Relevant bibliographies by topics / Clergy Victoria Political activity

Academic literature on the topic 'Clergy Victoria Political activity'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 30 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Clergy Victoria Political activity"

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Glazier, Rebecca A. "Acting for God? Types and Motivations of Clergy Political Activity." Politics and Religion 11, no. 4 (April 25, 2018): 760–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000305.

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AbstractClergy members are often important political actors. Yet, scholars rarely distinguish among different types of clergy political activities. Here, I argue for three disaggregated categories of clergy political activity: personal, general congregation level, and election-specific congregation level. Data from two sources—the Cooperative Clergy Study and the Little Rock Congregations Study—demonstrate that important differences exist across these categories, with the majority of model variables significantly influencing different clergy political activitiesin different directions. For instance, a conservative ideology and affiliation with a Black Protestant church both negatively influence personal political activities, like donating to a campaign, while also positively influencing election-related political activities in the congregation, like distributing voter guides. Similarly, providential religious beliefs increase general congregation-level political activities, while decreasing personal and electoral activities. These relationships are obscured when political activity is considered in the aggregate, suggesting that clergy political activities are nuanced; different activities are driven by different motivations.
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Guerzoni, Michael Andre, and Hannah Graham. "Catholic Church Responses to Clergy-Child Sexual Abuse and Mandatory Reporting Exemptions in Victoria, Australia: A Discursive Critique." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 58–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i4.205.

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This article presents empirical findings from a critical discourse analysis of institutional responses by the Catholic Church to clergy-child sexual abuse in Victoria, Australia. A sample of 28 documents, comprising 1,394 pages, is analysed in the context of the 2012-2013 Victorian Inquiry into the Handling of Child Abuse by Religious and Other Organisations. Sykes and Matza’s (1957) and Cohen’s (1993) techniques of, respectively, neutralisation and denial are used to reveal the Catholic Church’s Janus-faced responses to clergy-child sexual abuse and mandatory reporting requirements. Paradoxical tensions are observed between Catholic Canonical law and clerical practices, and the extent of compliance with secular law and referral of allegations to authorities. Concerns centre on Church secrecy, clerical defences of the confessional in justification of inaction, and the Melbourne Response compensation scheme. Our research findings underscore the need for greater Church transparency and accountability; we advocate for mandatory reporting law reform and institutional reform, including adjustments to the confessional ritual.
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Boicu, Dragoş. "The Political Role of the Orthodox Clergy in the Union of the Romanian Principalities (1859)." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Orthodoxa 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbto.2022.1.02.

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"The union of the Romanian Principalities was a decisive moment in the history and evolution of the modern Romanian state, but its realization cannot be separated from the actions of the bishops and clergy, who were co-opted in the electoral process from the very beginning. The activity of the clergy was not strictly limited to the bureaucratic management of the elections but revealed a set of political beliefs, actively supporting the idea of Romanians’ national unity. This paper aims to insist on the political partisanship of the clergy respectively, on the immediate consequences of their involvement in political life. Keywords: Romanian Orthodox Church, Union of the Romanian Principalities, State and Church, Sofronie Miclescu, Nifon Rusăilă, Alexandru Ioan Cuza"
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Bystrycka, Ella. "Ukrainian Orthodoxy and Ecumenical Activity of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky in the Second World War." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 23 (September 10, 2002): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2002.23.1355.

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The issue of inter-denominational understanding has been relevant to Ukrainians for many centuries. During the discussions the idea of ​​proclaiming the Ukrainian patriarchate was crystallized. According to the clergy, this would resolve the existing inter-denominational contradictions. However, the problem has become more political than religious. The emergence of such a powerful structure in Ukraine was opposed by the Polish authorities and the Polish-Latin clergy, as well as by the Russian government and its Orthodox Church. For Catholic Poland and Orthodox Moscow, the establishment of an independent church in Ukraine was associated with state formation and signified a sharpening of the Ukrainian issue. Therefore, depending on the political situation, work in this direction was suspended or, conversely, revived.
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Slesarev, A. V. "Political activity of the Belarusian Autocephalic Orthodox Church in 1950–1982." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 67, no. 2 (May 6, 2022): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2022-67-2-166-176.

