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1
Geddes, A. G. "Homer in Translation." Greece and Rome 35, no. 1 (April 1988): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028710.
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In the first term of last year I had two classes with whom I was reading the Iliad. In the Classical Studies class we had to read and discuss the Iliad in Richmond Lattimore's English translation, and in the Greek IIA class we read Book I of the Iliad in Greek.
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Chadwick, John. "The Descent of the Greek Epic." Journal of Hellenic Studies 110 (November 1990): 174–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631738.
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A fundamental assumption throughout this article is that the text of Homer is no different from that of other classical authors, since it has been preserved by the same kind of manuscript tradition. The difference is that while all our texts go back to the editions of the Hellenistic scholars, the gap between these and the author is relatively short for fourth and fifth century writers, but very much longer for Homer, if we assign to him a very approximate date of the late eighth, or even early seventh, century.
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Vítek, Tomáš. "Greek Necromancy: Reality or Myth?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 60, no. 1-2 (June 24, 2021): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2020.00004.
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SummaryThe article investigates the extent to which Greek necromancy fits into the wider eschatological, cultic and historical context of an epoch demarcated on the one hand by Homer and on the other by the Classical period. The oldest purported necromantic ritual, with the help of which Odysseus descended into the underworld, is a literary construct inspired especially by the heroic tomb-cults. Scenes depicting funereal necromancy, written by dramatists of the Classical period, were also drawn from this source. Ability, behavior and appearance of heroes were additionally ascribed to the so-called restless spirits and revenants and later came to include all the dead. The main cause of this was a change in eschatological ideas and especially heroization, which in the Roman period spread nominally to all the dead. Reports about necromancy include a high percentage of mythical and literarily-dramatized elements that simply do not correspond with contemporary ideas about the soul, the dead, the underworld and chthonic deities. It therefore appears almost certain that, at least to the end of the period described, necromancy was not carried out in reality but remained only the literary surmise of the possibility indicated by Homer.
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Horsley, G. H. R. "Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a remote Roman Province." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001179.
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In the pantheon of poets of all cultures and ages, Homer (however we respond to the ‘Homeric Question’) has a unique place. His primacy is due to the fact that his two epic poems encapsulated Hellenic culture, both for the Greeks themselves, and for others steeped in the ‘European tradition’ whether in antiquity or in subsequent ages. So much is this the case that the very name ‘Homer’ became an abstraction, summing up what it was to be Hellenic. All literature written by Greeks, in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Imperial periods, and much that was produced by others (including in Latin), looks back to the Iliad and the Odyssey, takes its rise from them, finds its locus in them. A canonicity was conferred on these poems such as on no other Greek text in equal degree. If Shakespeare was representative of an entire age in one culture, Homer summed up a culture itself.
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Novokhatko, Anna A. "Contemporary Metaphor Studies and Classical Texts." Mnemosyne 74, no. 4 (June 3, 2021): 682–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10109.
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Abstract This article reviews recent studies on metaphor theories applied to the classical corpus and argues that approaches from cognitive linguistics are essential for the re-interpretation of Greek and Latin texts. Its main focus are two monographs, Andreas T. Zanker’s Metaphor in Homer and Tommaso Gazzarri’s Theory and Practice of Metaphors in Seneca’s Prose. The volume of collected papers on spatial metaphors in ancient texts edited by Fabian Horn and Ciliers Breytenbach proposes that the Lakoff-Johnson approach to cognitive metaphor is productive and that mappings from empirically accessible domains construct abstract concepts in spatial models of mental activity.
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Miola, Robert S. "Lesse Greeke? Homer in Jonson and Shakespeare." Ben Jonson Journal 23, no. 1 (May 2016): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2016.0154.
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Throughout their careers both Jonson and Shakespeare often encountered Homer, who left a deep impress on their works. Jonson read Homer directly in Greek but Shakespeare did not, or if he did, he left no evidence of that reading in extant works. Both Jonson and Shakespeare encountered Homer indirectly in Latin recollections by Vergil, Horace, Ovid and others, in English translations, in handbooks and mythographies, in derivative poems and plays, in descendant traditions, and in plentiful allusions. Though their appropriations differ significantly, Jonson and Shakespeare both present comedic impersonations of Homeric scenes and figures – the parodic replay of the council of the gods (Iliad 1) in Poetaster (1601) 4.5 and the appearance of “sweet warman” Hector (5.2.659) in the Masque of the Nine Worthies (Love's Labor's Lost, 1588–97). Homer's Vulcan and Venus furnish positive depictions of love and marriage in The Haddington Masque (1608) as do his Hector and Andromache in Julius Caesar (1599), which features other significant recollections. Both Jonson and Shakespeare recall Homer to explore the dark side of honor and fame: Circe and Ate supply the anti-masque in the Masque of Queens (1609), and scenes from Chapman's Iliad supply the comical or tragical satire, Troilus and Cressida (c. 1601). Both poets put Homer to abstract and philosophical uses: Zeus's chain and Venus's ceston (girdle), allegorized, appears throughout Jonson's work and function as central symbols in Hymenaei (1606); Homer's depiction of the tension between fate and free will, between the omnipotent gods and willing humans, though mediated, inflects the language and action of Coriolanus (c. 1608). Ben Jonson and William Shakespeare practice a kind of inventive imitatio which, according to classical and neo-classical precept, re-reads classical texts in order to make them into something new.
