Journal articles on the topic 'Classical Realism'
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1
Lomia, Ekaterine. "Political Realism in International Relations: Classical Realism, Neo-realism, and Neo-Classical Realism." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no. 3 (September 3, 2020): 591–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss3pp591-600.
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Realism, also known as political realism, is one of the most dominant theories of international relations. The school of thought in realism was established in the post-World War II era; however, it is widely associated with the ancient Greek studies, particularly, in the works of Thucydides who allows a more sophisticated analysis of the conception of power and its place in the anarchic international system. Unlike idealism and liberalism, which underline the idea of cooperation in international relations, realism stresses a competitive and confrontational side of human nature and argues that in global politics there is no space for morality. Thus, states show constant readiness to obtain power and achieve their political ends. The article aims at studying the basic approach, the theory of realism is based on. The study has been prepared as a result of examining articles and books written by dominant realist scholars who have influential opinions in the field.
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Leiter, Brian. "Classical Realism." Nous 35, s1 (October 2001): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0029-4624.35.s1.10.
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Leiter, Brian. "Classical Realism." Philosophical Issues 11, no. 1 (October 2001): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-2237.2001.tb00046.x.
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Brown, Chris. "Structural Realism, Classical Realism and Human Nature." International Relations 23, no. 2 (June 2009): 257–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117809104638.
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Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics is a modern classic, and deserves to be read the way classic texts ought to be read, i.e. in context and in its own terms. Recovering the context in this case is difficult because of the changes in the discourse since 1979, but one difference between the contemporary and the current reception of the text does seem clear — Waltzian structural realism (or neorealism) is now, but was not then, seen as breaking with the traditions of classical realism. How is this discontinuity to be understood? Part of the answer lies in the rhetoric employed by participants in this debate, but, more substantively, there is a genuine disagreement between neorealism and classical realism over the role played by human nature in international relations. Waltzian neorealism appears, contrary to the tradition, to reject any major role for human nature, describing theories that emphasise this notion as `reductionist'; however, on closer examination, the picture is less clear-cut. Waltz's account of human nature can be related quite closely to the major strands in the realist genealogy, but at a tangent to them. Interestingly, and perhaps unexpectedly, it is also compatible with at least some of the findings of contemporary evolutionary psychology.
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Stullerova, Kamila. "Embracing ontological doubt: The role of ‘reality’ in political realism." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 1 (October 22, 2016): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088216673079.
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While a number of scholars argue that classical realism is conspicuously similar to critical international relations, this article takes an issue with such an interpretation. It does not challenge the observation that both approaches are comparable when it comes to ethical concerns and a related critique of modernity, but it puts forth an argument that they differ fundamentally when it comes to their basic intellectual motivation and purpose. This also makes classical realism more ready to formulate normative judgment. To articulate what provides for the ethical impetus in classical realism, the study turns to the work of Stephen Turner and his collaborators who illuminate Weberian sources of classical realist social science. Adopting the category of analyticism from Patrick Jackson, it further puts forth that normative judgment is linked to classical realism’s inherent ontological doubt, a feature it compensates for by focusing on epistemology necessitating constant engagement with empirical reality as a source of its (weak) ontological orientation. As a result, classical realism is reinforced here as an approach to international relations worth reviving and further developing.
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VANCE, CHAD. "Classical theism and modal realism are incompatible." Religious Studies 52, no. 4 (July 28, 2016): 561–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003441251600010x.
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AbstractThe classical conception of God is that of a necessary being. On a possible worlds semantics, this entails that God exists at every possible world. According to the modal realist account of David Lewis, possible worlds are understood to be real, concrete worlds – no different in kind from the actual world. But, modal realism is equipped to accommodate the existence of a necessary being in only one of three ways: (1) By way of counterpart theory, or (2) by way of a special case of trans-world identity for causally inert necessary beings (e.g. pure sets), or else (3) causally potent ones which lack accidental intrinsic properties. I argue that each of these three options entails unacceptable consequences – (1) and (2) are incompatible with theism, and (3) is incompatible with modal realism. I conclude that (at least) one of these views is false.
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Hvidsten, Andreas H. "Karl Mannheim and the liberal telos of realism." International Relations 33, no. 3 (May 7, 2019): 475–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819846544.
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The renaissance of classical realism in International Relations (IR) has highlighted the close historical and conceptual connection between realism and liberalism. In this essay, I consider an underexplored epistemological dimension of this connection using Karl Mannheim’s Ideology and Utopia – an influential work for classical IR realists and an important treatise on political theory in its own right. Based on Mannheim’s argument, I make the case that (a certain kind of) liberalism is the telos of (a certain kind of) realism: that the natural endpoint of the inherent logic of realism is a form of liberalism. I argue that completing the epistemological and political critique that leads to realism by also putting the realist position itself under (self-)examination, unearths a liberal outlook as its foundation. Explicating this dialectic adds a new dimension to the many other points of contact between realism and liberalism that have been explored by IR scholars in recent years, and it provides a new link between this scholarship and the literature on the epistemological foundations of classical realism. Finally, the essay is an argument for a closer engagement with Mannheim in an IR context, both as a philosopher of knowledge and as a political thinker.
