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1
Bozeman, John M. "Eugenics and the Clergy in the Early Twentieth-Century United States." Journal of American Culture 27, no. 4 (December 2004): 422–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.2004.00147.x.
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Tentler, Leslie Woodcock. "“God's Representative in Our Midst”: Toward a History of the Catholic Diocesan Clergy in the United States." Church History 67, no. 2 (June 1998): 326–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169764.
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From a historian's point of view, the Catholic diocesan clergy in the United States look rather like forgotten men. As a group, they have never figured prominently in the scholarly literature. American Catholic history may have had an emphatically clerical bias as late as the 1950s, but the focus then was mainly on the chancery. The parish clergy were almost as neglected as the famously docile laity. The laity have moved in recent years to the forefront of Catholic historical consciousness, and won for themselves a less docile image in the process. But priests have not enjoyed equivalent attention—indeed, in the eyes of at least some practitioners, priests are today mildly suspect as subjects of research. We do not, after all, want a return to the bad old days of “clerical” history. The predictable consequence is a major hole in our church-historical knowledge. Despite the new vitality in American Catholic historical scholarship, we know very little about the history of diocesan priests in the United States—who they were, how they lived and worked, what they thought about their ministry or the people they served.
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Phan, Peter C. "Vietnamese Catholics in the United States and Americanization: A Sociological and Religious Perspective." Buddhist-Christian Studies 43, no. 1 (2023): 229–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bcs.2023.a907580.
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abstract: Taking a cue from Carilyn Chen's book about the Americanization of Taiwanese immigrant Buddhists, Getting Saved in America: Taiwanese Immigration and Religious Experience (2009), this essay narrates the process by which Vietnamese Catholics are "Americanized." Compared with the Taiwanese Buddhists, Vietnamese Catholics had the advantage of being members of a global Church, were from the beginning incorporated into the American Catholic Church, thereby enjoying the many benefits that this institutional incorporation brought with it, and were cared for pastorally by their own clergy. On the other hand, because of their obligation to strict adherence to the legal structures of the Catholic Church, Vietnamese American Catholics were not free to innovate institutionally as they saw fit, as were their Buddhist counterparts. The essay ends with observations on the Americanization of Vietnamese American Buddhists.
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Weaver, Karol. "Jordan & Litwack, The United States - Conquering A Continent." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 29, no. 2 (September 1, 2004): 99–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.29.2.99-100.
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The choice of a textbook in an American history survey course is an important decision. Both instructors and students would benefit from this text. The book's clearly written narrative and interesting sidebars work well in a class that depends on dynamic lecturing supplemented with minimal textbook reading assignments and periodic discussion of primary sources.
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Pechatnov, V. V. "Life of Russian Orthodox Clergy in the United States at the End of the 19th Century (Reflected in the correspondence of the Ober-Procurator of the Holy Synod Konstantin Pobedonostsev)." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 4 (December 22, 2021): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-4-20-41-61.
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Using little-known correspondence of the Ober-Procurator of the Holy Synod Konstantin Pobedonostsev with the bishop Nickolay (Ziorov) — head of Russian Orthodox Church in the United States in 1892–1898 — the article explores the everyday life of Russian clergy in America. This correspondence is deposited at the Russian State Historical Archive in St. Petersburg and has not been published or studied before. The author analyzes Pobedonostsev’s role in the diocese affairs. This examination is new both in the Church’s history and recently published literature on Pobedonostsev. Yet the Ober-Procurator’s supervision was of utmost importance for the Russian mission in the United States, faced with the crucial challenge of adapting itself to the alien cultural environment. Pobedonostsev was well informed about the situation with the Russian mission, helped to solve many personnel, financial and organizational problems, was a chief promoter of its interests before the Russian imperial government — Foreign Ministry, Ministry of Finance, the State Council, and the Tzar’s court. Pobedonostsev also stayed in touch with the US diplomatic mission in Russia and Russian diplomats in the United States. He was very close with bishop Nickolay who regarded the Ober-Procurator as his main benefactor and constantly turned to him for advice and assistance. Pobedonostsev strongly supported the bishop’s reforms of missionary activities in education, parish life, and propagation of Orthodoxy, as well as his efforts to defend the Russian Orthodox mission’s interests before American authorities. No wonder their extensive correspondence richly reflected the diocese’s life with all its problems and needs. The article highlights their close cooperation in recruiting qualified clergymen for American service, which was the key task for the mission that suffered from a shortage of reliable professional personnel. Pobedonostsev-Nickolay cooperation greatly contributed to the diocese progress, which later reached its peak under Nickolay’s successor bishop Tikhon (Bellavin). Their correspondence sheds new light on the personalities of both men united by their fervent devotion to the Orthodox Church and highly conservative views. It also presents a revealing case study of the interaction between Russian ecclesiastic and state authorities as well as their perception of American culture. The author’s main methodological approach consisted in text analysis of the archival documents juxtaposed against the context of Russian-American relations and the realities of American life.
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Slawson, Douglas J. "Thirty Years of Street Preaching: Vincentian Motor Missions, 1934–1965." Church History 62, no. 1 (March 1993): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168416.
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Known in the United States as the Vincentian Fathers, the Congregation of the Mission is a religious community founded during the early seventeenth century by the French priest Vincent de Paul for the purpose of revitalizing religious life in rural areas through the preaching of parish missions. Such missions began with a sermon on repentance that urged people to make a general confession of all their past sins. The priests continued with a protracted catechesis that lasted for several weeks to several months. In time, Vincent de Paul realized the futility of pumping new life into a parish only to leave it in the hands of an inept or lax pastor. So the Vincentians began establishing seminaries to educate and prepare good priests. Thus parish missions and the training of clergy became the two cardinal tasks of that community.
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O'toole, James M. "From Advent to Easter: Catholic Preaching in New York City, 1808–1809." Church History 63, no. 3 (September 1994): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167534.
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The recent interest in reconstructing the history of spirituality and religious belief is nowhere more welcome than in the history of Roman Catholicism in the United States. From the very point of its emergence as a recognizable subdiscipline at the turn of the century and lasting into very recent scholarship, American Catholic history has been a relentlessly “topdown”affair. It focused on the leaders of the church—almost all of them white males—and on official church institutions. Episcopal biography was the preferred form and, as often as not, “progress” was the theme: the hierarchy established itself steadily along the advancing frontier; populations of clergy, religious, and laity all increased heroically; immigrants once despised were transformed into the American mainstream. There was even an inspirational final chapter to the tale, as one American Catholic finally grasped the brass ring of acceptance and moved into the White House. The story was a deliberately edifying one, but it was a story primarily for insiders. Perhaps for that reason alone, American Catholic history seemed to remain, as Leslie Tender has recently observed, “on the margins” of serious scholarly discourse.