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The article is devoted to the consideration of the political activity of the Belarusian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (BAOC) in 1950–1982. For several decades, the named religious organization carried out the functions of consolidating the post-war Belarusian Diaspora, focused on supporting the Council of the Belarusian People’s Republic (BNR). What happened in the second half 1950s the change in the strategy of American foreign policy associated with the adoption of the doctrine of “rolling back communism” entailed the involvement of the BAOC in carrying out events of a pronounced anti-Soviet character. In 1957, the tradition of annual visits to the US Congress by the hierarchs and clerics of the BAOC on the days of celebrating the next anniversaries of the proclamation of the BNR’s independence was established. During these visits, Belarusian clergy opened parliamentary sessions with prayers for an early fall of the communist system and positioned the Council of the BNR as the only legitimate body of Belarusian state power. Since 1960, representatives of the BAOC have taken an active part in events dedicated to the “Captive Nations Weeks”, initiated by the US Congress and aimed at demonstrating widespread condemnation of the Soviet political system. The regular participation of the clergy of the BAOC in these events testifies to the involvement of the religious organization in question in active political activity, which followed the mainstream of the US foreign policy strategy and had a pronounced anti-Soviet character.
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LISYUNIN, Viktor. "PARTICIPATION OF TAMBOV CLERGY IN PARLIAMENTARY ELECTION AND STATE DUMA ACTIVITY OF 1–4 CONVOCATIONS (1906–1917)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 171–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-171-180.

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The analysis of participation of Orthodox clergy in the election process and State Duma activity of 1–4 convocations (1906–1917), and also attitude of the Russian Orthodox Church to carried out state reforms are presented. On a reasonable basis it is proved that general strategy of participation of clergy in parliamentary activities was planned at Tambov clergy congress in January of 1905 and it was resolved into following statements: peaceful progress, reforms without violence, preservation of dominating role of Orthodox Church with simultaneous liberation from state patronage, economic protection of poor people and laboring classes, development of education in Orthodox direction. The clergy had certain expectations towards activity of State Duma of 1 and 2 convocations, while during 3 and 4 convocations the voice of Tambov Eparchy representatives was unnoticed. Two deputies from Tambov clergy, priests P.F. Vozdvizhenskiy and M.F. Lachinov supported the authorities. Their inactivity is explained as the political inertia, and also it stood for objective reasons: village priest could not leave his parish for a long time. Among deputies there were representatives of Tambov clergy: metropolite of St. Petersburg and Ladoga Vladimir (Bogoyavlenskiy), synodical curator of missionary fellowships of the Tambov Eparchy I.G. Ayvazov, editor of the journal “The Voice of the Church” A.M. Spasskiy, former lecturer of Tambov Seminary. The evaluation is given to complicated relations between the church and the state, the result of which was the change of the Holy Synod body due to the initiative of chief procurator V.N. Lvov and Local Council of 1917–1918, in the work of which representatives of the Tambov Eparchy took part actively.
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Kostrzewski, Paweł. "Political and social activity of "patriotic priests" of Częstochowa diocese (1949–1955)." Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Humanistyczno-Przyrodniczego im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Zeszyty Historyczne 19 (2021): 175–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/zh.2021.19.09.

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The article presents the participation of the Częstochowa clergy in the so-called patriot priests movement. It gives the number of priests belonging to the District Commission of Priests in Katowice, the District Commission of Priests in Łódź, the Commission of Catholic Intellectuals and Activists, the Commission of Catholic Clergy and Lay Activists, it brings closer the motives of their involvement, the functions they performed in central and regional structures, it characterizes the forms of political and social activity. The 'patriotic priests' from Czestochowa actively participated in all propaganda actions concerning, among others, the so-called 'struggle for peace'. They also condemned, according to official rhetoric, the activities of the Church Caritas and sat on the new provincial boards established by the communists. They joined the fight to establish permanent church administration in the so-called Recovered Territories. They condemned the priests accused in the trial of the Krakow curia and spoke positively about the decree of the State Council of 9 February 1953 concerning the filling of church posts. They supported, and often themselves actively participated in social actions, e. g. sowing, harvesting, threshing, anti-potato beetle actions. The catechists instilled in the youth a respect for the state authorities, a love of work and the need to make an effort to implement the 6-year plan. An important aspect of their activity was writing and participation in the work of national councils at the provincial and district level.
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Lunkin, Roman N. "Social and Political Consequences of the Pandemic for the Russian Orthodox Church." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 547–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-547-558.