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Edyvane, Derek. "Who’s the realest?" European Journal of Political Theory 19, no. 2 (July 19, 2019): 281–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885119864679.
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The revival of interest in realism in political theory is comprehensively explored in Politics Recovered, a major new volume of 14 original essays edited by Matt Sleat. Wide-ranging and engaging throughout, the book takes in both supporters and critics of the realist turn and addresses neglected questions of the political application of realism and of the connection between contemporary political realism and the classical IR tradition of realist thought. But I argue that the book also prompts some troubling questions about the ultimate coherence of the realist orientation and about the way in which realists interpret the limits of political theory and of political theorists.
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Trapara, Vladimir. "Neoclassical realism: Realism for the 21st century." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 227–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703227t.
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The author deals with neoclassical realism, the approach which emerged within the realist school of thought about international relations during the nineties of the last century. The goal of the paper is to consider the establishment and development of the approach during this decade and later in the 21st century, in order to show that it improved the realist school of thought and thus responded to the challenge that the end of the Cold War posed to it. This improvement consists of an integration of systemic level of analysis, on which neorealism insists, with unit level, from which classical realism and other IR schools of thought start. The author illustrates the application of neoclassical realism on the research of the topics relevant for the 21st century through the examples of several significant titles within the approach, but also citing his own application of the approach.
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Potolsky, Matthew. "Decadence and Realism." Victorian Literature and Culture 49, no. 4 (2021): 563–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150320000248.
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This essay proposes a new understanding of the widely recognized disdain for realism and the realist novel among decadent writers, a disdain most critics have interpreted as a protomodernist celebration of artifice. Focusing on Oscar Wilde's dialogue “The Decay of Lying,” the essay argues instead that decadent antirealism is antimodern, embodying a repudiation of contemporary society. Decadent writers regard realism not as hidebound and traditional, as twentieth-century theorists would have it, but as terrifyingly modern. Wilde looks back to neoclassical theories of mimesis and classical Republican political theory to imagine a different, older world, one in which art improves upon brute reality and in which the artist stands apart from the social forces that realist novels make central to their literary universes.
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HEILKE, THOMAS. "Realism, Narrative, and Happenstance: Thucydides' Tale of Brasidas." American Political Science Review 98, no. 1 (February 2004): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404001042.
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Neorealism and some versions of realism seek to furnish nomothetic theories of the international system at the same time that they also strive to prescribe policy for political leaders. Insofar as practical advice is insufficiently articulated by means of either nomothesis or the structural theoretical framework that (neo-)realist paradigms supply, these two aspirations seem contradictory. This essay is an examination of what contemporary realism and, especially, neorealism require to make practical wisdom available for practitioners. It argues that narrative, which is exemplified in the so-called classical realism of Thucydides, remains a crucial component of practical realism and neorealism.
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Auffèves, Alexia, and Philippe Grangier. "Violation of Bell’s inequalities in a quantum realistic framework." International Journal of Quantum Information 14, no. 04 (June 2016): 1640002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219749916400025.
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We discuss the recently observed “loophole free” violation of Bell’s inequalities in the framework of a physically realist view of quantum mechanics (QM), which requires that physical properties are attributed jointly to a system, and to the context in which it is embedded. This approach is clearly different from classical realism, but it does define a meaningful “quantum realism” from a general philosophical point of view. Consistently with Bell test experiments, this quantum realism embeds some form of non-locality, but does not contain any action at a distance, in agreement with QM.
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Fabbrizi, Valerio. "Normativism and realism within contemporary democratic constitutionalism." Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 6 (April 15, 2018): 661–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718768346.
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The renewed interest on political realism can offer a new reading of the traditional dichotomy between normative and realist conception of constitutionalism. The purpose of this article is to analyse this renewed discussion, especially by focusing on the relationship between “political realism” and “political constitutionalism,” in the light of some theorists and authors—such as Richard Bellamy and Jeremy Waldron. After a brief introduction in which political realism will be discussed, especially through Bernard Williams’ reinterpretation, the article proposes a rereading of democratic constitutionalism from the classical dichotomy between normativism and realism in political theory. The focus will be set on three key issues: 1. Richard Bellamy’s constitutional theory in a realist perspective; 2. An insight of legal constitutionalism under a normative banner; 3. A brief conclusion in which the risks of a majoritarian and populist constitutionalism will be discussed.
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Rösch, Felix. "Unlearning modernity: A realist method for critical international relations?" Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 1 (October 17, 2016): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088216671535.