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Reidy, David A. "Rawls and Racial Justice in the United States." Tocqueville Review 43, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.43.1.69.
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It has become increasingly common for students and scholars to criticize Rawls’s work as irrelevant, or worse, when it comes to issues of race and justice. Though he clearly judges both structural and systemic racial hierarchy and interpersonal racial disrespect to be non-controversially unjust, Rawls does not much explore, either in his ideal theory or in his non-ideal theory, issues at the intersection of race and justice. In this essay, drawing from both his texts and biography, I highlight some of Rawls’s thoughts on, and the seriousness with which he approached, these matters. Though I do not attempt to answer all the criticisms that have been raised regarding Rawls’s approach to issues of race and justice, I answer a few and to point the way toward resources that might prove fruitful in answering others. With respect to issues of race and justice, there are good reasons, better than critics typically acknowledge, to continue exploring the extent to which working from within a Rawlsian framework we can successfully think through our aspirational ideals and eliminate existing injustices.
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Miscamble, Wilson D. "The Limits of American Catholic Antifascism: The Case of John A. Ryan." Church History 59, no. 4 (December 1990): 523–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169147.
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Writing in the midst of World War II, the Italian exiles Gaetano Salvemini and Giorgio La Piana charged that the Catholic church in America had bestowed its blessing upon Benito Mussolini and fascism.1 In discussing this charge the historian John Diggins admitted that “at first glance it does appear that the American clergy had indeed composed a political choir in behalf of Fascism.”2 Diggins portrayed a large number of Catholic clergy led by figures like Cardinal William O'Connell of Boston and Father Charles E. Coughlin who found occasion to praise Mussolini. He outlined the views of the major Catholic periodicals and discovered that only the Paulist-sponsored Catholic World took exception to fascism with any consistency.3 Nonetheless, Diggins partially dismissed the charge of Salvemini and La Piana. He argued that the Catholic church in the United States during the interwar years was not a pro-Fascist monolith and briefly touched on the anti-Fascist endeavors of such individuals as Monsignor Joseph Giarrochi, Father Francis Duffy, and Father James Gillis, C.S.P., the erstwhile editor of the Catholic World. Notably, Diggins accorded particular status among Catholic anti-Fascists to Monsignor John A. Ryan, whom he described as having waged “a relentless assault upon Mussolini's dictatorship and upon the Catholic defense of Fascism” and as being “the theological thorn in the flesh of complacent Catholic apologists for Fascism.”4
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Rosner, David, and Gerald Markowitz. "A Short History of Occupational Safety and Health in the United States." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 5 (May 2020): 622–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305581.
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As this short history of occupational safety and health before and after establishment of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) clearly demonstrates, labor has always recognized perils in the workplace, and as a result, workers’ safety and health have played an essential part of the battles for shorter hours, higher wages, and better working conditions. OSHA’s history is an intimate part of a long struggle over the rights of working people to a safe and healthy workplace. In the early decades, strikes over working conditions multiplied. The New Deal profoundly increased the role of the federal government in the field of occupational safety and health. In the 1960s, unions helped mobilize hundreds of thousands of workers and their unions to push for federal legislation that ultimately resulted in the passage of the Mine Safety and Health Act of 1969 and the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970. From the 1970s onward, industry developed a variety of tactics to undercut OSHA. Industry argued over what constituted good science, shifted the debate from health to economic costs, and challenged all statements considered damaging.
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Bassiouni, M. Cherif. "The History of the Draft Code of Crimes Against the Peace and Security of Mankind." Israel Law Review 27, no. 1-2 (1993): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016939.
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Since 1946, the United Nations efforts to codify international crimes and to establish an international criminal court have overlapped, with scant results from either endeavor.The Assembly began its efforts to codify international crimes in its first session when the United States sponsored resolution 95 (I), adopted on December 11, 1946, which affirmed “the principles of international law recognized by the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and the judgment of the Tribunal”. Furthermore, the Assembly directed the Committee on the Codification of International Law, the International Law Commission's predecessor, to formulate a general codification of offenses against the peace and security of mankind.In 1947, the United Nations established the International Law Commission (ILC). In a resolution again sponsored by the United States the United Nations directed the ILC to:(a) formulate the principles of international law recognized in the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal and in the Judgment of the Tribunal, and(b) prepare a draft code of offenses against the peace and security of mankind, indicating clearly the place to be accorded to the principles mentioned in sub-paragraph (a) above.
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Miller, Mark C. "Legal Discrimination in the United States based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity." American Studies in Scandinavia 49, no. 1 (January 29, 2017): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v49i1.5462.
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When the U.S. Supreme Court declared that same-sex marriage would be legal throughout the country, that decision did not end the possibility of other types of discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity. The U.S. Supreme Court has been very unclear about what standard to use when the courts face claims of discrimination based on these characteristics. In cases decided under the Fourteenth Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause, the Court has stated that lower courts should use one of three standards, based on the type of discrimination alleged. These three standards for review are known as rational basis, intermediate review, and strict scrutiny. This article, based on both empirical and normative analysis, will explore the proper legal standard that the Supreme Court should use in these cases. Since several states have begun to enact laws that encourage discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity, this article will argue that the Supreme Court should use strict scrutiny in these cases because the LGBT community is clearly a discrete and insular minority subject to targeted discrimination.
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Zirinsky, Michael P. "Blood, Power, and Hypocrisy: The Murder of Robert Imbrie and American Relations with Pehlavi Iran, 1924." International Journal of Middle East Studies 18, no. 3 (August 1986): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800030488.
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On Friday, July 18, 1924, Robert W. Imbrie, United States Consul in Tehran— and personal friend and special agent of Allen W. Dulles, Chief of the State Department's Near Eastern Affairs Division—was brutally killed. Imbrie was beaten to death by a mob led by members of the Muslim clergy and including many members of the Iranian Army. In the weeks preceding July 18, there had been several outbreaks of anti-Bahai violence. Imbrie and Melvin Seymour had gone that morning to investigate a miraculous watering place in central Tehran that figured in the anti-Bahai excitement. According to contemporary accounts, a Bahai had been struck blind after drinking from the source when he refused to make an offering in the name of the Shi'i saints; his sight miraculously had been restored after he had repented and made the donation.
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Moreira, Cristina, and Jari Eloranta. "Importance of «weak» states during conflicts: Portuguese trade with the United States during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 29, no. 3 (August 11, 2011): 393–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610911000139.