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In the article analyzed the social and political consequences of pandemic of coronavirus for the Russian Orthodox Church in the context of the reaction of different European churches on the quarantine rules and critics towards the church inside Russia. The author used the structural-functional and institutional approaches for the evaluation of the activity of the Russian Orthodox Church, was analyzed the sources of mass-media and the public claims of the clergy. In the article was made a conclusion that Orthodox Church expressed itself during the struggle with coronavirus as national civic institute where could be represented various even polar views. Also the parish activity leads to the formation of the democratic society affiliated with the Church and the role of that phenomenon have to be explored in a future. The coronacrisis makes open the inner potential of the civic activity and different forms of the social service in Russian Church. In the same time pandemic provoked the development of the volunteer activity in the around-church environment and also in the non-church circles among the young people and the generation of 40th age where the idea of the social responsibility for themselves and people around and the significance of the civil rights was one of the popular ideas till 2019. The conditions of the self-isolation also forced the clergy to struggle for their parishioners and once again renovate the role of the church in the society and in the cyber space.
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Sagan, Oleksandr N. "Orthodoxy of pre-war Ukraine (1921-1939): the main tendencies of development." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 19 (October 2, 2001): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2016.79.1162.

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The violent events of the revolutionary 1917 rocked the church life in Ukraine. Church movement began to become quite controversial in its content of national-political character. In the new political conditions, not only the clergy but also secular authorities, public organizations and private individuals took an active part in discussing the problems of church life, which politicized in some way Orthodoxy. The Civil War of 1918-1920 did all the efforts of church activists and clergy dependent on the state of affairs - the activity of many church and church organizations ceased or, on the contrary, restored under the rule of certain political forces. It was only from the beginning of 1921 that we could speak of more clearly defined lines of church development.
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Липовецкий, Павел Евгеньевич. "Conservative Clergy and Official Church Periodicals in 1905." Церковный историк, no. 1(3) (June 15, 2020): 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/ch.2020.3.1.011.

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Статья посвящена взаимодействию консервативно настроенных клириков и церковной периодической печати. Разразившаяся в 1905 г. революция поставила перед клириками Русской Церкви необходимость определиться в своих политических симпатиях. Большая часть епископата и значительная часть рядовых священнослужителей поддержали черносотенные партии. Причина таких симпатий в программных установках правых, ориентировавшихся на традиционные политические и религиозные ценности в противовес представителям либеральных и левых партий. Политическая деятельность архиереев могла выражаться в различных действиях: от создания печатных и устных призывов к сохранению порядка до организации своих политических партий. Идеологические предпочтения и активность иерархов среди прочего можно проследить на примере редакционной политики епархиальных ведомостей. Используя свою власть в пределах епархии, консервативно настроенные архиереи направляли в соответствующее русло редакционную политику местных периодических печатных органов. На страницах журнала в этом случае размещались материалы патриотического, антиреволюционного содержания. Причём даже если епархиальные ведомости были не в состоянии привлечь авторов для создания оригинальных материалов, редактор подбирал подходящие из других изданий и перепечатывал их. The article is about the interaction of conservative-minded clergy and church periodicals. The revolution that broke out in 1905 presented the clergy of the Russian Church with the need to define their political sympathies. Most of the episcopate and a significant part of the rank-and-file clergy supported the Black Hundred parties. The reason for such sympathies is in the programmatic attitudes of the right, oriented towards traditional political and religious values as opposed to representatives of the liberal and left parties. The political activity of bishops could be expressed in various actions: from the creation of printed and oral appeals to maintain order to the organization of their own political parties. The ideological preferences and activity of a hierarch, among other things, can be traced to the example of the editorial policy of the Diocesan Gazette. Using their power within the diocese, the conservative-minded bishops directed the editorial policy of local periodicals in the appropriate direction. In this case, the pages of the magazine contained materials of patriotic, anti-revolutionary content. Moreover, even if the Diocesan Gazette was unable to attract authors to create original materials, the editor selected suitable ones from other publications and reprinted them.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Clergy Victoria Political activity"

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Wand, Benjamin Joseph. "Thietmar of Merseburg's Views on Clerical Warfare." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4540.

