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1
Izzet, Vedia, and Robert Shorrock. "General." Greece and Rome 61, no. 2 (September 12, 2014): 311–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000163.
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Originally published in Dutch in 1995, Antiquity. Greeks and Romans in Context by Frederick Naerebout and Henk Singor aims to provide (in its own modest words) a ‘reasonably comprehensive one-volume’ overview of the Greco-Roman world for undergraduates and a wider interested audience (xiii). The main focus of the work is the Greco-Roman world from 1000 bc to 500 bc (divided into the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Roman Imperial periods). Each period is covered under the same three headings (in the interests of comparability): ‘Historical Outline’, ‘Social Fabric’, ‘Social Life and Mentality’. The wider context is, however, by no means ignored. The authors provide a valuable overview of the Palaeolithic and Neolithic periods (27–35) and of the early civilizations of Eurasia up to 900 bc (36–58). At the other end of the timeline, the book does not simply conclude with the Roman Imperial period but carries on the story up to the tenth century ad and beyond (369–94). A particular emphasis is placed in the introductory chapter on ‘The Ecology of History’ (11–23): [M]aterial factors can be called the ‘basics’ of history: they determine what, under given circumstances, is possible and what is not; they create preconditions for, and restraints on human life. Thus, every culture has been in many respects the expression of the ways in which some group of human beings managed to adapt to the ecosystem in which they happened to be living, which might also be described as ecological anthropology. (11)
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Keesling, Catherine M. "Misunderstood Gestures: Iconatrophy and the Reception of Greek Sculpture in the Roman Imperial Period." Classical Antiquity 24, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 41–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2005.24.1.41.
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Abstract Anthropologists have defined iconatrophy as a process by which oral traditions originate as explanations for objects that, through the passage of time, have ceased to make sense to their viewers. One form of iconatrophy involves the misinterpretation of statues' identities, iconography, or locations. Stories that ultimately derive from such misunderstandings of statues are Monument-Novellen, a term coined by Herodotean studies. Applying the concept of iconatrophy to Greek sculpture of the Archaic and Classical periods yields three possible examples in which statues standing in Greek sanctuaries may have inspired stories cited by authors of the Roman imperial period as explanations for the statues' identities, attributes, poses, or locations. The statues in question are the portrait of the athletic victor Milo of Croton at Olympia, a bronze lioness on the Athenian Acropolis identified as a memorial to the Athenian prostitute Leaina (““lioness””), and the Athena Hygieia near the Propylaia of Mnesikles. Inscriptions on the bases of Archaic and Classical statues in Greek sanctuaries typically named the dedicator, the recipient deity, and the sculptor, but did not include the subject represented or the historical occasion behind the dedication. These ““gaps”” left by votive inscriptions would only have encouraged the formation of iconatrophic oral traditions such as the examples examined in this article.
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van Nijf, Onno. "Olympia en de Olympische Spelen in de Romeinse tijd." Lampas 54, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2021.2.005.nijf.
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Abstract Most studies of the ancient Olympic Games focus on the Classical period. This is a bit surprising, as it has been established that the Hellenistic and Roman periods constituted the hey-days of Greek sport. In the Hellenistic period, a shared sports and festival culture was one of the main ingredients of an imagined community of Greek cities stretching from southern Italy as far as the Tigris, and beyond. In the Roman Imperial period, sport flourished even more. With Roman support an integrated festival network arose with an empire-wide pull but gravitating in the Eastern provinces. Olympia was the active centre of this system. In this overview, I shall first discuss the athletes who gathered in Olympia, and then the reputation and attractiveness of the Games. I shall conclude with a discussion of some material aspects of the sanctuary.
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Kołoczek, Bartosz Jan. "The Aegean Imaginarium: Selected Stereotypes and Associations Connected with the Aegean Sea and Its Islands in Roman Literature in the Period of the Principate." Electrum 27 (2020): 189–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.20.010.12800.
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This article is devoted to the rarely addressed problem of Roman stereotypes and associations connected with the Aegean Sea and its islands in the works of Roman authors in the first three centuries of the Empire. The image of the Aegean islands in the Roman literature was somewhat incongruously compressed into contradictory visions: islands of plenty, desolate prisons, always located far from Italy, surrounded by the terrifying marine element. The positive associations stemmed from previous cultural contacts between the Aegean and Rome: the Romans admired the supposedly more developed Greek civilisation (their awe sometimes underpinned by ostensible disparagement), whereas their elites enjoyed their Aegean tours and reminisced about past glories of Rhodes and Athens. The negative associations came from the islands’desolation and insignificance; the imperial authors, associating the Aegean islets with exile spots, borrowed such motifs from classical and Hellenistic Greek predecessors. The Aegean Sea, ever-present in the rich Greek mythical imaginarium, inspired writers interested in myth and folklore; other writers associated islands with excellent crops and products, renowned and valued across the Empire.
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Ricci, Paola, Carmina Sirignano, Simona Altieri, Mariangela Pistillo, Alfonso Santoriello, and Carmine Lubritto. "Paestum dietary habits during the Imperial period: archaeological records and stable isotope measurement." ACTA IMEKO 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2016): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21014/acta_imeko.v5i2.334.
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<p class="Abstract"><span lang="EN-US">In historical contexts, analyses of carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes can be useful to answer different question on dietary behavior and to crosscheck information, drawn from texts and classical archaeological investigations. In this study the Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometry (IRMS) facility installed at the IRMS-SUN Laboratory of the Second University of Naples is presented. Moreover, results coming from application of stable isotope analyses to bone collagen extracted from human remains of the necropolis of “Porta Sirena” in Paestum will be discussed. </span><span lang="EN-US">Finally, a combined analyses of archaeological and historical record and stable isotope measurements permits to expand our knowledge on diet in Roman Paestum.</span></p>
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ΚΑΡΑΜΠΟΥΛΑ, Δήμητρα Π. "Sed iuxta legis severitatem congruenti poena ulciscetur (Kατά την του νόμου αυστηρότητα θα κολάσει δια προσφόρου ποινής)." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 22 (February 8, 2013): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1051.
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Late Antiquity, or rather the post classical period, the Dominate, is a term familiar especially to legal historians; it means the final period of Roman iurisprudence. Apart of that it is a crucial period of change and transition in the history of the Roman Empire where each and every one challenge to imperial authority elicited an energetic response. It is a well documented period especially in contrast to the dearth of the mid-third century. There is a notable richness in the variety and number of imperial texts, deriving from legal sources. Those texts prove that legal science did not die with the Principate, but took on forms suitable to contemporary conditions. This study discusses the results of the transition from the time of the Principate to the time of the Dominate in the legal proceedings and the criminal law. With reference to the laws included in the Codex Hermogenianus, as ad hoc law, namely, the whole output of rescripts for the years 293/294, the study focuses on the jurisdiction in criminal cases, in particular on the role of the governor of a province, not only in answering petitions but also judging according to the cognitio procedure, and on the extra ordinem execution of a penalty.
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Dickey, Eleanor. "ΚΥΡΙΕ, ΔΕΣΠΟΤΑ, Domine. Greek Politeness in the Roman Empire." Journal of Hellenic Studies 121 (November 2001): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631824.