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AbstractThis paper focuses on the analysis of weak states in the international trading system during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic crises, especially on Portugal's trade relations with the United States. We argue that the previous studies of the trade flows during these conflicts have not paid enough attention on smaller actors. Even though the Peninsular War caused severe disruption of agricultural production in Portugal, the United States, despite its strained relations with an ally of Portugal, Great Britain, became a key supplier for the Portuguese market. Clearly, the threatened position of the peninsula, and the need to supply the troops, awarded the Portuguese some room to manoeuvre in the international markets. Total war was not a constraint for all states — economic necessities trumped political and diplomatic concerns during the era of the first real-world wars. This situation was a temporary one, only to change after the conflict.
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Swaine, Michael D. "Does China Have a Grand Strategy?" Current History 99, no. 638 (September 1, 2000): 274–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.638.274.
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The guiding elements of China's calculative grand strategy are clearly reflected in the policies China is pursuing in four separate areas: policies toward the United States; policies toward military modernization; policies toward territorial claims and the recourse to force; and policies toward international regimes.
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Martynov, Andrii. "Hryshchenko T. A. Zbigniew Brzezinski. International strategist in the coordinates of history. Kyiv-Nizhyn: Publisher Lysenko M. M., 2020. 341 p." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 11 (2021): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.11.8.
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The review dissects a monograph on the intellectual biography of Z. Brzezinski. The author of the monograph systematically and comparatively considered the conceptual and theoretical approaches of this American strategist against the backdrop of Cold War era and the unipolar world after the victory of the United States over the USSR. Z. Brzezinski was a great promoter and visionary of Ukraine, consistently advocated the rapprochement of the Ukrainian and Polish peoples in a united democratic Europe. In our opinion, an important place in the historiography of research on the influence of Z. Brzezinski on world history will be occupied by the study of Taras A. Hryshchenko. The author of the monograph advanced into methodological agenda seven groups of typologically different sources related to the stages of formation, development and public perception of international strategic concepts of Z. Brzezinski. Z. Brzezinski’s world outlooks and anti-communist guidelines were optimal for the development and implementation of a course in the field of US national security during the administration of President J. Carter. Particularly relevant to current international relations is the author’s rethinking the comparative aspect of the concepts of globalization and the role of the United States in this process, which belong to Z. Brzezinski and his colleagues S. Huntington and G. Kissinger. Z. Brzezinski’s strategic concepts best meet the needs of preserving the global leadership role of the United States in the complex and contradictory world of the 21st century. The conclusions of the monograph brief why the hereditary generation of intellectual successors of the tradition of analysis of international relations, founded by Z. Brzezinski, was not formed clearly enough. These reasons include the declining interest in American society in grand strategy, the excessive social impact of the information technology sector and entertainment manufacturers, and the tendency toward self-destructive hostility among the American political establishment.
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Beglov, Alexey. "The Fate of the Catholic Church of St. Louis of the French in Soviet Moscow: the Perspective of an American Assumptionist." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016675-1.
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From 1938 to 1992, the Church of St. Louis of the French was the only legally operating Roman Catholic parish church in Moscow. The peculiarity of the parish was that its core membership and its “executive bodies” comprised foreign nationals and representatives of the diplomatic corps, primarily of France and the United States. In the second half of the 1940s, amid rising tensions with the West, the Soviet authorities subjected the community of St. Louis and its clergy to their control. Today, it is possible to detail the circumstances of this case not only thanks to the Russian archival materials but also to the document published below, a copy of a memorandum by Fr. Leopold Braun, A. A., an American priest who administered the Church of St. Louis in 1934—1945. The document, originally forwarded to the US State Department in February 1954, was found in the Archives of the North American Province of the Assumptionists in the Provincial House in Boston, MA. In this document, Fr. Braun describes the history of the church in the Soviet period, focusing on the confrontation between its clergy and parishioners, on the one hand, and the Soviet authorities, on the other. He also suggests that the US Government intervene in the situation and return control of the church to Catholics of all nationalities, including those who do not have Soviet citizenship. The basis for such interference, from the point of view of Fr. L. Braun, was the Roosevelt — Litvinov agreements of 1933, which contained guarantees of religious freedoms for American citizens in the USSR.
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Mumford, Jeremy Ravi. "Why Was Louis Riel, a United States Citizen, Hanged as a Canadian Traitor in 1885?" Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (June 2021): s244—s264. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-019.
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In what sense was Louis Riel, a foreign citizen who had formally renounced his allegiance to Britain, a traitor to the Queen? And why did his adopted country, the United States, do nothing to protect him? Since the Canadian Naturalization Act of 1881 for the first time permitted emigrants to renounce their British allegiance, Riel’s legal status was no different from that of any foreigner, and to charge a foreigner with treason was unusual and controversial. The United States, furthermore, had a history of advocating aggressively for citizens charges with crimes abroad, even when they were clearly guilty, and especially for political militants in Britain and Canada. Yet for a number of independent reasons, including decisions of courtroom strategy and the internal politics of the United States in 1885, Riel’s lawyers and his adopted government chose not to raise his citizenship as an issue. The surprising silence about his US citizenship at the end of his life has distorted our historical understanding of Riel as a figure of the nineteenth-century Canadian-American borderland.
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Bulthuis, Kyle T. "The Difference Denominations Made: Identifying the Black Church(es) and Black Religious Choices of the Early Republic." Religion and American Culture 29, no. 2 (2019): 255–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2019.3.
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ABSTRACTScholars of African-American religious history have recently debated the significance of the black church in American history. Those that have, pro and con, have often considered the black church as a singular entity, despite the fact that African Americans affiliated with a number of different religious traditions under the umbrella of the black church. This article posits that it is useful to consider denominational and theological developments within different African-American churches. Doing so acknowledges plural creations and developments of black churches, rather than a singular black church, which better accounts for the historical experience of black religion. In this piece, I analyze four different denominational and theological traditions that blacks followed in the early Republic: the Anglican–Episcopalian, the Calvinist (Congregational–Presbyterian), the Methodist, and the Baptist. Each offered a unique ecclesiastical structure and set of theological assumptions within which black clergy and laity operated. Each required different levels of interaction with white coreligionists, and, although some tended to offer more direct opportunities for reform and resistance, all groups suffered differing constraints that limited such action. I argue that the two bodies connected to formalist traditions, the Episcopalian and Calvinist, were initially better developed despite their smaller size, and thus disproportionately shaped black community and reform efforts in the antebellum United States.
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SMIRNOV, ALEXANDER, DMITRIY ERMAKOV, and OLEG KAZENKOV. "MODERN SINO-AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE CONTEXT OF GLOBALIZATION." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-28-38.