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The tenth-century German bishop was more than just a spiritual leader, he was also a territorial lord with secular power. These bishops also lived in an environment where violence was sometimes a way of life. His culture contained a social dynamic that saw violence as a tool for defending and maintaining honor and as a mechanism for dispute resolution. Therefore, some bishops behaved violently, either to defend their diocese from threats or to serve their own political intrigues. In some instances bishops were said to be more skilled in warfare than secular lords. However, while some clergy participated in warfare and violence, others sought to limit it through application of canon law and peacemaking. With some clergy participating in violence and others decreeing that it be banned, there were mixed messages regarding clerical violence in this era. The bishop's role in warfare and violence, especially in Germany, has only been partially addressed by modern scholars. This deficit is part of an overall shortage of medieval German military scholarship. Furthermore, the historiography on bishops in the central Middle Ages (c. 900-1200) has generally covered two narratives: the bishop as a territorial lord or his role as a church reformer. This leaves a gap in scholarship that describes how an individual bishop justified or rationalized clerical participation in violence and warfare, including his own. This paper addresses that need by reporting how one German bishop, Thietmar of Merseburg (b. 975, 1009-18), reflected on and portrayed clerical violence and warfare in his Chronicon. Thietmar's attitudes towards violence were as complex as the times in which he lived, and were influenced by his secularism and religiosity. When it came to his justifications for clerical violence and warfare, Thietmar was more concerned about the clergyman's ability to perform as a military leader, and whether or not the violent actions were justified on their own merits. While he sometimes conveyed unease with some acts of clerical violence, and at times was careful to note distinctions between secular and spiritual realms, nevertheless he did not criticize a member of the clergy for violence on the basis of his religious station nor spiritual beliefs. Indeed, Thietmar was a torn individual, struggling with his religious convictions while living in a world where violence was habitual, and where he saw it as his duty to protect his flock. In this regard Thietmar should be considered a realist.
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Raftery, David Jonathon. "Competition, conflict and cooperation : an ethnographic analysis of an Australian forest industry dispute." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armr139.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 135-143. An anthropological analysis of an industrial dispute that occurred within the East Gippsland forest industry, 1997-1998 and how the workers strove to acheive better working conditions for themselves, and to share in the wealth they had created.
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Raftery, David Jonathon. "Competition, conflict and cooperation : an ethnographic analysis of an Australian forest industry dispute." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/110278.

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Clur, Colleen Gaye Ryan. "From acquiescence to dissent : Beyers Naudé, 19156-1977." Diss., 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17900.

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This dissertation is a biography of Beyers Naude, from his birth in 1915 . until 1977, focusing attention on the period 1963 to 1977, when he was director of the Christian Institute. The study examines how Naude, whose father championed Afrikaans, became a leading minister in the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC). It examines the challenges which confronted Naude over the DRC's support fqr apartheid. The dissertation documents the factors that led Naude to reject apartheid and clash with the DRC, the Broederbond and the National Party government, culminating in his banning in 1977. It assesses the contribution he made to debates on apartheid in church and political circles and explains how he increasingly supported black initiatives to end white rule. The dissertation shows that Naude's background and leadership qualities enabled him to have an impact on the church and political scene as apartheid became a burning issue at home and abroad.
History
M.A. (History)
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Mashabela, James Kenokeno. "Dr Manas Buthelezi's contribution to Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa's struggle against apartheid in South Africa, 1970s-1990s." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18844.

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This academic study provides a historical background to the unsung hero Dr. Manas Buthelezi. He is amongst many such heroes who contributed enormously to the liberation of South Africa. Buthelezi fought against apartheid by promoting human liberation and rights; just like other circle unrecognized of heroes who were interested in combating the agonies caused by the apartheid system. This academic study presents the work of Buthelezi in the South African political, socio-economic, cultural and ecumenical effort at combating the apartheid policies. The history of Buthelezi‟s contribution can be deliberated in relation to the South African political and socio-economic dimensions. Church history is an alternative engagement to the social struggles hence a church leader like Buthelezi had to participate in the public arena. Not really; the focus is more on issues within the current ELCSA. Broader historical evidence is considered on the theoretical writings in the field of church history. The analytical aim of the study develops how the struggles internal to the church and the understanding of struggle for liberation in South Africa. The study highlights the history of Lutheranism in South Africa as the background of creating an understanding of this research. The findings of the study are that although the Lutherans were fighting against apartheid system in South Africa they were divided on racial identify between the white and the black. This was also operational in the church in South Africa as well. The church in South Africa was theologically challenged around issues of struggle and liberation. The white community was part of the apartheid government aimed as its interests to benefit from the dominant values of racial connections. The dominant apartheid government oppressed the black community through racial discrimination. Study shows how Buthelezi and other theologians critiqued both the church and the state to resistant apartheid that was operational in the church and the society. The study investigates his contribution in this respect. It will be necessary to look at what happened historically in apartheid and Black Theology. The intention of this study is to investigate how Bishop Dr. Manas Buthelezi in South Africa was involved and committed in the struggle against apartheid. I would like to analyse and reflect on his contribution and writing during apartheid, as this has not yet been researched. Buthelezi served the Lutheran Church and the South African Council of Churches (SACC) as its president, from where he viewed apartheid ideology and practice as contradictory to the Word of God and human wholeness of life. One cannot research Buthelezi without considering his Church where I will explore the ordained ministry and the „lay‟ ministry. Questions on teaching, training and service offered by the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Southern Africa (ELCSA) raise serious matters about its present and future. In the conclusion, I provide an analysis of the problems outlined and make recommendations which can be considered to be alternatives to challenges that face our South African context and that of the church. My recommendations are opened to everyone, to engage each other to furnish alternative solutions to the problems that face the church and the South African context.
Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
M. Th. (Church History)
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Books on the topic "Clergy Victoria Political activity"