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AbstractWhy did the Greeks of the Roman period make such extensive use of the vocative κύριε, when Greeks of earlier periods had been content with only one vocative meaning ‘master’, δέσποτα? This study, based primarily on a comprehensive search of documentary papyri but also making extensive use of literary evidence (particularly that of the Septuagint and New Testament), traces the development of both terms from the classical period to the seventh century AD. It concludes that κύριε was created to provide a translation for Latin domine, and that domine, which has often been considered a translation of κύριε, had a Roman origin. In addition, both κύριε and domine were from their beginnings much less deferential than is traditionally supposed, so that neither term underwent the process of ‘weakening’ which converted English ‘master’ into ‘Mr’. δέσποτα, which was originally far more deferential than the other two terms, did undergo some weakening, but not (until a very late period) as much as is usually supposed. These findings in turn imply that Imperial politeness has been somewhat misunderstood and suggest that the Greeks of the first few centuries AD were much less servile in their language than is traditionally assumed.
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Vazquez, Adriana. "The cruelest harvest: Virgilian agricultural pessimism in the poetry of the Brazilian colonial period." Classical Receptions Journal 12, no. 4 (July 26, 2020): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/claa006.
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Abstract Classical imagery and mythological narratives provided ready literary analogues for framing European expansion into the New World in the colonial and early modern periods. This article examines the manipulation of classical images of agricultural fecundity and Virgilian pessimism in select works of two Brazilian poets working in the neoclassical tradition during the colonial period, José Basílio da Gama (1740–95) and Inácio José de Alvarenga Peixoto (1744–93), by which both poets advance a critique of Iberian expansion into Latin America. I argue that both poets, writing in dialogue with one another, activate an especially Virgilian agricultural imagery that sets war in contradiction to agricultural production in a post-colonial critique of European imperialist expansion into Brazil. The poetry of these figures exhibits a remarkable reversal of sympathies that distinguishes South American treatment of ancient material from that of European receptions that aligned imperial Europe with the Roman empire and its traditional heroes, a comparison established in order to justify colonialist expansion into the New World.
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Selden, Daniel L. "TARGUM: TRANSLATION IN HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN IMPERIAL PROSE FICTION." Ramus 43, no. 2 (December 2014): 173–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2014.11.
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Hellenistic and Roman Imperial prose fiction sprang from the ashes of the Haxāmanišiyan Empire (c.550-330 BCE). The multicultural autonomy that Iranian regents afforded their subject peoples laid the groundwork for social policy under Alexandros, the Diadokhoi, and Roman governance of the Near East. As literary fiction developed over the course of the ‘long’ Hellenistic period, the diversity of languages and cultures not only shaped the kinds of narratives produced: polyglossia became a subject of representation in and of itself, as did the possibilities of translation between one language and another.
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DE SOUZA, PHILIP. "WAR, SLAVERY, AND EMPIRE IN ROMAN IMPERIAL ICONOGRAPHY." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 31–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2011.00016.x.
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Abstract This paper discusses the theme of defeated and captured enemies in Roman art based on a selection of examples from the imperial period. It argues that the relative prominence and frequency of such images can be correlated with historical texts and documents to demonstrate that the taking of captives for enslavement was a significant aim of Roman warfare. Examples of similar iconography from other ancient cultures, in particular the Neo-Assyrian Empire, are compared to suggest that a preference for motifs celebrating the acquisition of slaves through warfare is a general characteristic of the commemorative art of ancient imperial cultures.
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Grig, Lucy. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 61, no. 2 (September 12, 2014): 278–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000126.
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This being my first attempt at writing the Roman History subject review, some kind of comment on the nature of the field as illustrated by this issue's crop of books seems appropriate. Firstly, the paucity of books focusing on the period of the Roman Republic is striking, especially if Cicero is taken out of the equation; the Imperial period clearly dominates, though the study of Late Antiquity (in which I must declare an interest) is still clearly on the rise. In terms of subject matter, traditional political history is obviously still largely out of fashion, religion is on a roll and the ‘cultural turn’ continues its rise (again I declare an interest), but the economy is making a late comeback (thanks to the formidable industry of the Oxford Roman Economy Project). This issue's collection offers a healthy mix of genres: biographies, student textbooks/sourcebooks, edited volumes, ‘companions’, and substantial monographs, including both revised PhDs and the reflections of more seasoned scholars, books for specialists and novices alike. I shall be interested to see how the balance of both subject matter and methodology appear in future issues.
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Hodges, Richard, Erika Carr, Alessandro Sebastiani, and Emanuele Vaccaro. "BEYOND BUTRINT: THE ‘MURSI SURVEY’, 2008." Annual of the British School at Athens 111 (June 14, 2016): 269–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245415000118.
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This article provides a short report on a survey of the region to the east of the ancient city of Butrint, in south-west Albania. Centred on the modern villages of Mursi and Xarra, the field survey provides information on over 80 sites (including standing monuments). Previous surveys close to Butrint have brought to light the impact of Roman Imperial colonisation on its hinterland. This new survey confirms that the density of Imperial Roman sites extends well to the east of Butrint. As in the previous surveys, pre-Roman and post-Roman sites are remarkably scarce. As a result, taking the results of the Butrint Foundation's archaeological excavations in Butrint to show the urban history of the place from the Bronze Age to the Ottoman period, the authors challenge the central theme of urban continuity and impact upon Mediterranean landscapes posited by Horden and Purcell, inThe Corrupting Sea(2000). Instead, the hinterland of Butrint, on the evidence of this and previous field surveys, appears to have had intense engagement with the town in the Early Roman period following the creation of the Roman colony. Significant engagement with Butrint continued in Late Antiquity, but subsequently in the Byzantine period, as before the creation of the colony, the relationship between the town and its hinterland was limited and has left a modest impact upon the archaeological record.
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Foxhall, Lin. "The Dependent Tenant: Land Leasing and Labour in Italy and Greece." Journal of Roman Studies 80 (November 1990): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300282.
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‘Farm’ sites of various kinds have been a striking feature of survey archaeology in most areas of Greece and Italy in recent years, and a number of such sites dating to the Roman period have been located. In many parts of Greece there seem to be particularly large numbers of later Roman sites, with fewer which can be firmly dated to the earlier imperial period, while in a few areas the Imperial Roman period is one of dense occupation. In Italy, too, there seems to be considerable regional variation in peak periods of rural settlement, so that in some areas numbers of small sites are greatest for the Republican period (second to first centuries B.C.), while in other areas there are many small sites of the first century a.d. or even later. The tendency of archaeologists working in both Greece and Italy, especially in the early years of the survey boom in the late 1970s and early 1980s, was to categorize these smaller sites as peasant farms (generally assuming peasant free-holders), while larger, more opulent sites were classed as ‘villas’. This encouraged both archaeologists and historians to jump to the conclusion that the development of large estates attested in the literary record from the later second century B.C. onward had not effected the complete demise of small-scale, free subsistence farmers.
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Kaizer, Ted. "Capital punishment at Hatra: Gods, magistrates and laws in the Roman-Parthian period." Iraq 68 (2006): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001224.