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The nineties of the twentieth century led to changes in the global geopolitical strategy: the place of the Soviet Union, acting as the second world superpower, is gradually firmly occupied by the People’s Republic of China, which thirty years ago could count solely on the role of a regional leader. The development of international trade and economic relations between the United States and China clearly demonstrates in action the Hegelian “law of unity and struggle of opposites” - both countries, having different political systems and social structure, are forced to act as the main partners both in the world economy and in trade. The initiative in developing trade and economic relations with China is still in the hands of the United States, which, despite the availability of the latest technologies and outstanding economic achievements, still have to reckon with the requirements of its Chinese partner to establish equal partnership relations, bearing both material and reputational costs. The United States, throughout the history of US-Chinese relations, often uses provocations and unfriendly actions. The inconsistent position of the United States, primarily in support of Taiwan, makes it difficult to understand and establish trust between the countries.
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Malczewski, Joan. "Interstitial Collaboration: Education Reform in the Jim Crow South." Studies in American Political Development 31, no. 2 (October 2017): 238–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000128.
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The Board of Trustees of the Negro Rural School Fund convened in the office of the president of the United States on December 14, 1911. The mission of the fund was to assist Southern black schools, supplying black supervising teachers to rural areas.1President William Howard Taft presided over the meeting, which included members from banking, industry, philanthropy, higher education, and the clergy, demonstrating the importance of associated action in policy and political development in the early twentieth century.2These elite reformers hoped to guide policymaking in education reform, and their work was just one part of a far-reaching agenda for education in the Jim Crow South, based on the premise that public schooling was important to a strong national state.3Yet, it was difficult for elite actors to implement national policy goals in state and local areas, particularly for education. Local control was an important characteristic of American schooling, and Southern education reform was a particularly complicated terrain, dominated by rural areas committed to states’ rights, local control, and the racial state.4While the fund's trustees hoped to direct efforts from their lofty White House venue, foundation efficacy required extensive collaboration with organizations and actors across the South. This work, referred to here asinterstitial collaboration, included a set of initiatives tailored to state and local regions, supported by cooperative relationships between governmental and nongovernmental organizational entities and with citizens across the political spectrum.
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Hunter, James Davison. "Religious Elites in Advanced Industrial Society." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 2 (April 1987): 360–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014559.
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In primitive and nonindustrialized societies the typical (and in many cases, the exclusive) tasks of religious elites have revolved chiefly around the creation, modification, and maintenance of the symbolic universe of society. Such work invariably implied privilege and various kinds and degrees of political power. But with the expansion of the modern world order, the situation of religious elites has altered dramatically. For one, religious-knowledge workers make up a very small percentage of the ranks of a much larger knowledge sector. For example, while the percentage of religious-knowledge workers (including clergy) relative to the entire economically active population in the United States has remained relatively constant since 1870, the percentage of religious workers to the knowledge workers has declined by one half in the period between 1950 and 1970—a period of dramatic growth of the knowledge sector (see Table 1). By 1970, the percentage of religious-knowledge workers to knowledge workers generally had shrunk to one sixth of its proportionate size a century earlier. Between 1970 and 1984, this proportion has leveled off somewhat. In Western Europe and Japan the same patterns have become firmly established as well.
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Eckert, Astrid M. "The Transnational Beginnings of West German Zeitgeschichte in the 1950s." Central European History 40, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000283.
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The study of Zeitgeschichte, or contemporary history, was not an invention of the postwar era. But it was in the wake of the Second World War that it carved out a space in the historical professions of the United States, Great Britain and, most pronouncedly, West Germany. In each country, it came with similar definitions: in West Germany as “the era of those living, and its scholarly treatment by academics”; in the United States as “the period of the last generation or two”; and in Britain as “Europe in the twentieth century” or “the histories of yesterday which are being written today.” Such definitions contained a generational component and left contemporary history open to continuous rejuvenation. Yet during the postwar decades, the above definitions steered interest clearly toward the history of National Socialism, the Second World War, and foreign policy of the 1920s and 1930s. The horrific cost in human lives of Nazi racial and anti-Semitic policies gave an instant relevance to all aspects of Germany's past. The German grip on much of Europe had made National Socialism an integral component in the history of formerly occupied countries, and the Allied struggle to defeat Nazism added yet more countries to the list of those that had seen their histories become entangled with that of Germany. Hence, the academic writing of German contemporary history was never an exclusively German affair. Scholars outside Germany, especially in Great Britain and the United States, were part of the endeavor from the outset. Their involvement was facilitated by the fact that the Western Allies had captured an enormous quantity of German records and archives at the end of the war, part of which would become available to historians over the course of the 1950s and 1960s.
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Fones-Wolf, Ken. "Religion and Trade Union Politics in the United States, 1880–1920." International Labor and Working-Class History 34 (1988): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900005020.
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More than three decades have passed since Marc Karson analyzed the Catholic church's critical role in impeding the growth of socialism in the American labor movement. He was not the first to make the argument; Progressive Era socialists were acutely aware of Catholics' outspoken opposition, and David Saposs outlined Karson's arguments as early as 1933. However, the evidence marshaled by Karson, first in a 1951 article and later inAmerican Labor Unions and Politics, 1900–1918, so clearly detailed facets of Catholic antisocialism that his thesis has become the conventional wisdom. With few exceptions, historians depict the church as a potent enemy of socialism, heartily welcomed by trade union leaders.
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Yeager, Gertude M. "Female Apostolates and Modernization in Mid-Nineteenth Century Chile." Americas 55, no. 3 (January 1999): 425–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007649.
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How religion became a tool for integrating women into the modernization process in mid-nineteenth century Chile is the subject of this essay. The intense liberal assault on tradition in nineteenth century Latin America resulted in cultural warfare that benefited women as the abandonment of the Church in record numbers by men created opportunities for both religious and lay women to assume leadership roles. Perhaps for the only time in its history, the Roman Catholic Church identified religious women as a specie of clergy and actively encouraged their female apostolates to preserve the faith of women and children. In Chile this tension between traditional Hispanic and competing bourgeois values had a female dimension because included among the indicators of modernity was the social role of woman. Traditional Hispanic culture cloistered woman in the convent or home; she was a private person who left the public sphere to her male relatives. Independence, however, introduced the idea of republican motherhood and the notion became more pronounced when travelers to the United States and Europe noted the freedom and social contributions of women thereby giving credence to the new concept. Female apostolates provided women with the bridge to the modern age and provided a “feminine ideal of self-sacrificing women [to balance] Adam Smith's masculine gospel of enlightened self-interest.”
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Calfano, Brian Robert, and Daniel E. Ponder. "The Variable “Catholic” Influence on US Presidential and Abortion Politics." Religions 14, no. 2 (February 20, 2023): 280. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14020280.