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Recent re-readings of classical realism in International Relations have demonstrated that in their critique of modernity, mid-twentieth century realists put their focus on the development of a (self)critical and sceptical epistemology, a focus that often has been of little concern to other International Relations theories. So far, however, this debate on classical realism has not further elaborated realist methodologies, although this has the potential to make the current theoretical debate more accessible for empirical investigations. To this end, this article argues that mid-twentieth century realists pursued a method of unlearning. Unlearning is being understood as the critique and moving beyond the modern imaginary which preconditions everyday knowledge and intellectual thought in a dehumanizing way through a learning process based upon the study of classical texts. Examining the work of Hans Morgenthau, and the evocative if generally under-appreciated writings of the Japanese thinker Maruyama Masao, the article argues that unlearning is an important part of critical realist thinking.
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Galbács, Péter. "Realism in economics: The new classical case." Acta Oeconomica 67, no. 2 (June 2017): 257–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2017.67.2.6.
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For the last few decades, considerable attention has been paid to the methodology of mainstream economics. It is not mere chance that economics is surrounded by methodological debates. If its relevance is at stake, this can be either refuted or proven most efficiently at a methodological level. Arguments for and against mainstream economics underline the methodological homogeneity of mainstream economics, while serious, though almost neglected, arguments can be found for a view according to which the long history of mainstream economics can be described as a sequence of methodological breaks. I argue, firstly, for a sharp demarcation by new classical macroeconomics from the Friedmanian instrumentalism and, secondly, for the realism of new classicals. I strive to identify the epistemological principles underlying Lucas’ models and to highlight the signs of that demarcation as well. I concentrate on the techniques by which new classicals could set their models into an indirect relationship with reality. It is also highlighted that the common terminology, according to which the assumptions of abstract economic models are uniformly regarded as “unrealistic”, actually refers to two different techniques. From these approaches, there is only one which can be justifiably labelled as realist.
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Bessner, Daniel, and Nicolas Guilhot. "How Realism Waltzed Off: Liberalism and Decisionmaking in Kenneth Waltz's Neorealism." International Security 40, no. 2 (October 2015): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00217.
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Neorealism is one of the most influential theories of international relations, and its first theorist, Kenneth Waltz, a giant of the discipline. But why did Waltz move from a rather traditional form of classical realist political theory in the 1950s to neorealism in the 1970s? A possible answer is that Waltz's Theory of International Politics was his attempt to reconceive classical realism in a liberal form. Classical realism paid a great deal of attention to decisionmaking and statesmanship, and concomitantly asserted a nostalgic, anti-liberal political ideology. Neorealism, by contrast, dismissed the issue of foreign policymaking and decisionmaking. This shift reflected Waltz's desire to reconcile his acceptance of classical realism's tenets with his political commitment to liberalism. To do so, Waltz incorporated cybernetics and systems theory into Theory of International Politics, which allowed him to develop a theory of international relations no longer burdened with the problem of decisionmaking.
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Firoozabadi, Jalal Dehghani, and Mojtaba Zare Ashkezari. "Neo-classical Realism in International Relations." Asian Social Science 12, no. 6 (May 20, 2016): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n6p95.
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<p>Neo-classical realism is result of foreign policy studies through studying both structure of international system and domestic factors and their complex interactions with each other. The main goal of neoclassical realism is to find out how distribution of power in international system, motivations and subjective structures of states toward international system shape their foreign policy. Neo-classical realists reject the idea of neo-realism in which it is argued that systemic pressures will immediately affect behaviours of units. They believe that the extend of systemic effects on states behaviour depends on relative power and also internal factors of states in anarchical system. This article is to study how neo-classical realism applies assumptions such as anarchy, effects of structure-agent, role of power in creating behaviours, national interests, survival and security in order to analyse international politics.</p>
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Bartlett, Robert C. "The "Realism" of Classical Political Science." American Journal of Political Science 38, no. 2 (May 1994): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2111409.
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SHEEHY, PAUL. "Theism and modal realism." Religious Studies 42, no. 3 (July 10, 2006): 315–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412506008419.
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This paper examines the relationship between the classical theistic conception of God and modal realism. I suggest that realism about possible worlds has unwelcome consequences for that conception. First, that modal realism entails the necessity of divine existence eludes explanation in a way congenial to a commitment to both modal realism and classical theism. Second, divine knowledge is dependent on worlds independent of the creative role and action of God, thereby suggesting a limitation on the nature of divine knowledge and on the nature of God's creative role. Third, modal realism indicates the existence of real, albeit non-actual, worlds of appalling evil threatening the classical conception of divine omnipotence and benevolence.
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Carta, Caterina. "Gramsci andThe Prince: Taking Machiavelli outside the realist courtyard?" Review of International Studies 43, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210516000280.