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This paper deals with gods, magistrates and laws. It centres on one example from the Roman-Parthian period. Its title derives from five Hatrean Aramaic inscriptions which record legal statements on capital punishment at Hatra, a city in the steppe of northern Mesopotamia that came to flourish suddenly (and briefly) in the second and early third century AD. I will argue that the information in these inscriptions about the divine world, institutional aspects and legislation can contribute to our understanding of the interaction of various cultural spheres of influence at Hatra. As such, this information may throw some light on the modes in which one can study the civilization of a Near Eastern city in the Roman-Parthian period, and it may help us to understand the gap left by the archaeological record. The paper aims to locate the inscriptions in the framework of the divine world of Hatra, and it will also make suggestions as to their contribution to our understanding of processes of urbanization in the “Classical” Near East. A detailed look at this material can help us to comprehend more fully the history of the Levantine lands in the period during which the Roman imperial armies spread over the eastern provinces. In the words of Fergus Millar, it is necessary to look beyond the range of sources generally used to define the field of Classical studies, “to discern the material development of human life and settlement in the whole vast range of different areas which at one time or another came within the orbit of Graeco-Roman civilisation”.Hatra was of course brought within the power of the Roman empire only late, a few years before the Sasanian conquest in AD 240. By then — so we are told by Cassius Dio (LXVIII 31, 1–4; LXXVI 10–12) and Herodian (III 1, 2–3; 5, 1; 9, 1–7) — the city had already won renown for withstanding attacks by Trajan and (probably twice) Septimius Severus, and also by the Sasanian king Ardashir. The second Sasanian attempt, however, ended its existence as an inhabited city. When the historian Ammianus Marcellinus passed by its ruins in AD 363, on the way back from the emperor Julian's disastrous Persian campaign, he saw “an old city situated in an uninhabited area and deserted for a long time past” (25.8.5).
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JOHN, ALISON. "LEARNING GREEK IN LATE ANTIQUE GAUL." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000112.
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Greek had held an important place in Roman society and culture since the Late Republican period, and educated Romans were expected to be bilingual and well versed in both Greek and Latin literature. The Roman school ‘curriculum’ was based on Hellenistic educational culture, and in the De grammaticis et rhetoribus Suetonius says that the earliest teachers in Rome, Livius and Ennius, were ‘poets and half Greeks’ (poetae et semigraeci), who taught both Latin and Greek ‘publicly and privately’ (domi forisque docuisse) and ‘merely clarified the meaning of Greek authors or gave exemplary readings from their own Latin compositions’ (nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant, Gram. et rhet. 1–2). Cicero, the Latin neoteric poets and Horace are obvious examples of bilingual educated Roman aristocrats, but also throughout the Imperial period a properly educated Roman would be learned in utraque lingua. The place of Greek in Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria reveals the importance and prevalence of Greek in Roman education and literature in the late first century a.d. Quintilian argues that children should learn both Greek and Latin but that it is best to begin with Greek. Famously, in the second century a.d. the Roman author Apuleius gave speeches in Greek to audiences in Carthage, and in his Apologia mocked his accusers for their ignorance of Greek.
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Avaliani, Eka. "Finding Meaning in the Past: Reinterpretation of the Late Roman Artifact, the Golden Ring with a Carnelian Intaglio from the Museum of Georgia." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 2 (2019): 503–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-2-503-512.
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This paper offers a novel interpretation of the luxury golden ring with a carnelian intaglio depicting a woman's profile and an engraved Greek inscription, ΒΑCIΛICCΑ ΟΥΛΠIAΝΑ(Ζ)IA (or AΣIA E.A.), found in cist grave 14, in Mtskheta, Georgia, dated to the Roman period, the 3rd century AD. In consideration of the then contemporary political situation in the Mediterranean and Roman East, through the putting and interpreting sources into broad historical context, the author identifies the female individual as the Roman Empress Ulpia Severina. The very inclusion of royal woman within public propaganda during this period signifies her prominence within, and significance outside of, the imperial metropolis. This deliberate inclusion proved to the public that this empress was not mere figurehead but could have been a very influential person in the Empire.
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Swist, Jeremy J. "Satan’s Empire: Ancient Rome’s anti-Christian appeal in extreme metal." Metal Music Studies 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms.5.1.35_1.
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This article discusses the previously unexplored intersection of the reception of classical antiquity in extreme metal with Satanic and anti-Christian themes. It is demonstrable that the phenomenon has roots in the genesis of extreme metal itself, especially in its inheritance from biblical and literary history of the associations between Satan and Roman emperors. As extreme metal evolved over the past three decades, that theme combined with the perception that imperial Rome had undertaken widespread and sustained persecutions of Christians, including spectacular executions for the sake of popular entertainment, throughout the three-century history of the early Church. This is despite the consensus of many modern historians that the Romans were largely tolerant of Christians and persecutions were brief, isolated, more humane, and cost much fewer lives than early Christian sources suggest. It is evident that metal artists inherit, and thereby perpetuate, a tradition manufactured by Christian sources that have largely been debunked; yet these artists depart from those Christian sources by denying the appeal of martyrdom and shifting sympathies to imperial Rome and its ‘Satanic’ emperors. Like Satan himself, these emperors function as symbols of masculine aggression and liberation of the passions from contemporary political and moral systems. Such anti-establishment sentiments, especially among Italian artists, can manifest in fantasies of a Roman Empire reborn. By their artistic license, extreme metal artists continue to reshape a literary and artistic legacy of the imperial Rome and constructions of persecution narratives developed over the course of the late antique, medieval and modern periods.
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Leigh, Matthew. "Seneca the Elder, the Controuersia Figurata, and the Political Discourse of the Early Empire." Classical Antiquity 40, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 118–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2021.40.1.118.
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This paper studies examples of how exponents of Roman declamation could insert into arguments on the trivial, even fantastic, cases known as controuersiae statements of striking relevance to the political culture of the triumviral and early imperial period. This is particularly apparent in the Controuersiae of Seneca the Elder but some traces remain in the Minor Declamations attributed to Quintilian. The boundaries separating Rome itself from the declamatory city referred to by modern scholars as Sophistopolis are significantly blurred even in those instances where the exercise does not turn on a specific event from Roman history, and there is much to be gained from how the declaimers deploy Roman historical examples. Some of the most sophisticated instances of mediated political comment exploit the employment of universalizing sententiae, which have considerable bite when they are related to contemporary Roman discourse and experience. The declamation schools are a forum for thinking through the implications of the transformation of the Roman state and deserve a place within any history of Roman political thought.
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Hagel, Stefan. "Re-evaluating the Pompeii auloi." Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (November 2008): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000057.
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Abstract:The four best-preserved aulos pipes unearthed at Pompeii are examined and their original pitches are as far as possible determined by mathematical analysis. It is argued that the scales of the instruments as well as specific details of their mechanism fit well with our knowledge of music from the Roman Imperial period.
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Witcher, Robert. "Settlement and Society in Early Imperial Etruria." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 88–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016161.
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This paper compares the early imperial period results from thirty surveys in and around regio VII Etruria in order to identify similarities and differences of settlement, population, and economy. Three sub-regional patterns are defined: the suburbium, coastal Etruria, and inland Etruria. Consideration of methodological issues of survey comparison suggests the problem is real, but not insuperable. A range of interpretative models is discussed with particular reference to the impact of the Urbs on economic, agricultural, and social developments. The structural connections between these sub-regions are emphasized, particularly the organization of labour, demography, and agricultural strategies. The results reveal varied responses to Roman control, leading to more not less diversity. More generally, the results underline the value of comparing regional survey data.
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Bursche, Aleksander, and Kirill Myzgin. "The Gothic invasions of the mid-3rd c. A.D. and the Battle of Abritus: coins and archaeology in east-central Barbaricum." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 195–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759420000987.