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We demonstrate that, in comparison to religious groups showing reliable, contemporary voting tendencies (e.g., white evangelical Protestants voting Republican, Jews and Muslims voting Democratic), Roman Catholics show far less consistency in supporting one major party over the other. After reviewing relevant literature Catholic public political preferences and behavior, we delve into a basic overview of the history of the Catholic Church in the United States. We then analyze historical periods when the impact of the church seems consequential, such as effects of the “Catholic vote”. We summarize scholarship and opinion surveys concerning Catholic political views and behavior over the last several decades, focusing on attitudes toward abortion in the wake of the Dobbs decision. We then highlight differences and similarities between Catholic rank-and-file and the church clergy and hierarchy, some of which are well known in the religion and politics literature. In sum, we find that unlike past or more contemporaneous takes on the impact of Catholics and Catholicism on politics and policy, there is no longer (if there ever was) a single, identifiable Catholic impact, even as the Catholic vote remains a demographic for which politicians compete.
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Hughes, Richard. "Gates, Jr And Higginbotham, Eds., Harlem Renaissance Lives - From African American National Biography." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 34, no. 2 (September 1, 2009): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.34.2.110-111.
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With hundreds of accessible entries on the lives of African Americans directly or indirectly associated with this period, Harlem Renaissance Lives is an ambitious effort to highlight, and sometimes uncover, the role of African Americans in shaping the United States in the twentieth century. While the entries are brief, the book's strength is its breadth with portraits of not only writers, artists, actors, and musicians but also educators, civil rights and labor activists, entrepreneurs, athletes, clergy, and aviators. Students of history will find familiar figures of the period such as Langston Hughes, Josephine Baker, Duke Ellington, Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. However, the real value of the work is in highlighting, however briefly, the lives of hundreds of lesser-known African Americans. Some figures, such as educator Roscoe Bruce, the son of a U.S. Senator, grew up relatively privileged, but many of the biographies involve African-Americans whose unlikely contributions begin with a background that included slavery and sharecropping. Regardless, each entry includes a valuable bibliography and information about relevant primary sources such as an obituary and archival collections.
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Kuenning, Paul P. "New York Lutheran Abolitionists. Seeking a Solution to a Historical Enigma." Church History 58, no. 1 (March 1989): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167678.
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Among nineteenth-century North American Lutherans the only corporate body to take an early, serious, and vigorous stand on behalf of the abolition of human slavery was a small group in upper New York State called the Franckean Evangelic Synod.1 On 25 May 1837, at a meeting held in a small country chapel in Minden township, Montgomery County, four Lutheran clergymen and twenty-seven lay delegates broke with the Hartwick Synod and formed the new association. It was named after the German Lutheran Pietist cleric and humanitarian August Hermann Francke (1663–1727). The abolitionist convictions of the Franckean Synod were embedded in the main body of its constitution. No minister who was a slaveholder or engaged in the traffic of human beings or advocated the system of slavery then existing in the United States could be accepted into the synod nor could a layperson practicing any of the above serve as a delegate to synodical meetings.2 By 1848 these restrictions were increased to include laity who “justified the sin of slavery” and clergy “who did not oppose” it.3 Such precise constitutional requirements in opposition to human slavery remain without precedent in the history of the Lutheran church.
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Key, Newton. "The “Boast of Antiquity”: Pulpit Politics Across the Atlantic Archipelago during the Revolution of 1688." Church History 83, no. 3 (July 31, 2014): 618–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000584.
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John Locke and many others noted the vibrant political commentary emanating from the pulpit during the Glorious Revolution. Preachers from the full confessional spectrum in England, and especially in Scotland, Ireland, and the colonies, used occasional or state sermons to explain contemporary upheavals from the perspective of God's law, Natural law, and Civil law. Most surprising is the latter, clerical reference to civil history and ancient origins, which preachers used to answer contemporary questions of conquest and allegiance. Clergy revisited the origins and constitutional roots of the Britons, Anglo-Saxons, Scots, and Irish, and deployed histories of legendary kings and imaginary conquests to explain and justify the revolutionary events of 1688–1692. Sermons of this revolutionary era focused as much on civil as on sacred history, and sought their true origins in antiquity and the mists of myth. Episcopalian preachers, whether Church of Ireland, Scottish Episcopalian, or Church of England, seem to have been especially inspired by thanksgiving or fast days memorialized in the liturgical calendar to ponder the meaning of a deep historical narrative. Scots, Irish, and Massachusetts clergy claimed their respective immemorialism, as much as the English did theirs. But, as they re-stated competing Britannic constitutions and origin myths explicitly, they exposed imperial rifts and contradictions within the seemingly united claim of antiquity. By the beginning of the next reign and century, state sermons depended more upon reason and less upon a historicized mythic antiquity.
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Ortiz, Paul. "A Civics Primer for American History." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 1773–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa514.
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Abstract This AHR Roundtable features four short essays on Jill Lepore’s widely read synthesis of American history, These Truths: A History of the United States (2018). Lepore’s framework insists that the “self-evident” truths of the nation’s founding were anything but. The driving force of her narrative is the struggle of those excluded from this magic circle—really, the majority of the country’s population—to extend those truths beyond their narrow core of elite white men. The four reviewers—Ned Blackhawk, Matt Garcia, Mary Beth Norton, and Paul Ortiz—appreciate the “shared sense of national destiny” that clearly informs Lepore book. At the same time, they chide her for what they regard as significant omissions. These critical essays invite further consideration of how best to write a fully inclusive (and therefore dramatically reconfigured) national narrative
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Subramanian, Narendra. "From Bondage to Citizenship: A Comparison of African American and Indian Lower-Caste Mobilization in Two Regions of Deep Inequality." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 770–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000286.
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AbstractThe paper explores mobilization to reduce the deepest inequalities in the two largest democracies, those along caste lines in India and racial lines in the United States. I compare how the groups at the bottom of these ethnic hierarchies—India's former untouchable castes (Dalits) and African Americans—mobilized from the 1940s to the 1970s in pursuit of full citizenship: the franchise, representation, civil rights, and social rights. Experiences in two regions of historically high inequality (the Kaveri and Mississippi Deltas) are compared in their national contexts. Similarities in demographic patterns, group boundaries, socioeconomic relations, regimes, and enfranchisement timing facilitate comparison. Important differences in nationalist and civic discourse, official and popular social classification, and stratification patterns influenced the two groups’ mobilizations, enfranchisement, representation, alliances, and relationships with political parties. The nation was imagined to clearly include Dalits earlier in India than to encompass African Americans in the United States. Race was the primary and bipolar official and popular identity axis in the United States, unlike caste in India. African Americans responded by emphasizing racial discourses while Dalit mobilizations foregrounded more porously bordered community visions. These different circumstances enabled more widespread African American mobilization, but offered Dalits more favorable interethnic alliances, party incorporation, and policy accommodation, particularly in historically highly unequal regions. Therefore, group representation and policy benefits increased sooner and more in India than in the United States, especially in regions of historically high group inequality such as the Kaveri and other major river Deltas relative to the Deep South, including Mississippi.