1

Nwoko, Matthew I. The clergy and politics. Maryland-Nekede, Owerri, Nigeria: Claretian Institute of Philosophy, 1993.

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León, Arturo. El movimiento campesino en los llanos de Victoria, Durango, 1970-1980. México, D.F: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xochimilco, División de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades, 1988.

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The political world of the clergy. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1993.

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Ēliadē, Amalia K. Ho klēros ston Makedoniko agōna: Hē symvolē tou stēn organōsē kai stēn Antistasē tou Hellēnismou (1767-1908). Trikala: Protypes Thessalikes Ekdoseis, 2003.

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Naqsh-i ʻulamā dar anjumanhā va aḥzāb-i dawrān-i mashrūṭīyat: 1284-1299. Tihrān: Markaz-i Asnād-i Inqilāb-i Islāmī, 2001.

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O clero e a conjuração mineira. São Paulo: Humanitas FFLCH-USP, 2002.

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A fortuna dos Inconfidentes: Caminhos e descaminhos dos bens de conjurados mineiros (1760-1850). São Paulo, SP: Editora Globo, 2010.

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Pizhūhishgāh-i ʻUlūm va Farhang-i Islāmī, ed. Darʹāmadī bar ilzāmāt-i taḥavvul dar ḥawzah-i ʻilmīyah: Rūḥānīyat, tahdīdhā va furṣatʹhā = An introduction to the obligations of transformation in the Islamic seminary : clergy, threats and opportunities. Qum: Pizhūhishgāh-i ʻUlūm va Farhang-i Islāmī, 2009.

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Dumont, Réginald. Les prêtres subversifs. Bruxelles: Editions Labor, 2002.

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Os presbt́♭eros diocesanos e o seu envolvimento na polt́♭ica: Proibição e excepção : estudo histórico-canónico-teológico. Roma: Pontificia università gregoriana, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Clergy Victoria Political activity"

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Zielinska, Agata, and Igor Razum. "The Papacy and the Region, Church Structure, and Clergy." In Oxford Handbook of Medieval Central Europe, 457–82. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190920715.013.20.

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Abstract This chapter evaluates the political aspects of the presence of the Roman Curia in medieval Central Europe. It reflects upon diverse forms of the Church’s power relations in Central Europe, and more liberty given in Poland or the Baltic region as opposed to more constraint put on Bohemia and its direct attachment to the papacy. Popes were not necessarily involved in the Christianization of the region from the beginning; lay and ecclesiastical powers already established in the neighboring provinces influenced the process. Missionary activity and the conversions of rulers were the first stages of the Christianization of Moravia, Bohemia, and Poland, which resulted in the creation of the first ecclesiastical structures in the second half of the tenth century. In Pomerania, Prussia, and further up the Baltic Coast, missionizing and conquest continued up to the thirteenth century and beyond, enabling the papacy to take an active role in the oversight of missionary work and, importantly, crusading. The minimal papal involvement in the initial Christianization of East Central Europe was followed by increasingly strong ties, illustrating how strongly the region desired papal involvement. Once episcopal structures had been introduced, clerics and rulers quickly sought papal backing.
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Fornecker, Samuel. "The Trojan Horse Unboweled." In Bisschop's Bench, 168—C7.N143. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197637135.003.0007.