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In the Numismatic Chronicle for 2013, A. Bursche put forward the proposition that the imperial treasury was seized by the Goths when in A.D. 251 they crushed the Roman army at Abritus.1 Most of the plundered Roman gold was presumably in the form of coin (ingots are neither excluded nor confirmed). This gold has now been traced with some confidence to archaeological sites of the Wielbark and the Chernyakhiv cultures, in particular to grave assemblages dated to the second half of the 3rd c. (phase C1b-C2 of the Late Roman period).2 This had even broader consequences, since the capture of an enormous amount of gold by the barbarians could have been the immediate cause of the deterioration of the aureus under Decius‘ successors.3
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Lysenko, Aleksandr V., and Vyacheslav V. Masyakin. "A Roman Figured Weight from the Sanctuary of Eklizi-Burun (Southern Crimea)." Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 26, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341359.
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Abstract This article is the publication of a suspended moveable weight for fast scales wrought in the shape of the bust of a Roman emperor which was found within the sanctuary of Eklizi-Burun. The cult place dates from between the Early Roman to the Late Medieval Period. The item is of good quality and well preserved. The depiction of the emperor has a combination of features which permit identification with Tiberius Claudius Nero (AD 14-37). It is an example of the Chiaramonti type distributed in the last decade of Tiberius’ rule and also reproduced after the Emperor’s death. After bringing together the available information about the artefact (date, attitudes to ‘Roman Imperial’ material culture, nature of the find’s context), the authors conclude that the fast scales, of which the weight under discussion formed a part, reached Southern Taurica during the Roman-Bosporan War (AD 45-49). The scales were probably captured by Taurians/Scytho-Taurians from Roman soldiers and then offered to the sanctuary. It is possible that they had been on one of the ships transporting Romans (soldiers of Gaius Julius Aquila stationed in the Bythinia-and-Pontus Province?) in AD 49 along the sea coast, sailing westwards from the Bosporan kingdom. These ships were cast on to the ‘Taurian beach’ by a storm and plundered by the native population (Tac. Ann. XII. 17). One of the possible locations of that event could be Plaka Cape (ancient Lampas), which is situated 17.5 kilometres directly south of the Eklizi-Burun sanctuary.
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WAGEMAKERS, BART. "Incest, Infanticide, and Cannibalism: Anti-Christian Imputations in the Roman Empire." Greece and Rome 57, no. 2 (September 21, 2010): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000069.
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In the early Imperial Age, the steadily growing Christian movement was viewed with suspicion by both the authorities and the people of Rome; in the second century, the Roman rejection of Christian teachings, customs, and practices resulted in a most intriguing counter-movement. During this century, two types of negative response to the Christian faith had become established. The first encompasses the anti-Christian accusations circulating among the Roman population during most of the period, occasionally resulting in Christians being persecuted. At the end of the century, supplementary controversy arose from within the intellectual world. Those who engaged in this polemic were authors who had studied Christian customs, and who consequently targeted the substance of the Christian teachings.
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Bru, Hadrien. "Les Pisidiens à Rhodes aux époques hellénistique et romaine." Electrum 27 (2020): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.20.008.12798.
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In the perspective of a complete external prosopography of the Pisidians in progress, this article presents a commented catalogue of 61 persons who lived on the island of Rhodos and in its Carian Peraia from the 3rd century BCE to the beginning of the Roman Imperial period. Concerning those slaves, mercenaries, artists, craftsmen or merchants, a historical context is provided, then remarks on their juristic, social and economical status. The evoked documentation is based on inscribed monuments—mainly funerary—and amphora stamps.
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Bespalchikova, Yana. "A Review of MARION KRUSE, THE POLITICS OF ROMAN MEMORY: FROM THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE TO THE AGE OF JUSTINIAN. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019, 304 pp." Antropologicheskij forum 17, no. 49 (June 2021): 233–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1815-8870-2021-17-49-233-240.
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The monograph by M. W. Kruse—professor of Classics at the University of Cincinnati—investigates the difficulties of building a new historical memory and identity in the late Roman Empire at the end of the 5th—first half of the 6th century. At that time, the emperors did not actually control Italy and Rome, a previous center and origin of imperial statehood. The study is based on an analysis of the texts of the most influential authors of this period, in particular historians of the era of the emperor Justinian, as well as the narrative of his own laws—Novellae of the Corpus Juris Civilis. The monograph represents Kruse’s substantially reworked PhD dissertation on classical philology. In his study, Kruse makes a successful attempt at a large-scale revision of the current concept of modern science about the indifference of contemporaries to the events of 476 in Italy and argues that the assessment of these events as the fall of the Western Roman Empire and a momentous event is only a construct of historical science of the 19th century, originating from the works of E. Gibbon.
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Barker, Graeme. "Regional archaeological projects." Archaeological Dialogues 3, no. 2 (December 1996): 160–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s138020380000074x.
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Explicitly regional projects have been a comparatively recent phenomenon in Mediterranean archaeology. Classical archaeology is by far the strongest discipline in the university, museum and antiquities services career structures within the Mediterranean countries. It has always been dominated by the ‘Great Tradition’ of classical art and architecture: even today, a university course on ‘ancient topography’ in many departments of classical archaeology will usually deal predominantly with the layout of the major imperial cities and the details of their monumental architecture. The strength of the tradition is scarcely surprising in the face of the overwhelming wealth of the standing remains of the Greek and Roman cities in every Mediterranean country. There has been very little integration with prehistory: early prehistory is still frequently taught within a geology degree, and later prehistory is still invariably dominated by the culture-history approach. Prehistory in many traditional textbooks in the north Mediterranean countries remains a succession of invasions and migrations, first of Palaeolithic peoples from North Africa and the Levant, then of neolithic farmers, then metal-using élites from the East Mediterranean, followed in an increasingly rapid succession by Urnfielders, Dorians and Celts from the North, to say nothing of Sea Peoples (from who knows where?!). For the post-Roman period, church archaeology has a long history, but medieval archaeology in the sense of dirt archaeology is a comparatively recent discipline: until the 1960s in Italy, for example, ‘medieval archaeology’ meant the study of the medieval buildings of the historic cities, a topic outside the responsibility of the State Archaeological Service (the Superintendency of Antiquities) and within that of the parallel ‘Superintendencies’ for monuments, libraries, archives and art galleries.
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Woodbridge, Jessie, Neil Roberts, and Ralph Fyfe. "Vegetation and Land-Use Change in Northern Europe During Late Antiquity: A Regional-Scale Pollen-Based Reconstruction." Late Antique Archaeology 11, no. 1 (October 3, 2015): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-12340055.
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Abstract This chapter presents an overview of land cover and land use change in northern Europe, particularly during Late Antiquity (ca. 3rd–8th c. AD) based on fossil pollen preserved in sediments. We have transformed fossil pollen datasets from 462 sites into eight major land-cover classes using the pseudobiomisation method (PBM). Through using pollen-vegetation evidence, we show that north-central Europe, lying outside the Roman frontier (the so-called ‘Barbaricum’ region), remained predominantly forested until Medieval times, with the main clearance phase only starting from ca. AD 750. This stands in contrast to north-west Europe, both inside (France/England) and outside (Scotland/Ireland) the Roman imperial frontier; here a majority of forested land was already cleared prior to antiquity. The implications of this are that Roman expansion into the periphery of the empire largely took over existing intensive agrarian regions in the case of ‘Gaul’ (France) and ‘Britannia’ (England and Wales). Pre-existing land-use systems and levels of landscape openness may have played a role in directing the expansion of the Roman empire northwards into Gaul and Britannia, rather than eastwards into Germania. After the period of Roman occupation, partial reforestation is evident in some areas.