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Ericksen, R. P. "Hitler's Priests: Catholic Clergy and National Socialism, Kevin P. Spicer (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press in association with the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, 2008), xv + 369 pp., $34.95." Holocaust and Genocide Studies 23, no. 3 (December 1, 2009): 480–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hgs/dcp045.
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Toulin, Alana. "“Old Methods Not Up to New Ways”: The Strategic Use of Advertising in the Fight for Pure Food After 1906." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 4 (October 2019): 461–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778141900029x.
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This article considers how American food manufacturers used advertising and outreach to sway public opinion in the immediate years after the 1906 passage of the Pure Food and Drug Act. Although this federal legislation has long been heralded as a landmark victory for consumer protection, the new law was not a watershed moment for progressivism. Food production and consumption in the United States remained deeply fraught. In the absence of a clearly defined apparatus to enforce the new law and much contestation among policy-makers, business interests, and reformers, the food industry's co-option of reform ideals and rhetoric exemplifies the increasing power of big business over both public policy and mainstream cultural discourse in the United States during the early twentieth century and beyond. While scholars have often framed the push to introduce federal food policy as a fairly linear institutional or political narrative, a cultural historical approach gives new insight into how unresolved questions about purity in food production and consumption have vexed Americans and stymied business interests and policy-makers in ways that have continued to reverberate into the present day.
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Bordo, Michael D., and Hugh Rockoff. "Not Just the Great Contraction: Friedman and Schwartz's A Monetary History of the United States 1867 to 1960." American Economic Review 103, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.103.3.61.
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Milton Friedman and Anna J. Schwartz published A Monetary History of the United States: 1867 to 1960 with Princeton University Press in 1963, to critical acclaim. Since then the book's reputation has grown and it clearly has become one of the most influential volumes in economics in the twentieth century. In this paper we document the extraordinary impact of A Monetary History and argue that the key to this success was the use of the "narrative approach" to the problem of identifying the effects of monetary policy on economic activity.
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Primus, Richard. ""The Essential Characteristic": Enumerated Powers and the Bank of the United States." Michigan Law Review, no. 117.3 (2018): 415. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.117.3.essential.
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The idea that Congress can legislate only on the basis of its enumerated powers is an orthodox proposition of constitutional law, one that is generally supposed to have been recognized as essential ever since the Founding. Conventional understandings of several episodes in constitutional history reinforce this proposition. But the reality of many of those events is more complicated. Consider the 1791 debate over creating the Bank of the United States, in which Madison famously argued against the Bank on enumerated-powers grounds. The conventional memory of the Bank episode reinforces the sense that the orthodox view of enumerated powers has been fundamental, and agreed upon, from the beginning. But in 1791, Members of the First Congress disagreed about whether Congress needed to point to some specific enumerated power in order to create the Bank. Moreover, Madison’s enumerated powers argument against the Bank seems to have involved two rethinkings of Congress’s enumerated powers, one about the importance of enumeration in general and one about the enumeration’s specific application to the Bank. At the general level, Madison in the Bank debate elevated the supposed importance of the enumerated-powers framework: in 1787 he had been skeptical that enumerating congressional powers could be valuable, but in the Bank debate he described the enumerated-powers framework as essential to the Constitution. At the particular level, Madison’s enumerated-powers argument against the Bank seems to have been an act of last-minute creativity in which he took constitutional objections that sounded naturally in the register of affirmative prohibitions, but which the Constitution’s text did not clearly support, and gave them a textual home by translating them into the register of enumerated powers. Madison’s move may have set a paradigm for enumerated powers arguments at later moments in constitutional history: subsequent enumerated-powers arguments down to those against the Affordable Care Act might be best understood as translations of constitutional objections best expressed in terms of affirmative prohibitions, forced into the register of enumerated powers because the relevant prohibitions are not found in the Constitution.
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Lagodny, Otto. "Legally Protected Interests of the Abducted Alleged Offender." Israel Law Review 27, no. 1-2 (1993): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016988.
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Professor S. Z. Feller, to whom this article respectfully is dedicated, wrote a critical attack on the problem of concurrent criminal jurisdiction. The adverse consequence of more than one state claiming jurisdiction over a given criminal behaviour may be the abduction of the alleged offender by officials of one of these states. This issue was recently raised in the United States Supreme Court in theAlvarez-Machaincase. Chief Justice Rehnquist's holding allowing a U.S. court to try Dr. Alvarez-Machain, who was abducted by U.S. authorities, caused vehement national and international criticism. Subsequently, the United States District Court of Los Angeles acquitted Dr. Alvarez-Machain on 14 December 1992.The long list of abduction cases of recent history, together with the absence of a satisfying solution are alarming. I shall not attempt to cut this “Gordan's knot”, but rather shall focus on an issue that has as yet not been clearly addressed in the current debate.
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Bremar, Jeff. "Lehman, Bloodshed At Little Bighorn - Sitting Bull, Custer, And The Destinies Of Nations." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 35, no. 2 (September 1, 2010): 111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.35.2.111-112.
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Lehman's new book on the most famous battle in the American West is a useful and extremely readable narrative of Custer's defeat and a fine introduction to the long conflict between the expansionist United States and the native tribes of the Great Plains. Bloodshed at Little Bighorn is a concise, clearly written account that deftly traces the history of the long series of clashes that led up to this battle. This engaging monograph is ideal for use in undergraduate classrooms, as the author provides gracefully crafted portraits of important characters and reviews important ideas, from American military strategy to the importance of the horse for Plains tribes. Non-specialists will find that Lehman 's book is a fine summary of the final American conquest of the American West. While it includes no new interpretation and relies heavily on secondary sources, it provides a balanced, fast paced history ideal for use in survey courses on the West, Native America, or the nineteenth-century United States. It is also a good source for material for anyone writing or revising lectures on the subject.
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Wenzel, Joshua I. "A Different Christian Witness to Society: Christian Support for Gay Rights and Liberation in Minnesota, 1977–1993." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 720–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964071900180x.