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Bremmer, Jan N. "The agency of Greek and Roman statues. From Homer to Constantine." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 6 (November 2013): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-06-02.
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In the Archaic period the Greeks did not yet conceptualize the difference between a divinity and its statue. Therefore, stories that stressed the agency of statues separate from their divinities must have seemed less strange at that time than when the statues had become independent, so to speak, from their gods or goddesses. The latter started to happen in the transitional period to the Classical era when the well-known triad of divinities—heroes—mortals came into being, and philosophers began to criticize the worship of statues. All these changes together led to a development in which the agency of statues increasingly became noteworthy. After the 5th century BC we keep hearing about the agency of statues but we can also notice a growing critique of the worship of statues by different philosophical schools. In both Greece and Rome divine statues manifested themselves in particular during moments of crisis or of a decisive political character. In the Greek East the belief in the agency of statues lasted until the 3rd century AD, as Archaic statues represented a kind of cultural capital for the Greeks under Roman rule. Yet, in the end the continuing philosophical critique, which had been radicalized by the Christians, made the agency of statues intellectually unacceptable.
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Miles, Margaret M., Victor Davis Hanson, and John Heath. "Who Killed Homer? The Demise of Classical Education and the Recovery of Greek Wisdom." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 1 (January 1999): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506631.
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Fukuyama, Francis, Victor Davis Hanson, and John Heath. "Who Killed Homer? The Demise of Classical Education and the Recovery of Greek Wisdom." Foreign Affairs 77, no. 4 (1998): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048981.
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Valls-Russell, Janice. "Book review: Homer and Greek Tragedy in Early Modern England’s Theatres, Classical Receptions Journal." Cahiers Élisabéthains: A Journal of English Renaissance Studies 98, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 132–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0184767818821603a.
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Gould, Carol S. "Who Killed Homer?: The Demise of Classical Education and the Recovery of Greek Wisdom (review)." Philosophy and Literature 22, no. 2 (1998): 516–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phl.1998.0033.
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Goldstein, David M. "Variation versus Change." Indo-European Linguistics 4, no. 1 (2016): 53–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00401006.
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Enclitic distribution in Greek (and archaic Indo-European generally) is governed by a set of generalizations known as Wackernagel’s Law, according to which enclitics occur in “second position.” As has long been known, surface exceptions to Wackernagel’s Law in Homer are uncommon, but in Herodotus are far more frequent. Wackernagel himself attributed this difference to syntactic change: in Homer a single mechanism is responsible for second-position clitic distribution, while in Herodotus the old second-position rule competes with new placement rules. Although the nature of these innovative mechanisms has never been explicated, philologists have adopted this view with apparent unanimity. The central claim of this paper is that the alleged syntactic change is an illusion. What Wackernagel and others have observed in Homer and Herodotus is a difference in usage, not grammar. Specifically, Herodotus uses constructions that yield non-canonical surface patterns (i.e., the clitic is not “second” in its clause) more often than Homer. As the same generalizations capture the distribution of clitics in both Homer and Herodotus, there is no validity to the claim that Wackernagel’s Law is weaker in the classical period than in the archaic, or that there are new distributional rules at work.
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Finkelberg, Margalit. "Patterns of human error in Homer." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631641.
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It has become habitual to approach Homeric man's mental functioning with the categories used today, only to show how different this man was from the later Greek and, moreover, from the modern individual. The studies in Homer's mental terminology begun by Bruno Snell and other German scholars before World War II illustrate this tendency. Although the scholarly value of these studies, which have led us to realize that the Homeric vocabulary lacks terms explicitly designating the person as a whole, is incontestable, in everything concerning the better understanding of Homeric man their effect has been, paradoxically enough, rather negative. Indeed, insofar as such ideas as ‘self’, ‘soul’, ‘character’ are said to be irrelevant to Homer, and what is proposed instead is a loose conglomerate of the so-called ‘mental organs’, Homeric man is turned into an incognizable entity altogether estranged from everything understood as human today or in classical Greece. At the same time, the essential humanity of Homeric man is immediately felt by every reader of Homer, and the incompatibility of this experience with the image created by terminological speculations about Homeric man is strong enough to call in question the relevance of the results obtained through the terminological approach.
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Nooter, Sarah. "The War-Trumpet and the Sound of Domination in Ancient Greek Thought." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 7, no. 2 (August 20, 2019): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341348.