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Dunbabin, Katherine M. D., Işık Adak Adıbelli, Mehmet Çavuş, and Doğukan Alper. "The man who came late to dinner. A sundial, a raven, and a missed dinner party on a mosaic at Tarsus." Journal of Roman Archaeology 32 (2019): 329–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759419000175.
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In 2012, construction works at the traditional olive market at Tarsus, in Eski Ömerli district, revealed large-scale architectural remains of the Roman period; the construction works were halted and a salvage excavation was initiated by Tarsus Museum. The remains that appeared at the first stage of the excavations were interpreted as those of a reservoir from the Roman Imperial period, stretching along a N–S axis. On the E side, a structure projects from the E wall of the reservoir, containing a pool that collects water flowing from drainage pipes set in the reservoir’s façade. The pool was extended in two stages in late antiquity.1 Two metres north of this pool and 3 m from the E wall of the reservoir, the excavations revealed a mosaic pavement (9.73 x 5.05 m), apparently forming part of the floor of a building running parallel to the reservoir’s wall (fig. 1).
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Gerding, Henrik. "Later, laterculus, and testa. New Perspectives on Latin brick terminology." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 9 (November 2016): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-09-02.
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For centuries antiquarians and archaeologists have tried to reconcile the terminology of ancient writers on architecture, such as Vitruvius, with the perceived realities of the material record. One particular issue of debate concerns the interpretation of different words for “brick” in Latin. In this paper it is argued that earlier attempts to settle this question are unsatisfactory and leave several problems unresolved. A thorough examination of literary and epigraphic sources, combined with new insights in Hellenistic brick usage, suggests that primary distinctions in Latin brick terminology were based on shape and size, rather than on a mere division between fired and unfired bricks. Thus, it is argued that later basically signified a large moulded block, but normally was used to indicate mud bricks; that laterculus changed over time from being a diminutive (a small later) to becoming the standard term for the relatively thin fired bricks of the Roman Imperial period; and that testa originally and primarily signified a fragment of a roof tile (or a potsherd), but from the 1st century AD also may designate typical Roman Imperial bricks, after they have been divided into smaller, often triangular, pieces.
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Richardson, J. S. "Imperium Romanum: Empire and the Language of Power." Journal of Roman Studies 81 (November 1991): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300484.
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The vocabulary of empire, as it has developed in European contexts since the period of the Roman empire, reveals clearly enough the significance of the inheritance of Rome for the regimes which have followed it. From Charlemagne to the Tsars, from British imperialism to Italian Fascism, the language and symbols of the Roman republic and the Roman emperors have been essential elements in the self-expression of imperial powers. Such communality of language, by creating a sense of familiarity in the mind of a modern observer of the Roman empire, may hinder a proper understanding of antiquity, because the importance of the after life of these words and symbols tends to obscure the nature of the contexts from which they originated. An obvious parallel instance can be seen in the case of the word ‘democracy’, where the adoption of the Athenian term to describe a series of political developments in the modern world which claim some connection with the Greek notion of demokratia has tended to make more difficult the modern understanding of what happened at Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.
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Wendt, Heidi. "Ea Superstitione:Christian Martyrdom and the Religion of Freelance Experts." Journal of Roman Studies 105 (May 25, 2015): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007543581500091x.
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AbstractThis paper situates Roman actions undertaken against Christians amidst an unofficial pattern of measures employed throughout the imperial period to manage the expanding influence of freelance religious experts. Questions about the historical circumstances of martyrdom or persecution tend to proceed from the assumption that Christians were perceived and dealt with as a distinct religious community. However, the penalties alleged by writers such as Paul and Justin were more commonly issued against self-authorized individuals (magi, astrologers, prophets, diviners, philosophers, and so forth) than against undifferentiated religious groups. Thus, I propose that Roman motivations for investigating and punishing Christians, at least in the first and second centuries, are best understood in relation to the wider phenomenon of freelance expertise and the range of concerns that it engendered.
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Jolowicz, Daniel. "THE ROMAN ARMY AND GREEK MILITARISM IN CHARITON'SCHAEREAS AND CALLIRHOE." Cambridge Classical Journal 64 (August 2, 2018): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270518000076.
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This paper seeks to highlight and assess the presence of allusions to Roman military apparatus in Chariton'sChaereas and Callirhoe. In the introduction, I contextualise the argument within the history of scholarship on the novel, and discuss issues relating to the author's date, Aphrodisian provenance and readership. I then divide the argument into three parts. At the end of the novel, Chaereas returns to Syracuse and publicly displays the spoils won from the east in a manner that, I argue, is highly suggestive of the Roman triumph (Parti). He then extends a grant of citizenship to the Greek element of his army and issues them cash donatives, while Hermocrates gives farmland to the Egyptians. As I demonstrate, this is characteristic of what happens upon the demobilisation of Roman military manpower (especially theauxilia) (Partii). I then draw out the ramifications of an imperial-era author who represents Greek military exploits against the Persians, writing during a period in which Greeks were not interested in military endeavours (Partiii).
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Rutgers, Leonard Victor. "Roman Policy towards the Jews: Expulsions from the City of Rome during the First Century C.E." Classical Antiquity 13, no. 1 (April 1, 1994): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011005.
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In the first century, Jews were expelled from Rome on various occasions. Ancient literary sources offer contradictory information on these expulsions. As a result, scholars have offered different reconstructions of what really happened. In contrast to earlier scholarship on the subject, this article seeks to place the expulsions of Jews from first-century Rome into the larger framework of Roman policy toward both Jews and other non-Roman peoples. It is argued that the decision to banish Jews from Rome resulted from pragmatic and not from specifically anti-Jewish considerations: Roman magistrates just wanted to maintain law and order. It is then suggested that the reasons underlying the decision to expel Jews from Rome were essentially the same as those triggering expulsions of other groups such as Isis worshipers, devotees of Bacchus, or astrologers. Such evidence serves to illustrate the two main theses of this article. First, it is argued that in late Republican and early Imperial times, Rome never developed a systematic "Jewish policy." During this period, Rome rather responded to situations when confronted with disputes over Jewish rights. This conclusion then serves to bolster the second thesis of this paper, namely that in the first century, Rome never pursued a consistent policy of tolerance (or intolerance) toward its Jewish subjects.
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McWilliam, Janette. "Vitalis or Vitalinis? A Roman Grave-Marker for an Eight-Year-Old Girl." Antichthon 52 (2018): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2018.7.
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AbstractThis paper introduces a Latin funerary stele, now in the R. D. Milns Antiquities Museum at the University of Queensland, which does not appear in any of the major epigraphic collections or data bases. In doing so, this paper addresses questions pertaining to its date of manufacture and the name form of the deceased child commemorated on the tombstone. This study suggests that the date originally proposed for the memorial is too early, as it is neither Augustan nor Claudian but instead was produced in the period between the Neronian era and the second century ad. It also offers a revision regarding the name of the eight-year-old girl commemorated on the memorial. It does this by examining the development and use of cognomina related to the name form Vitalis, as, to date, no studies have looked at this name form in detail. It demonstrates that from the first century bc through to the fourth and fifth centuries ad, Vitalis, -is was used as a name form for both males and females. The n-inflected Vitalis, -inis then developed as a name form for females in the Imperial period. As such, the name form originally given to the girl commemorated on the memorial needs to be corrected: she is Vitalis, -inis rather than Vitalinis, -inis.