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The traditional narrative of religion and the gay rights movement in the post-1960s United States emphasizes conservative Christians and their opposition to gay rights. Few studies focus on the supportive role Christian leaders and churches played in advancing gay rights and nurturing a positive gay identity for homosexual Americans. Concentrating on the period from 1977 to 1993 and drawing largely from manuscript collections at the Minnesota Historical Society, including the Minnesota GLBT Movement papers of Leo Treadway, this study of Christianity and gay rights in the state of Minnesota demonstrates that while Christianity has often been an oppressive force on homosexuals and homosexuality, Christianity was also a liberalizing influence. Putting forth arguments derived from religious understandings, using biblical passages as “proof” texts, and showing a mutuality between the liberal theological tradition and the secular political position, the Christian community was integral to advancing gay rights and liberation in Minnesota by the early 1990s despite religious right resistance. These efforts revealed a Christianity driven to actualize the love of God here on earth and ensure human wholeness, freedom, and an authentic selfhood. Christian clergy, churches, and ordinary persons of faith thus undertook activity in three areas to ensure wholeness and freedom: political activity for civil protections; emotional, pastoral care for persons with AIDS; and as a source of self-affirmation and social comfort in the midst of an inhospitable society.
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Johnson, Markes. "Early Survey Work and the Roots of Geological Education in the Carolinas." Earth Sciences History 4, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.4.1.rw7718871p778878.
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Since the birth of the first state geological survey in 1823, all fifty of the United States have funded projects related to geology at one time or another. Most states operate vigorous geological surveys today. The first state-sponsored survey in the United States was conducted in North Carolina from 1823 to 1825 by Denison Olmsted and from 1825 to 1827 by Elisha Mitchell. Both were on the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. The second state survey was carried out by Lardner Vanuxem in South Carolina from 1824 to 1826. At the same time, Vanuxem was professor of geology at the College of South Carolina in Columbia. These individuals were among the first to teach college-level courses related to geology anywhere in the southern states. Indeed, Vanuxem occupied the first chair in geology to be created at a state school in the United States. Summer involvement with state survey work opened new opportunities for active field research, student associates, and the enrichment of the school-year curriculum. Although the initial Carolina surveys were modest, unsophisticated efforts by comparison with projects only a few years later, the general pattern was clearly set for the close, mutually beneficial association of state survey agencies and universities commonly found today.
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Beegle, Clayton C., and Takashi Yamamoto. "INVITATION PAPER (C.P. ALEXANDER FUND): HISTORY OF BACILLUS THURINGIENSIS BERLINER RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT." Canadian Entomologist 124, no. 4 (August 1992): 587–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.4039/ent124587-4.
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AbstractThis review article starts with the discovery of Bacillus thuringiensis Berliner in Japan at the turn of the century and notes that the observations of the early Japanese workers clearly show that they were aware of the toxin-mediated nature of the activity of B. thuringiensis toward insect larvae. The early work in Europe with B. thuringiensis against Ostrinia nubilalis (Hubner) showed that the bacterium had promise as a microbial control agent. The commercial development of B. thuringiensis in France in the late 1930s, and in Eastern Europe and the United States in the 1950s, is traced.
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Kain, Edward L., and Niall Bolger. "Social Change and Women’s Work and Family Experience in Ireland and the United States." Social Science History 10, no. 2 (1986): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200015388.
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This paper examines the changing nature of the female labor force in Ireland and the United States. Data from the two countries are used to illustrate both similarities and variations in the Western experience of women during the period of rapid change in work and family life since the late nineteenth century.A central facet of how Western families have been transformed during the past century has involved the increased participation of women in the paid labor force, and in the most recent decades, a dramatic rise in the labor force participation of married women. In his classic work, World Revolution and Family Patterns, Goode suggests that the increase in female participation in the non-agricultural labor force was clearly evident in Western countries but was not dramatic during the first half of this century (1963: 59-60). Since 1950, however, increases in the economic activity of women have occurred throughout the West. For example, using data from Scandinavian countries, Haavio-Mannila and Kari (1980) document the increased economic activity of women throughout this century, the transformation of the economies of Scandinavia from an agricultural to an industrial base, and the rapid increase in labor force participation of married women since 1950.
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Petit, Jeanne. "Breeders, Workers, and Mothers: Gender and the Congressional Literacy Test Debate, 1896–1897." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 3, no. 1 (January 2004): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778140000061x.
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In May of 1896, Richard Bartholdt, a Republican from Missouri and a German immigrant, stood on the floor of the House of Representatives and introduced a bill that would set off months of debate in the Fifty-Fourth Congress. The bill was H.R. 7864, which required all male immigrants between the ages of sixteen and sixty to prove they were literate in either English or some other language. While congressmen on all sides of the issue made passionate arguments for and against this bill, they nevertheless found some areas of agreement. The supporters and opponents of restriction all regarded southern and eastern European immigrants as racially different than those of northwestern European descent. Further, all congressmen understood the purpose of the bill to be as much about improving the United States citizenry racially as intellectually. Richard Bartholdt clearly stated the racial reasoning behind the literacy test when he introduced the bill to the House.
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Garza, Emily B. "Discretionary Disfunction and Shivers v. United States: Consequences of Assuming the Intent of Congress." Texas A&M Law Review 10, no. 2 (February 2023): 359–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v10.i2.6.
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The discretionary function exception is a powerful departure from the Federal Tort Claims Act’s general waiver of sovereign immunity. This exception applies where government employees commit a tort while acting within the discretion of their position. While there has been a lengthy and varying jurisprudential history surrounding the application of the discretionary function exception, neither the Supreme Court nor Congress has addressed whether violations of constitutional rights fall within the scope of a discretionary act.
This lack of clarity proved harmful for individuals like Mackie Shivers in Shivers v. United States because the discretionary function exception swallowed his claim for relief even though his Eighth Amendment rights were violated. This Note analyzes the error of that approach to constitutional claims and the discretionary function exception through the context of the Shivers decision and calls for an amendment to the exception clearly stating that violations of constitutional rights are not discretionary.
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McLaughlin, Rob. "United Nations Mandated Naval Interdiction Operations in the Territorial Sea?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 2 (April 2002): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.2.249.
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The practice of imposing economic sanctions in order to influence the actions of states and other parties—historically with varied levels of actual effectiveness—has a long and chequered history.2 Given, however, that more than 90 per cent of the world's trade is carried by sea,3 it is one particular form of sanction management—the ‘so called economic weapon’ of naval blockade— which tends to dominate the implementation of sanctions regimes.4 Yet despite the frequency with which naval forces are used to implement maritime sanctions—or perhaps because of the long but erratic history of naval embargo and blockade—the regime as a whole remains haunted by some uncertainties as to its conceptual basis. As WL Martin observes, ‘some measures such as “pacific blockade”, have at times acquired a technical meaning’ which has left them ill-equipped to deal with and adjust to new developments in blockade practice.5 Even prior to 1914, the notion of ‘blockade’ was a dualist concept. On one hand, it was clearly a weapon of war.6
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Katkov, Aleksei D. "The History of American Foreign Policy Thought: Debates about the US Sovereignty in the Late 20th – Early 21st Centuries." History 19, no. 1 (2020): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-1-43-59.