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AbstractIn the field of political theory, few authors have spurred intellectual tirades and triggered collective fantasy as much as the sixteenth-century Florentine Secretary Niccoló Machiavelli. Despite all controversies, in the discipline of International Relations (IR) Machiavelli and hisThe Princehave been almost exclusively associated with classical realism. This largely unchallenged association contributed to the edification of the myth ofThe Princeas the ruthless symbol ofraison d’état, carrying transcendental lessons about the nature of politics and a set of prescriptions on how helmsmen should behave to seize, maintain, and reinforce their power. The realist hijacking of Machiavelli is at the core of the foundation of classical realism as an IR theory and its location at the very epicentre of IR as a discipline. This appropriation has, in turn, obscured alternative myths ofThe Prince,which depart from Machiavelli’s reflections on thePrincipati nuovito readThe Princeas a radical manifesto for political change. The opening of the semantic space in the field of IR – spurred by the so-called interpretive turn – offers an opportunity to break this monochromatic reading. This article delves into two competing myths ofThe Prince: the classical realist myth and Gramsci’s ‘progressive’ one to demonstrate its contested nature.
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Shimko, Keith I. "Realism, Neorealism, and American Liberalism." Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (1992): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500017848.
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Neorealism has recently been portrayed as an attempt to systematize the insights of classical realism in order to put them on a more solid theoretical foundation. This essay rejects this common characterization of the emergence of neorealism by arguing that neorealism constitutes a fundamentally different conceptualization of international politics than that provided by classical realists. Neorealism is best understood as an alternative to classical realism shaped by enduring liberal traditions in the United States, which is where neorealism emerged and thrives.
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McQueen, Alison. "Political realism and moral corruption." European Journal of Political Theory 19, no. 2 (August 30, 2016): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116664825.
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Political realism is frequently criticised as a theoretical tradition that amounts to little more than a rationalisation of the status quo and an apology for power. This paper responds to this criticism by defending three connected claims. First, it acknowledges the moral seriousness of rationalisation, but argues that the problem is hardly particular to political realists. Second, it argues that classical International Relations realists like EH Carr and Hans Morgenthau have a profound awareness of the corrupting effects of rationalisation and see realism as an antidote to this problem. Third, it proposes that Carr and Morgenthau can help us to recognise the particular ways in which realist arguments may nonetheless rationalise existing power relations and affirm the status quo by default, if not by design.
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Gruzdev, Vladimir Sergeevich. "On the nature of American classical legal realism." Право и политика, no. 9 (September 2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.9.33566.
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The subject of this research is one of the trends in the American legal thought – legal realism in the context of clarification of its specificity, key theoretical-methodological perspectives formed in the classical period, represented by the founders of this direction O. W. Holmes, R. Pound and K. Llewellyn. Studying the heritage of the classical American realists is important for the purpose of elucidation of their views, since many aspects remain unclear or simplified, and interpreted in form of patterns and schemes; as well as due to the fact that in the modern American legal science and well beyond it, more popularity multiple variations of “clarification” of realism in form of “neo-“ versions, and realism itself is declared the symbol of modern age. Main attention is given to the question of overcoming simplifications with regards to legal views of the classical American realists. The scientific novelty of this work consists in elucidation of the perceptions of the nature and specificity of legal views of the representatives of classical American legal realism. This is primarily associated with the fact that orientation towards demythologization of conceptualism in the works of legal realists of the period of establishment of this trend is erroneously identified with the rejection of moral arguments in substantiation of law, which to a large extent was justified by the desire of some researchers to substantiate the meaning of radical pragmatism as a philosophical foundation of the modernized legal theory. Secondly, unjustified broadening of the concept of legal realism and its identification with naturalization of conceptual apparatus of law is one of the factors that led to multiple simplifications and distortions of the methodological importance of the fundamental principles of legal realism.
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BAIN, WILLIAM. "Deconfusing Morgenthau: moral inquiry and classical realism reconsidered." Review of International Studies 26, no. 3 (July 2000): 445–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500004459.
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This article explores Jim George's claim that Hans Morgenthau's notion of political realism is founded upon a spectator theory of knowledge and that it discloses no meaningful distinction between theory and practice. An investigation of Morgenthau's understanding of scientific inquiry, the relation of theory and practice, and his views on American foreign policy suggests that both of these claims may be misplaced. Rather Morgenthau's realism is an authentic moral voice in the discourse of world politics which emphasizes the importance of judgment and the need to locate statecraft in historical, social, and political context. It is a realism that is representative of a rich moral tradition, one which orders, arranges, and prioritizes fundamental human values and which is concerned with how these values might be realized. This conclusion not only emancipates a valuable tradition of scholarship, it also raises important question about how we engage and organize the discipline of international relations and it suggests that some critical thinking spaces may provide a rather limited refuge for those wishing to go beyond Morgenthau and realism.
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Michaels, Eva. "Renewing Realist Constructivism: Does It Have Potential as a Theory of Foreign Policy?" Teoria Polityki 6 (October 19, 2022): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25440845tp.22.006.16006.