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Horsley, G. H. R. "Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a remote Roman Province." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001179.
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In the pantheon of poets of all cultures and ages, Homer (however we respond to the ‘Homeric Question’) has a unique place. His primacy is due to the fact that his two epic poems encapsulated Hellenic culture, both for the Greeks themselves, and for others steeped in the ‘European tradition’ whether in antiquity or in subsequent ages. So much is this the case that the very name ‘Homer’ became an abstraction, summing up what it was to be Hellenic. All literature written by Greeks, in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Imperial periods, and much that was produced by others (including in Latin), looks back to the Iliad and the Odyssey, takes its rise from them, finds its locus in them. A canonicity was conferred on these poems such as on no other Greek text in equal degree. If Shakespeare was representative of an entire age in one culture, Homer summed up a culture itself.
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Dodd, Emlyn. "Late Roman viticulture in Rough Cilicia: an unusual wine-press at Antiochia ad Cragum." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 467–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759420001129.
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Rough Cilicia is well-known for the number of wine-presses found,1 which shows that viticulture was important locally as well as wine being a likely candidate for export.2 Excavation and survey here has generally lagged behind other regions,3 and work at Antiochia ad Cragum (Güney Köyü, Gazipaşa) in particular is relatively recent, starting with the Rough Cilicia Archaeological Survey Project (RCSP) and continuing with its offshoot, the Antiochia ad Cragum Archaeological Research Project (ACARP).4 The city, founded by Antiochus IV of Commagene in the Julio-Claudian period, lies on an important road along the S coast with direct links to settlements of the central Anatolian plateau;5 it also lies on the maritime trade route extending from Syria and Palestine to Constantinople and the area of the Black Sea, with another going to central and W Mediterranean lands.6 Occupied continuously from the Imperial to the Byzantine period,7 it achieved a considerable size.
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Melfi, Milena. "Ritual Spaces and Performances in the Asklepieia of Roman Greece." Annual of the British School at Athens 105 (November 2010): 317–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400000447.
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This paper attempts to investigate the existence of performative rituals—such as processions, songs, dances, dramatic enactments of divine myths and genealogies—in sanctuaries of Asklepios during the Roman Imperial period in Greece. Because of their long life and their well-documented ritual practice, the sanctuaries of Athens, Epidauros, and Messene have been selected as case studies. Archaeological, literary, and epigraphical sources are used to identify the nature of the ritual performed, and to assign to them a topographical space within the sacred precinct. The period under consideration mostly coincides with the reign of the Antonine emperors, when the relatively peaceful environment allowed for an artistic revival, and cultural phenomena such as the Second Sophistic promoted the reappropriation of ancient Greek tradition and a renewed continuity with it, despite the historical discontinuity. Wealthy patrons belonging to the educated elite and holding the highest offices within the imperial bureaucracy were often responsible for the refoundation of sacred buildings, and of long-forgotten religious festivals. In this context, the promotion of performative spaces and rituals in the sanctuaries of Asklepios is interpreted as a product of the cultural and social environment of the second and early third centuries in Greece.To άρθρο αυτό επιχειρεί να ερευνήσει την ύπαρξη επιτελεστικών τελετών -όπως πομπές, ύμνοι, χοροί, σραματικές αναπαραστάσεις θεïκών μύθων και γενεαλογιών- στα ιερά του Aσκληπιού κατά τη σιάρκεια της ρωμαïκής αυτοκρατορικής περιόσου στην Eλλάσα. Tα ιερά της Aθήνας, της Eπισαύρου και της Μεσσήνης επιλέχθηκαν ως περιπτώσεις έρευνας εξαιτίας της μακράς χρήσης τους και των καλά τεκμηριομένων τελετουργικών πρακτικών τους. Γίνεται χρήση αρχαιολογικών καταλοίπων και φιλολογικών και επιγραφικών πηγών προκειμένου να αναγνωριστεί η φύση των τελετών που πραγματοποιούνταν στα ιερά αυτά καθώς και να προσδιοριστεί τοπογραφικά η θέση των τελετών αυτών στο χώρο του τεμένους. H εν λόγω περίοδος συμπίπτει σε μεγάλο βαθμό με τη βασιλεία των Aντωνίνων κατά τη διάρκεια της οποίας το σχετικά ειρηνικό περιβάλλον επέτρεψε μία καλλιτεχνική αναγέννηση. Πολιτιστικά φαινόμενα όΠως η Δεύτερη Σοφιστική προώθησαν την επανοικειοποιήση της αρχαίας Eλληνικήσ παράδοσης και την ανανεωμένη ςυνέχειά της, παρά την ιστορική ασυνέχειά της. Eύποροι πάτρονες, μέλη της πεπαιδευμένης αριστοκρατίας και κάτοχοι των υψηλότερων αξιωμάτων της αυτοκρατορικής γραφειοκρατίας, ήταν συχνά υπεύθυνοι για την επανίδρυση ιερών κτιρίων, και θρησκευτικών εορτών ξεχασμένων για πολύ καιρό. Μέσα σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, η προώθηση επιτελεστικών χώρων και τελετουργιών στα ιερά του Aσκληπιού ερμηνεύεται ως απόρροια του πολιτιστικού και κοινωνικού περιβάλλοντοσ του δεύτερου και πρώιμου τρίτου αιώνα στην Eλλάδα.
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SAGIV, IDIT. "THE IMAGE OF THE RIDER ON GRECO-ROMAN ENGRAVED GEMS FROM THE ISRAEL MUSEUM (JERUSALEM)." ИСТРАЖИВАЊА, no. 27 (December 19, 2016): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2016.27.33-44.
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This paper explores the interpretations and context of equestrian Greco-Roman engraved gems kept at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem which had never been published prior to this study. It was written on the basis of a study which included photography, description, technical aspects, iconographic and stylistic analysis and, finally, dating the gems. In order to achieve this, they were compared to other known ones that had already been published. The results indicate that horsemen frequently appear as subjects on intaglios. The Roman engraved gems drew their inspiration from established Greek rider imagery. Under the Roman Empire, the rider image became the preserve of that new divine figure, the emperor. The Imperial rider combined the attributes of a Bellerophon or the Dioscuri of the Classical period and an Alexander of the Hellenistic. Also, Gauls are fairly common in art and there are quite a number of Celtic/Gaulish horsemen on gems. Presumably, people wore such gems as a reminder of the iconic defeat of the Northern barbarians by the Attalids and more recent Roman triumphs. In addition, there are several examples of gems, on which appears a rider beneath whose horse a lion or another animal is lying. It is likely that this rider was perceived by the gem engraver and owner as some god or hero. Since these depictions of cavalry on gems are similar to the “Heros Equitans” image, possibly they were inspired by it and so were the depictions of the emperors. Thus it is concluded that applying representations of riders on engraved gems demonstrates the possible wish of affluent, albeit ordinary people to resemble the ruling class as well as heroes through the purchase and use of these gems which also bear additional meanings of bravery and immortality.
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Roymans, Nico. "Conquest, mass violence and ethnic stereotyping: investigating Caesar’s actions in the Germanic frontier zone." Journal of Roman Archaeology 32 (2019): 439–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759419000229.
