthodox Church. The attention is drawn to the peculiarity of the party: it had a significant number of active members from among the clergy. Most importantly, one of the leading roles in the Duma activity of the party was played by the Bishop Evlogiy, one of the future leading church figures of emigration, who, until the end of his life, retained the desire to consolidate the Church for the sake of state interests.