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Abstract This chapter analyzes a previously unexamined Latin correspondence between the Remonstrant, Jean Le Clerc, and an important mediating figure between the academic, political, and theological worlds of Edwards and Waterland, William Nicholls. Nicholls’s Defensio Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ (1708) precipitated a range of transmarine correspondences, among which can be found an exchange between Nicholls and Le Clerc. That exchange sheds significant light on the main lines of anti-Remonstrant sentiment which found expression among the lower clergy. Furthermore, this correspondence yields surprising insights into the anti-Remonstrant campaign fueled, in the Lower House, by the polemical activity of Jonathan Edwards. Given that Nicholls’s Defensio was a work later commended, by no less a figure than Daniel Waterland, as a preservative against Remonstrant errors, the Nicholls–Le Clerc exchange opens a fascinating window onto divergent trajectories of English and Dutch Arminian traditions, and reveals the surprising transmarine alignments that were facilitated and reinforced by English anti-Remonstrant polemic.
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Lamberti, Marjorie. "School Politics and the Polish Nationality in Prussia." In State, Society, and the Elementary School in Imperial Germany. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195056112.003.0009.

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In their efforts to suppress the language and nationality of the Polish people in the eastern binational provinces after 1870, Prussian state officials looked to the Volksschule to serve as an instrument of germanization. The school’s function was not only to teach Polish children to speak German but also to acculturate them into the German nation. Far from spreading the use of the German language and assimilating the youth into German society, this policy bred germanophobia and a repugnance for the school in Polish families. In spite of all the means of coercion at their disposal, the school authorities did not succeed in achieving these objectives. The total bankruptcy of the germanization policy was exposed when the Polish people resorted to political defiance in the school strikes of 1906. While it is true that the increasingly forceful germanization campaign aroused fervent affirmations of Polish national identity and provoked a countermobilization of Polish nationalists, the failure of the government’s school policy began before the development of a Polish nationalist movement in the 1890s and the outbreak of Polish resistance after the turn of the century. It was the outcome of a long succession of injustices and mistakes made by state officials. Their first error was to underestimate the difficulties, if not the impossibility, of teaching Polish children to speak and read German in the most impoverished and destitute school system in the Prussian state. Although Upper Silesia was the home of 1 million Polish-speaking inhabitants, the heartland of Polish culture and the center of the nationality struggle was Posen. Polish society in Posen was predominantly composed of agricultural laborers and peasants, but there existed also an indigenous nobility and middle-class groups that could provide a cadre of political leaders. The Catholic clergy were Polish and active in public life, unlike the priests in the diocese of Breslau who were mostly German and were under orders from Archbishop Kopp to refrain from antigovernment political activity. Clergymen of high rank represented the electoral districts of Posen in the Reichstag and the House of Deputies.
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"th-century society. If any active role were possible for the lay Christian it was simply that of promoting true religion in the station in life in which God had placed them. Behind the social derision lay the fear of more sinister influences. Legislation had progressively outlawed suspect political activity, but how could those with a vested interest in maintaining constitutional stability be sure that the emerging networks of village preaching and Sunday schools were not being used as cover for the dissemination of republican and atheis-tic ideas? Across a broad swathe of clergy from English high churchmen such as Tatham and Horsley to the General Assembly, and even to those like Porteous within the Popular party, deep suspicions were entertained. A number of writers suggested that among the preachers disaffected elements were working to dissolve the traditional bonds of social cohesion. They despised the king, sought to destroy patriotic feeling and hoped ultimately to overturn the government. In 1799 both the Pastoral Admonition and the rector of Chislehurst in Kent voiced the fear that Samuel Horsley was to develop the following year in his pastoral charge to the clergy of the Rochester diocese: the belief that the associational structure to which many of the preachers belonged was a device to foster subversion and connect apparently innocuous religious gatherings with the world of clandestine pol-itics. In one or two Anglican clerical outpourings there was even a further." In The Rise of the Laity in Evangelical Protestantism, 140–41. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166505-69.

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"central feature of Methodism, but a combination of the geographical limita-tions of that movement during its earliest phase, the inertia of traditional Dissent and the absence of a political crisis had lessened its impact upon the consciousness of those who supported the establishment. In spite of sporadic mob hostility and the opposition of individual clergy and magistrates there was little sign of general concern about the spread of lay activity before the 1790s. Traditionally, the employment of lay preaching by English Dissenters for the purposes of evangelism had been extremely limited. Theological con-straints and the effects of geographical isolation had confined the energies of most pastors to the spiritual needs of their own congregations. But from the 1770s the influence of Calvinistic Methodism, especially as mediated through the Countess of Huntingdon’s college at Trevecca, produced a new concern for evangelism. The model of Trevecca spawned a series of seminaries for the training of men who would unite care for a specific congregation with a con-tinuing ministry to the unchurched in surrounding communities. As a new." In The Rise of the Laity in Evangelical Protestantism, 134–35. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203166505-66.

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