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The Late Republican to Early Imperial period was one of spectacular territorial expansion into the surrounding ‘tribal periphery’ of the Roman West. There, the indigenous societies were confronted with state-organised warfare on an unprecedented scale and with a range of new military technologies and strategies. The direct societal impact of conquest on the subjected groups varied greatly. Conquest could strengthen certain polities and stimulate processes of state formation, but it could have disastrous effects on other groups. Here I will investigate Roman warfare in the tribal zone, with a special focus on two topics: the use of extreme mass violence against resistant groups, and the relationship between disproportional use of violence and negative ethnic stereotyping of the ‘tribal other’. I hope to show that archaeology can contribute to a wider debate on these topics among historians and anthropologists1 by assessing the short-term demographic impact of conquest.
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Marcos, Moysés. "IAMBLICHUS’ EPISTLES, FOURTH-CENTURY PHILOSOPHICAL AND POLITICAL EPISTOLOGRAPHY AND THE NEOPLATONIC CURRICULA AT ATHENS AND ALEXANDRIA." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 1 (May 2018): 275–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000307.
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As a literary genre and practice, philosophical and political epistolography seems to have been alive and well in the fourth-century Roman empire. We have fragments of twenty letters of the late third- and early fourth-centuryc.e. Platonist (Neoplatonist to us) philosopher Iamblichus of Chalcis (which are preserved in the early fifth-century Ioannes Stobaeus’Anthologium[ = Flor.]) to former students and other contemporaries, some of whom appear to have been imperial officeholders (see Appendix); theEpistle to Himeriusof Sopater the Younger (which is partially preserved in Stobaeus, 4.5.51–60, in sequential extracts; this Sopater is the homonymous son of the philosopher who had been Iamblichus’ student) to his brother Himerius on the latter's assumption of an unknown governorship (ἡγεμονία) in the East, probably sometime in the 340s or 350s (and so under the Emperor Constantius II); the Emperor Julian'sEpistle to Themistius, which was likely written and publishedc.December 361/early 362; and theEpistle to Julianof the Aristotelian philosopher Themistius on proper rule (preserved in two Arabic manuscripts from the eleventh and fourteenth/fifteenth centuries), which seems to have been a response, in part, to Julian'sEpistle to Themistiusand perhaps was written to the emperor when both men likely resided in Constantinople at the same time. These philosophical and political letters are but a few examples from this period. All four authors mentioned above, who are representative of intellectual life in the East during the fourth century, produced epistles which reflect Greek political theory in a Roman imperial context.
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Habinek, Thomas N. "Greeks and Romans in Book 12 of Quintilian." Ramus 16, no. 1-2 (1987): 192–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003313.
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It is a common observation that Latin literature of the imperial period is highly rhetorical. Usually this claim is made with reference to the elaborate and overwrought nature of the language (a function of elocutio) or to the recurrence of certain conventional themes, images, and topoi (a subdivision of inventio). But to the Romans, rhetoric was something larger and deeper. It involved an approach to any situation, not just the composition of literature, that paid attention to the needs and biases of one's interlocutor, the constraints of tradition and form, and, of course, the aims and purposes of the speaker. ‘The art of rhetoric would be an easy and paltry affair if it could be contained in one brief set of rules,’ writes Quintilian. ‘But with cases and circumstances, opportunity and necessity, all is changed about; and so the crucial qualification for an orator is judgement (consilium), because he directs himself in various ways, and in accordance with the circumstances of the situation (ad rerum momenta)’ (I.O. 2.13.2). This rhetorical, or situation-oriented approach to literature and to life was seen by the Romans as distinguishing themselves from the Greeks, who had their own obsessions with esoteric truths and hair-splitting sophistry. Alongside the satirist's contrast between the Graeculus esuriens (‘hungry Greekling’) and the upright Roman, there is an equally common, if less frequently observed contrast between the quick-witted Greek, good at dialectic and analysis, and the sensible Roman, concerned with the moral and practical dimensions of any situation. When Fannius and Scaevola ask Laelius at the outset of the Ciceronian dialogue named after him, if he can please discourse on friendship, he replies that he is no Greek, capable of debating pro and contra on the spur of the moment, but a Roman who can and will give them sound and efficacious exhortation on the significance of loyalty in human affairs.
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Blázquez, J. M. "The Latest Work on the Export of Baetican Olive Oil to Rome and the Army." Greece and Rome 39, no. 2 (October 1992): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500024153.
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Over the last few years much work has been carried out on the export of olive oil from the province of Baetica to both Rome itself and the rest of the Roman Empire. The key for understanding the export traffic to Rome is the material from the Monte Testaccio in Rome, which is almost completely composed of amphorae from Baetica dating from the Imperial period, where a team of Spanish and Italian archaeologists have carried out two campaigns of excavations in 1989 an 1990 under my direction (Plate 1). This article also contains some other conlusions drawn from the work done in recent years by the team of Spanish archaeologists who work on the Monte Testaccio, investigating the topic of the Baetician oil trade.
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Toma, Natalia. "Standardization and mass customization of architectural components: new perspectives on the Imperial marble construction industry." Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 161–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759418001277.
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The aim of this paper is to discuss the production and the use of “standardized” architectural elements by shifting the perspective from the economics of the interregional marble trade to the logistics of the marble construction industry during the 1st-3rd c. A.D. This chronological period coincides with the phenomenon of the “marmorization” of urban spaces in the Mediterranean; characterized by adorning public areas with marble architecture, it was responsible for an increasing demand for this material. The paper focuses on the interregional distribution of marble and coloured stones for construction. For methodological reasons, aspects related to the Roman “stone trade”, such as the supply of local construction material and the distribution of sarcophagi and statuary, will not be considered. The emphasis will be on voluminous and solid construction material, used predominantly for freestanding architectural components.
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Bowie, E. L., and S. J. Harrison. "The Romance of the Novel." Journal of Roman Studies 83 (November 1993): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300984.
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Students of the ancient world are falling for the ancient Greek and Latin novels in increasing numbers, a state of affairs of which there were few intimations a generation ago. To be sure, theSatyricaof Petronius and theMetamorphosesof Apuleius were given standing-room on the edge of the classical canon, though few scholars and fewer students made the acquaintance of the complete texts. Encounters were usually restricted to theCena TrimalchionisandCupid and Psyche, and linguistic oddities were the chief topics of polite conversation (nothing evil in this, so long as other topics are not barred). There were of course exceptions, like Eduard Fraenkel's Oxford seminar on Petronius in 1958/9, where study of language was but one of many techniques harnessed to the establishment and interpretation of the whole text. The Greek novels were still wallflowers: partly, no doubt, because they constituted only a small portion of a vast Greek prose literature written in a period generally judged decadent, whereas the Latin novels were welcome and substantial contributors to the comparatively exiguous remains of Latin prose written by Romans at their imperial acme. No explosion of interest had followed Rohde'sDer griechische Roman und seine Vorläuferof 1876, and although some important work was done on establishment and interpretation of texts and on the development of the genre, scholars active in this field were isolated from each other and their results made little impact on their colleagues. Furthermore much of that work was focused, like Rohde's, on trying to elucidate the genre's origins.
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Campbell, Brian. "Teach Yourself how to be a General." Journal of Roman Studies 77 (November 1987): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300572.