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This article raises the possibility of de- and reconstructing realist constructivism for the purpose of studying foreign policy, with an emphasis on explaining and forecasting change and continuity. I discuss why Samuel Barkin’s explication of realist constructivism has in my view struggled to take off as an IR perspective and which tenets appear problematic, especially when applying them to foreign policy. I suggest a way of revitalising realist constructivism across three layers of theorising: political ontology, explanatory theory, and praxis. Constructivism’s “open ontology”offers a meeting point with classical realism, together with its (less deterministic and more interpretivist) explanatory approach. Classical realism adds to the third layer with its focus on practice sensibility, including the choices actors make in highly uncertain contexts. Its strong interest in discovering the truth of politics is important here. I argue that such a synthesis, which is informed by Ned Lebow’s conceptualisation of causation as “inefficient”, could be well-suited to unpack the complex reality of foreign policy. I seek to make the case for realist constructivism as a dynamic thinking tool, among others when investigating the effects of material, intersubjective and subjective factors on foreign policy decisions and outcomes. While my propositions can only be sketched here, the goal is to encourage further debate about the value of realist constructivism, which has ebbed since the mid-2000s.
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Kirshner, Jonathan. "The tragedy of offensive realism: Classical realism and the rise of China." European Journal of International Relations 18, no. 1 (August 17, 2010): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066110373949.
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Rose, Courtice. "Toward Pragmatic Realism in Human Geography." Cahiers de géographie du Québec 34, no. 92 (April 12, 2005): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/022102ar.
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Classical realism describes the notion that the world we inhabit is completely mind-independent, that there is one unique account of the world and that truths about the world are a matter of the absolute correspondence between linguistic terms and their referents in the world. Human geographers have recently employed a form of transcendental realism inspired by the works of R. Bhaskar, A. Giddens and A. Sayer. This form of realism is anti-positivist and based on the dual notions of ontological stratification and emergent powers materialism. Reactions in geography have been both positive and negative indicating that neither classical realism, nor transcendental realism nor anti-realism seem acceptable. As a way of solving this dilemma, pragmatic (or internal) realism proposes the adoption of a natural ontological attitude toward the objects of geographical inquiry.
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Luke, Timothy W. "Caught between vulgar and effete realists: Critical theory, classical realism and mythographies of power." Journal of International Political Theory 13, no. 1 (October 26, 2016): 18–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088216673078.
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This study explores conceptual conflicts embedded in the thematic grounding of classical realism. To establish conditions of consistent normality in human political behaviour for realist analysis, the rhetoric of originary political wisdom usually ties its claims, as a research framework, to myth and enlightenment. Because Thucydides, Machiavelli or Hobbes articulated the premises of political realist analysis in the contexts of state formation, anarchic regional politics and perpetual war, these first figures of political authority seem to have set terms of geopolitical analysis that erase context, arrest temporality and homogenise space by pointing analysis back to classical events, thinkers and struggles in mythic terms. Critical theorists ask if such mythic styles of reasoning are a credible approach, even though many accept such modes of analysis. Consequently, this study explores how myth affects political realist studies to question how statecraft perpetuates itself on reason, myth and their contradictions.
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Jász, Borbála. "Hidden Modernism: Architecture Theory of the Socialist Realist Gap." Periodica Polytechnica Architecture 49, no. 1 (May 28, 2018): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3311/ppar.12168.
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The aim of this paper is to clarify and exemplify the difference between modern, socialist realism and late modern in architecture. In the general pre-theoretical use of these terms, this distinction is often blurred; a unified expression, socialist realism, is used for all the aforementioned terms. This paper will examine a possible answer for this phenomenon by using examples from different areas of eastern-Central Europe, especially from Hungarian architecture.The paper first focuses on the façadism of socialist realism in the architecture of eastern-Central Europe. Following this, it shows that the architectural tendencies of classical modernism did not disappear in this period; they were just not explicitly manifest in case of public buildings for example. Finally, the paper argues that after this socialist realist gap, architectural theory and planning tendencies of the interwar period returned and continued, especially the work of Le Corbusier.
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Symons, Jonathan. "Realist climate ethics: Promoting climate ambition within the Classical Realist tradition." Review of International Studies 45, no. 1 (July 23, 2018): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000189.
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AbstractWhat is a Classical Realist analysis of climate ethics and politics? Classical Realist ethical analysis differs from ideal normative theory in that it addresses state decision-makers rather than individuals, assumes highly imperfect compliance with the demands of justice, and is concerned with feasibility and transition rather than end-states. Classical Realists urge leaders to prioritise state security over private moral concerns, to assess rival policies against their likely consequences and to seek the ‘lesser evil’ among feasible choices. But how does Realism respond when the prudent pursuit of state security risks rendering much of the planet uninhabitable? In the 1950s, the development of the hydrogen bomb created just such a dilemma as status quo politics now carried a significant risk of thermonuclear omnicide. In response, Hans Morgenthau argued that states should manage systemic risk by working in concert to safeguard expanded, collective national interests. The Classical Realist mode of thought suggests an analogous response to systemic climate risks: states’ conceptions of national interest must expand to include cooperative system-preservation alongside traditional security concerns. Classical Realist arguments might then be mobilised to overcome resistance from vested interests and to support state-directed low carbon innovation, adaptation and mitigation agreements that prioritise ambition over distributional justice.