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In the 1990s the end of the Cold War and the US’s efforts to build a “new world order” actualized in scientific discourse the problem of understanding the principle of state sovereignty. Moreover, due to the WTO accession, the discussion among United States’ scholars intensified about the preservation of sovereignty of their own state. As a result, both the US authorities and most experts advocate the inviolability of the sovereignty of their country, noting, however, that it might be temporarily limited by different international obligations, first of all by economic agreements, but this does not affect it radically and the possibility of withdrawing from various kinds of contracts remains. At the same time, the last superpower’s foreign policy actions at the end of the 20th century (interference in the internal affairs of Grenada, Nicaragua, Panama, Haiti, Yugoslavia, etc.) clearly illustrate the disregard for the sovereignty of other states. In an attempt to explain this policy, they argued that sovereignty, while remaining a significant principle in general, can be lost, which opens up the legitimate path to the internationalization of a conflict. All in all, despite the fact that such an understanding of sovereignty as a conditional principle, is not new in itself, the United States took some steps to extend this understanding to the whole world, granting itself the right to single-handedly determine cases where and why sovereign rights are lost.
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Bernecker, Walther L. "Between European and American Dominance: Mexican Foreign Trade in the Nineteenth Century." Itinerario 21, no. 3 (November 1997): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300015254.
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Conventional accounts of economic links between the North Atlantic nations (USA/Europe) and Mexico state that the Europeans clearly dominated Mexican foreign trade in the first decades after national independence while the United States only achieved significance in Mexico's import-export trade in the Porfiriato during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Such studies suggest that the United States only gradually discovered an interest in Mexico so that in previous decades the Europeans ruled the field unchallenged. It is generally overlooked that from quite early on Mexico was a part of North American foreign and trade policy because of geopolitical and economic considerations. The geopolitical component was the result of the geographic proximity of Mexico to its northern neighbour; the economic ties due to Mexico's silver mines, the intensive smuggling between North and South from the outset, and the constant increase in trade volume.
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Fan, Xiao, and Peng Liu. "Exploring Indigenous education leadership research in Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand." International Journal of Comparative Education and Development 22, no. 4 (September 9, 2020): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijced-02-2020-0007.
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PurposeThis literature systematically reviews articles published in “core” international journals on the topic of Indigenous education leadership over the period from 2000 to 2018 in four English-speaking countries, covering Canada, America, Australia and New Zealand, in which all of them have long colonial history and Indigenous population. These reviews provide insights into the nature of this emergent literature and generate many implications that required for further research in Indigenous education leadership.Design/methodology/approachIn this study, a vote counting method was employed and a clearly delimited body of research on Indigenous education leadership was also identified. The vote counting method can enlarge the perspectives on the noticeable heterogeneity of Indigenous education leadership within the four English-speaking countries. This is the basic constitutive element for the development of a comparative literature in Indigenous education leadership. Moreover, this method can clearly calculate the annual number of articles about Indigenous education leadership, and the various methods used in the publications of Indigenous education leadership can be figured out as well, which helps to find out the different patterns of changes on Indigenous education leadership.FindingsThis study identifies the patterns of Indigenous educational leadership research across four English-speaking countries, which will contribute to the development of research in this regard.Originality/valueThis is one of the first studies about Indigenous educational leadership in the world. It will not only contribute to education practice but also leadership theory development.
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Laksono, Arido. "Paradox of Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness in Guns N’ Roses “Civil War”." Culturalistics: Journal of Cultural, Literary, and Linguistic Studies 3, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/culturalistics.v3i2.6723.
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The United States of America has long been known as the pioneer of freedom and democracy. The country promotes the idea of acquiring self-fulfillment without interfering others. Man can have his freedom upon life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness given to him ever since he was born. The long history of the United States of America recorded events and tumults testing the loftiness of American Dream. One of the American rock bands portraying the aforementioned situation is Guns N’ Roses. The lyric of “Civil War” clearly describes the paradox of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Protest against war was increasing. Thus, the waves of strike and demonstration occurred as critics toward Government policy. At this point, rock bands also have important roles in accommodating people’s hopes and wishes. By using several elements of poetry, an argumentative analysis is developed and elaborated in order to reveal the attitude of people regarding government policy on war.. Keywords: Paradox; War, Government policy; Guns N’ Roses;
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Glover, Lisa. "Creditworthy: A History of Consumer Surveillance and Financial Identity in America by Josh Lauer." Journal of Intellectual Freedom and Privacy 2, no. 3-4 (April 9, 2018): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/jifp.v2i3-4.6482.
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In September of 2017 Equifax, one of the three major consumer credit reporting agencies in the United States, announced its system security had been breached and confidential consumer information may have fallen into the hands of hackers. Although reports of system intrusions are released almost daily, this breach was of particular significance: sensitive data, including personal, identifying and financial data, was compromised for an estimated 143 million consumers in the United States. Just this week, Equifax further disclosed another 15 million client records were breached in the United Kingdom. Any consumer who has received credit of any kind is familiar with the big three credit reporting agencies—Equifax, TransUnion, and Experian—as these agencies house the financial identities American consumers. With such vast data stores, credit reporting agencies are prime and potentially profitable targets for hackers. All the information a hacker needs to steal a financial identify of a victim resides in the agencies’ files. Clearly, credit reporting agencies play a critical role in the financial marketplace. How these agencies became the powerful guardians and suppliers of consumer financial information is the topic of Josh Lauer’s book, Creditworthy: A History of Consumer Surveillance and Financial Identity in America. This is the first book authored by Lauer, who is an associate professor of media studies at the University of New Hampshire with specialties in media history and theory, communication technology, consumer and financial culture, and surveillance. Lauer relates in great detail how we moved from a society of relationships and human interaction to one of faceless data designed to symbolize character and reputation. Lauer’s history takes us from a time when Americans desired access to goods and services more than they valued confidentiality, to the financial privacy concerns of these surveillance systems today.
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Skocpol, Theda. "The Tocqueville Problem: Civic Engagement in American Democracy." Social Science History 21, no. 4 (1997): 455–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017818.
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Over the past 15 years, my scholarship has been devoted to understanding the patterns, the possibilities, and the impossibilities of politics and social policy in the United States. In this essay, therefore, I have decided to use historical evidence to address current public and scholarly debates about civic engagement in American democracy. As I hope to remind us all, social science historianscanspeak clearly to contemporary public concerns. We may be able to introduce some better evidence and more sophisticated explanations into ongoing debates.