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Normally, little attention is paid to the authors of military manuals in the imperial period. ‘Entertaining though trifling’ is a comment that can generally be heard. Frontinus is more familiar than most because of his distinguished career and other writings, but even his Strategemata is considered more as a source of historical anecdote than as an object of serious study in its own right. Yet the military textbooks fit into the tradition of didactic literature in antiquity and as such raise questions about their scope and purpose, and about what use could be or was made of them. This has special significance in relation to generalship and the evolution of tactics in the Roman empire.
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Alston, R. "Roman Military Pay from Caesar to Diocletian." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300872.
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In a recent issue of this Journal, M. Alexander Speidel published a new document concerning Roman military pay, a receipt from Vindonissa dating to A.D. 38. This document, he claims, provides the missing link, which allows him to present a table of pay rates for legionaries and auxiliaries from Caesar to Diocletian and prove finally the proposition resurrected by M. P. Speidel that soldiers of the auxiliary cohorts were paid five sixths of the annual pay of legionaries. From a re-examination of the texts and documents traditionally used as evidence for the pay rates of the Roman military, I conclude that, although we can establish the rates of legionary infantry pay from the date of the increase under Caesar until A.D. 197, we have little evidence for legionary pay rates in the third century and, since most of the documents provide us with figures which are unknown proportions of the annual pay of the soldiers concerned, the evidence for auxiliary pay is not sufficient to allow the calculation of exact pay rates for any period. There are, therefore, no grounds for believing either the five-sixths theory as elaborated by M. Alexander Speidel or, indeed, any of the many other theories that have been proposed. Nevertheless, the documentation can be interpreted to establish likely minimum figures for auxiliary pay rates in the first century A.D. This interpretation of the documents suggests that there was, in fact, no difference between the rates of pay of auxiliary and legionary infantry and the cavalry of the legions and alae, a controversial conclusion that has previously been avoided for reasons central to much of Roman imperial military historiography.
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Solin, Heikki. "Three Ciceroniana." Classical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (December 1987): 521–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800030779.
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Mundus istum M. En(n)ius in the manuscripts of Att. 15.26.5 is surely corrupt, as has been unanimously acknowledged (above all Cicero would avoid giving the three parts of a name in the order cognomen + praenomen + nomen, not to speak of the inexplicable istum). Also the modern Vulgate Mundus iste cum M. Ennio, introduced by Wesenberg in his Teubner text, is an improbable guess. Shackleton Bailey has recently proposed Maenius or Men(n)ius as the gentile name of Mundus. Mennius, however, is a very rare name and does not occur in Republican documents, while Maenius, although attested in Republican inscriptions, diverges unnecessarily from the manuscript tradition. Moreover, Shackleton Bailey must forcibly change istum to iste (even if he does not say so expressly). But it is possible to avoid practically any infringement of the transmitted text if we simply read Mundus Istummenius. The name (H) istumen(n)ius, (H)istimen(n)ius (also Inst-), written in a wide variety of ways, does occur some 20 times in urban inscriptions, mostly of the early Imperial period. It is attested also outside Rome: at Velitrae (CIL X 6556, of the early Imperial period), and even as far away as Gallia (CIL XIII 739, Bordeaux, early Empire). This gens must therefore have been somehow present among the Roman population of the Julio-Claudian age. In particular, attention should be paid to an Instumennius on a tessera nummularia of 60 B.C. (CIL I 915). No major figures occur in this gens, the name remaining restricted to the lower strata of the Roman population. That suits Mundus down to the ground. He clearly belongs to the grey mob of Rome. If he is, as it seems, identical with that Mundus mentioned in 15.29.1, then Cicero gives his family name in the first instance. The transmitted form with -mm- could represent a transposition of the double consonant of the common form Istumennius.
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Hekster, Olivier, Sven Betjes, Sam Heijnen, Ketty Iannantuono, Dennis Jussen, Erika Manders, and Daniel Syrbe. "Accommodating Political Change under the Tetrarchy (293–306)." Klio 101, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 610–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2019-0042.
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Summary This article seeks to address the question how the Tetrarchic system of four rulers could be presented as legitimate in a society that had never seen this political constellation before. What were the different modes of presenting Tetrarchic rule and how did they help in making the new system acceptable? The article argues that new power structures needed to be formulated in familiar terms, not only for the rulers to legitimate their position, but also for the ruled to understand such new systems. As a result, imperial messages during the Tetrarchic period were strongly influenced by traditional modes of representation from earlier periods. Traditions which were inherent in specific media and locations were determining factors for the way in which a new political system could be presented. The result was a much less coherent ideological Tetrarchic message than is often assumed. The image of group identity was regularly lost in a more complex and messy mode of formulating power. The new and innovative aspects of a collegiate rule by four emperors was less important than linking the power of those rulers to what was traditionally expected of the portrayal of Roman emperorship.
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Berndt, Susanne. "The hand gesture and symbols of Sabazios." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 11 (November 2018): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-11-08.
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The material evidence left from the cult of Sabazios is meagre, apart from sculpted bronze hands dating to the Roman Empire. The hand is held in a certain pose, the so-called benedictio Latina gesture, and the hand was often covered with depictions of various objects and symbols. The bronze hands were probably attached to staffs and carried around in processions. This practice most likely spread via the channels of the Roman army during the Early Imperial period, but the gesture existed much earlier. The gesture is found on Attic black- and red-figured pottery, and is frequently associated with Hermes in his role as instructor and Psychopompos. From the beginning of the Hellenistic period the gesture was mainly used as an indication of speech, and for knowledge transmitted through speech. There are several examples of how the gesture was used to indicate the knowledge revealed through the initiations of mystery cults. Hermes is closely associated with Sabazios and is represented on the bronze hands, probably because of his role as instructor and Psychopompos; i.e. the position played by the mystagogue in the Sabazian mysteries. The gesture of the hands simply denoted the knowledge acquired through the initiation. The symbols on the hands are often associated with the Underworld, and it is suggested that knowledge acquired in the Sabazian mysteries dealt with life after death and the Underworld.
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Barnes, T. D. "Statistics and the Conversion of the Roman Aristocracy." Journal of Roman Studies 85 (November 1995): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301060.
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In a justly famous paper published in 1961, Peter Brown set out a model for understanding the historical process whereby the formerly pagan aristocracy of imperial Rome became overwhelmingly Christian during the course of the fourth and fifth centuries. Brown's paper has deeply influenced all who have subsequently studied this historical phenomenon, at least in the English-speaking world. Since this article argues that the Roman aristocracy became Christian significantly earlier than Brown and most recent writers have assumed, it must begin by drawing an important distinction. Brown's paper marked a major advance in modern understanding because it redirected the focus of scholarly research away from conflict and confrontation, away from the political manifestations of paganism culminating in the ‘last great pagan revival in the West’ between 392 and 394, away from episodes which pitted pagan aristocrats of Rome against Christian emperors, away from ‘the public crises in relations between Roman paganism and a Christian court’, towards the less sensational but more fundamental processes of cultural and religious change which gradually transformed the landowning aristocracy of Italy after the conversion of Constantine. This change of emphasis was extremely salutary in 1961, it has permanently changed our perception of the period, and it entails a method of approaching the subject which remains completely valid. Unfortunately, however, Brown also adopted prevailing assumptions about the chronology of these changes which are mistaken, on the basis of which he asserted that the ‘drift into a respectable Christianity’ began no earlier than the reign of Constantius. The evidence and arguments set out here indicate that the process began much earlier and proceeded more rapidly than Brown assumed, but they in no way challenge the validity of his approach to understanding the nature of the process.