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Sylvest, Casper. "Realism and international law: the challenge of John H. Herz." International Theory 2, no. 3 (November 2010): 410–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971910000242.
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The proliferation, globalization, and fragmentation of law in world politics have fostered an attempt to re-integrate International Law (IL) and International Relations (IR) scholarship, but so far the contribution of realist theory to this interdisciplinary perspective has been meagre. Combining intellectual history, the jurisprudence of IL and IR theory, this article provides an analysis of John H. Herz’s classical realism and its perspective on international law. In retrieving this vision, the article emphasizes the political and intellectual context from which Herz’s realism developed: the study of public law in Germany during the interwar period and in particular the contribution of Hans Kelsen and the pure theory of law to the study of international law. Herz was deeply inspired by Kelsen but he criticized the pure theory for ignoring the sociological foundations of law. Following his emigration to the United States, Herz embraced realism but without disregarding international law. Indeed, his mature, globally oriented realism offers a balanced, fruitful perspective for thinking about the relationship between politics and law that is deeply relevant for contemporary theory: it challenges modern, law-blind variants of realism and holds considerable potential for contributing to the approaches that have most successfully studied the law–politics nexus.
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Sijuwade, Joshua Reginald. "The Metaphysics of Theism: A Classical and Neo-Classical Synthesis." Religions 12, no. 11 (November 4, 2021): 967. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110967.
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This article aims to provide a metaphysical elucidation of the notion of Theism and a coherent theological synthesis of two extensions of this notion: Classical Theism and Neo-Classical Theism. A model of this notion and its extensions is formulated within the ontological pluralism framework of Kris McDaniel and Jason Turner, and the (modified) modal realism framework of David Lewis, which enables it to be explicated clearly and consistently, and two often raised objections against the elements of this notion can be successfully answered.
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Sznajderhaus, Nahuel. "Decoherence and Intertheory Relations in Quantum Realism." Metatheoria – Revista de Filosofía e Historia de la Ciencia 9, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.48160/18532330me9.235.
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The complex relation between quantum mechanics and classical mechanics is crucial in the philosophy of modern physics, and it cuts across current quantum physics. This paper is divided in two parts. In the first part I will offer a critical analysis of the role that decoherence plays in the account of the quantum-classical limit. In the second part I will mention three ways in which philosophers are engaging with the realist interpretation of quantum mechanics in light of the assessment that the problem of the quantum-classical limit is still open to debate. My main claim is that the problem of the quantum-classical limit is overrated and it receives too much attention for the realist who looks at quantum mechanics. The question that the realist wants to focus on is the crucial interpretation question: what is a quantum system?
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Porter, Patrick. "Taking uncertainty seriously: Classical realism and national security." European Journal of International Security 1, no. 2 (April 4, 2016): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2016.4.
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AbstractIf we can’t reliably predict the future, how can we be wise when preparing for it? Examining the UK’s ‘Strategic Defence and Security Review’ of 2010, I demonstrate that though planners often rightly invoke uncertainty, they also imply a highly certain ideology about Western power and foresight. Modern ‘national security states’ describe the world as dangerously uncertain, yet fall prey to a misplaced confidence in their ability to anticipate and prevent threats. I argue that classical realism, especially that of Clausewitz and Morgenthau, is a valuable resource for handling uncertainty more reflexively. Classical realism counsels that governments should go beyond attempts to improve foresight. They should try to check against the fallibility of their assumptions, marshal their power more conservatively, insure against the likelihood of predictive failure by developing the intellectual capability to react to the unknown, and avoid misplaced confidence in their ability to bring order into chaos.
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Jansson, Per. "Smartness as prudence: smart power and classical realism." Journal of Political Power 11, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2158379x.2018.1523317.
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Evans, Peter W. "The End of a Classical Ontology for Quantum Mechanics?" Entropy 23, no. 1 (December 24, 2020): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/e23010012.
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In this paper, I argue that the Shrapnel–Costa no-go theorem undermines the last remaining viability of the view that the fundamental ontology of quantum mechanics is essentially classical: that is, the view that physical reality is underpinned by objectively real, counterfactually definite, uniquely spatiotemporally defined, local, dynamical entities with determinate valued properties, and where typically ‘quantum’ behaviour emerges as a function of our own in-principle ignorance of such entities. Call this view Einstein–Bell realism. One can show that the causally symmetric local hidden variable approach to interpreting quantum theory is the most natural interpretation that follows from Einstein–Bell realism, where causal symmetry plays a significant role in circumventing the nonclassical consequences of the traditional no-go theorems. However, Shrapnel and Costa argue that exotic causal structures, such as causal symmetry, are incapable of explaining quantum behaviour as arising as a result of noncontextual ontological properties of the world. This is particularly worrying for Einstein–Bell realism and classical ontology. In the first instance, the obvious consequence of the theorem is a straightforward rejection of Einstein–Bell realism. However, more than this, I argue that, even where there looks to be a possibility of accounting for contextual ontic variables within a causally symmetric framework, the cost of such an account undermines a key advantage of causal symmetry: that accepting causal symmetry is more economical than rejecting a classical ontology. Either way, it looks like we should give up on classical ontology.
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Djatah, Stenly. "DARI ANARKI KE HIRARKI: EKSPOSISI GAGASAN THOMAS HOBBES SEBAGAI RUJUKAN TEORI REALISME." Jurnal Dinamika Global 6, no. 02 (December 9, 2021): 170–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v6i2.796.
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In International Relation theory discourse, Classical Realism has some typical characteristics that differentiate it from other theories. The typical characteristics can be indicated by the ideas of Anarchy and Conflict. The two ideas in Classical Realism theory refers to Thomas Hobbes� Political Philosophy on the State of Nature. Considering that the two ideas are only two of the entire ideas of Thomas Hobbes� Political Philosophy, the State of Anarchy and Conflict in Classical Realism theory needs to be completed with other ideas. The writing has been made to show the function of ratio as a reason to seek peace in a hierarchical relation through Leviathan�s power. Therefore, it can be seen that Thomas Hobbes discusses not only about the state of anarchy but also the fact of hierarchical system urgency to avoid conflict.
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Moses, Jeremy. "Peace without perfection: The intersections of realist and pacifist thought." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 1 (September 8, 2017): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717728539.
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It is common in international relations thought to view realism and pacifism as lying at opposite ends of a spectrum on the permissibility of war. Pacifism, from this point of view, is necessarily antithetically opposed to and incompatible with realist thinking on the use of force. This article aims to counter this view and raise some critical questions concerning the incompatibilities of realism and pacifism through an examination of some points at which they may be seen to intersect. In pursuing these intersections, the first part of the article sets out the foundations of classical realist thought, focusing on the inherently conflictual depiction of human nature as the basis for a theory that insists upon the inescapable possibility of political violence. It then departs from the conventional narrative by setting out the intersections of pacifist and realist thought concerning the illogical and dangerous attempts to moralise war-fighting through the application of just war theory. Finally, it is proposed that a synthesis of some elements of pacifist and realist thought could lead to the development of new theories and strategies attuned to the promotion of non-violence in an inherently unstable and conflict-prone world.
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Griffiths, Martin. "Order and international society: the real realism?" Review of International Studies 18, no. 3 (July 1992): 217–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117243.
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The school of thought known as Realism (with a large R) has been a central focus of debate in international theory. Nevertheless, its content and epistemological status (and therefore the criteria for its evaluation) remain elusive. In part this is due to the variety of contexts and debates within which Realism has been discussed in the field. In the 1930s and 1940s the debate was framed around a Realist-Idealist axis. In the 1970s Realism was contested by liberal analyses of the causes and consequences of an allegedly growing global interdependence. In the 1980s there emerged a three-cornered debate between competing Kuhnian ‘paradigms’, among which Realism dominated. Given that the meaning of Realism has been partly constructed by historically variable theoretical and political issues, its identity has also varied over time. If, however, one chooses to think about Realism outside of these various contexts within which it has been both defined and evaluated, it remains unclear how such diverse thinkers as Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Carr, Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz can coherently be considered as part of a single tradition of thought. Sensitivity to their differences may be a virtue for the historian of ideas, but it runs the risk of undermining the point of the exercise! Despite these problems, which are only partially corrected by distinguishing between types of Realism (notably classical and ‘neo’ or ‘structural’ varieties), most scholars would agree with Alan James that Realism is a school whose members harbour shared assumptions about the primacy of states as international actors, the separation of domestic and international politics, and who describe the latter in terms of anarchy and a concomitant ubiquitous struggle for power and security.
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Alsarhan, Kalaf. "Energy Power in Foreign Policy – A Theoretical Approach." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 49, no. 5 (September 15, 2022): 561–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v49i5.2778.
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This article examines theory of international relations is best suited for the analysis of energy Power in international relations. Findings Realism suggests that energy resources are power included in states foreign policy when states seek to expand influence abroad. Detailed examination of classical realism and neoclassical realism suggests that neoclassical realism allows extend the analysis of energy power role in states foreign policy. Interactions and variables in neoclassical realism suggest the broadest explanations and predictions. Originality/value. The article suggests that realism paradigm theories might provide a useful starting point from a descriptive method in the studies of energy power in foreign policy.
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Mäkelä, Maria. "Realismen og det unaturlige." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 39, no. 112 (December 25, 2011): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v39i112.15748.
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REALISM AND THE UNCANNY. | Maria Mäkelä observes that the emergent trend of unnatural narratology has drawn most of its impetus from the strikingly transgressive, illogical or anti-mimetic elements of narrative construction, and that, consequently, texts that have established the firm ground of literary conventions – such as classical realist novels – have been playing the part of default narratives both in their representational design as well as in their experiential parameters. Mäkelä, howeverP– discussing in this essay salient examples from Dickens, Flaubert, and Tolstoy – finds that narratives under the heading of realism may have even more narratologically transgressive potential than the manifestly anti-experiential or anti-narrative extremes. Mäkelä’s text thus – inspired by some of Viktor Šklovsky’s seminal insights – aims at recovering the unnatural essence of the conventional in narrative fiction.
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Mehlman, Gabriel. "Jewett in the Systems Epoch." Novel 53, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00295132-8309587.
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Abstract This article focuses on Sarah Orne Jewett's The Country of the Pointed Firs, the most famous example of the realist genre of local color. Published in 1898, the novel was written during the very moment of the generic collapse of local color. That collapse occurs within the literary system, in which any work of literature is enfolded—the functionally differentiated system that comprises writers, readers, genres, styles, the critical apparatus, and the publishing apparatus. As Firs stages the death of a small Maine community, it models its own death as a generic instance within the literary system. Firs both encodes and observes the gradual denaturing and collapse of its own classical-realist premises, which cannot abide the drawing into equivalence of character, interiority, and interpersonal communication with the inhuman formalism of systems. In the wake of the collapse of its classical-realist premises, the novel offers a final, speculative vision of a realism for the systems epoch.
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Zardini, Elia. "Truth, Demonstration and Knowledge. A Classical Solution to the Paradox of Knowability." THEORIA. An International Journal for Theory, History and Foundations of Science 30, no. 3 (November 12, 2015): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/theoria.14668.
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After introducing semantic anti-realism and the paradox of knowability, the paper offers a reconstruction of the anti-realist argument from the theory of understanding. The proposed reconstruction validates an unrestricted principle to the effect that truth requires the existence of a certain kind of “demonstration”. The paper shows that the principle fails to imply the problematic instances of the original unrestricted knowability principle but that the overall view still has unrestricted epistemic consequences. Appealing precisely to the paradox of knowability, the paper also argues, against BHK semantics, for the non-constructive character of the demonstrations envisaged by anti-realists, and contends that, in such a setting, one of the most natural arguments in favour of a revision of classical logic loses all its force.
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Kenealy, Daniel, and Konstantinos Kostagiannis. "Realist Visions of European Union: E.H. Carr and Integration." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 41, no. 2 (December 20, 2012): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829812464571.
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The past 15 years have seen an explosion of interest in the scholarship of E.H. Carr. As a founding figure of the realist approach to International Relations, as a philosopher of history and as a historian of the Soviet Union, Carr made important contributions. His work on the post-war political organisation of Europe has been somewhat neglected. While not going so far as to argue for the introduction of ‘another E.H. Carr’ – Carr the European integration theorist – this article argues that Carr’s specific brand of realism has much to say not only about the establishment, but also about the subsequent development, of the European Economic Community. Carr’s realism was, we argue, capable of understanding change in international society. This understanding was grounded in an appreciation of the role of power and morality in international politics and stands in sharp contrast to the emphasis on the structural factors that are prized by neorealists. While Carr’s vision of post-war Europe has not materialised in its entirety, it captures some of the crucial fault lines that animate the European project. Building a bridge between European integration studies and Carr’s realism will provide a fruitful avenue through which classical realism can once again begin to engage with developments in international politics.
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Schuett, Robert. "Classical realism, Freud and human nature in international relations." History of the Human Sciences 23, no. 2 (April 2010): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952695110361421.
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Belinsky, A. V. "Quantum uncertainty and a counterexample of nonlocal classical “realism”." Optics and Spectroscopy 123, no. 3 (September 2017): 419–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s0030400x17090077.
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Lange, Marc. "Would "Direct Realism" Resolve the Classical Problem of Induction?" Nous 38, no. 2 (June 2004): 197–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0068.2004.00468.x.
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Sylvest, Casper. "John H. Herz and the Resurrection of Classical Realism." International Relations 22, no. 4 (December 2008): 441–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117808097310.
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Skoyles, J. R. "Motor perception and anatomical realism in Classical Greek art." Medical Hypotheses 51, no. 1 (July 1998): 69–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0306-9877(98)90257-2.
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Wu, Zhengyu. "Classical geopolitics, realism and the balance of power theory." Journal of Strategic Studies 41, no. 6 (October 2, 2017): 786–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2017.1379398.
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