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Abstract In this piece, I contend that the war-trumpet (salpinx) was understood in ancient Greek literature as connected to the divine and invincible. I show how this understanding arose from a focus on the sound of the war-trumpet, accompanied by silence around the physical act of playing it, inasmuch as this act, in the parallel case of the aulos, reveals embodiment and vulnerability. In archaic and classical texts, ranging among Aristophanes, Thucydides, Homer, Aeschylus, Sophocles and Aristotle, we see that the sound of the salpinx is both infallible and capable of connoting the domination of Greek males in several fields: battles, courts of law, and the imagining of human and nonhuman ontology.
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DE ANGELIS, FRANCO. "GOING AGAINST THE GRAIN IN SICILIAN GREEK ECONOMICS." Greece and Rome 53, no. 1 (April 2006): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000027.
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On his recent retirement from the chair of classical archaeology in Cambridge University, Anthony Snodgrass reflected on the state of the subject, wondering whether a paradigm shift has occurred. Snodgrass assesses various matters, including, for our purposes, how archaeological approaches to ancient literary sources have changed. His comments deserve quotation in full:…Classical archaeology is often stigmatized, by its many critics, as being ‘text-driven’ … [in] that the subject takes its orientation from, and adapts its whole narrative to, the lead given by the literary sources. Thus the archaeology of Roman Britain has been built around Tacitus' narrative of conquest; the study of Greek art around the text of the Elder Pliny; the archaeology of fifth-century Athens around the narratives supplied by Herodotus, Thucydides and Xenophon; that of Republican Rome similarly around those of Livy and Diodorus; that of Sicily again around Thucydides; and most notoriously, that of Aegean prehistory and protohistory around Homer…. But there is a deeper level still. Traditional Classical archaeology is stated…to have directed its energies at those aspects of the ancient world on which the written sources, taken as a whole, throw light. Thus, on urban but not on rural life; on public and civic, but not on domestic activity; on periods seen as historically important, but not on the obscurer ones; on the permanent physical manifestations of religion, but not on the temporary ones – sacrifice, patterns of dedication, ritual meals, pilgrimage; on the artefacts interred in burials, but not on burial itself; on the historically prominent states – in Greece, Athens and Sparta – but not on what has recently been called ‘the Third Greece’…
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Pontani, Filippomaria. "The World on a Fingernail: An Unknown Byzantine Map, Planudes, and Ptolemy." Traditio 65 (2010): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900000878.
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MS Vat. Gr. 915 (bombyc., ca. 266 × 170 mm, 258 fols.) is a most interesting collection of archaic, classical, and Hellenistic Greek poetry (from Homer and Hesiod to Pindar, from Theocritus and Lycophron down to Moschus and Musaeus) put together during the early Palaeologan Renaissance, more exactly between the last years of the thirteenth century and 1311 (theterminus ante quemis provided by the subscription on fol. 258v). The contents of this codex as well as the textual facies of several of its items have led various scholars, each from a different perspective, to conclude that it was produced in the circle of Maximus Pianudes, the most outstanding Greek scholar of his age (of which he is also in a sense the “eponymous hero”); more on this will be said below in §3.
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Yasin, Ghulam, Shaukat Ali, and Kashif Shahzad. "Resonances of greek-latin classics in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky: a critical analysis." Acta Scientiarum. Language and Culture 43, no. 1 (April 8, 2021): e55354. http://dx.doi.org/10.4025/actascilangcult.v43i1.55354.
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This research aims to probe the classical elements in the works of Fyodor Dostoevsky and to show the author’s bent towards the classical authors and traditions. Dostoevsky is the giant literary figure of 19th-century Russian literature and he belongs not only to a particular time but to all times like many other great classic writers. The research is significant for exposing the author’s affiliation towards the epic poetry of Homer and Hesiod and the dramas of the preeminent Athenian tragedians, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Dostoevsky also becomes classic based on his dealings with the themes dealt by the classics like love, fight for honour, real-life presentation, the conflict between vice and virtue and the struggle of his tragic heroes to reach their goal. The research proves that Dostoevsky is a classic among the classics because of having close resonance with the classics in the art of characterization, the portrayal of tragic heroes, theme building and by including some elements of tragedy. The qualitative research is designed on the descriptive-analytic method by using the approach of Classicism presented by Mark Twain.
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Day, Joseph W. "Death in the Greek World: From Homer to the Classical Age by Maria Serena Mirto (review)." American Journal of Philology 134, no. 2 (2013): 337–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2013.0022.
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Movrin, David. "Victor Davis Hansons, John Heath: Who killed Homer? The demise of classical education and the recovery of Greek wisdom." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 2, no. 1 (July 31, 2000): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.2.1.179-184.
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Knjigo, o katerije govora, bi težko označili kot znanstveno. Ne zato, ker bi strokovnih kvalifikacij manjkalo kateremu od obeh avtorjev, saj je vsak od njiju habilitiran na svoji kalifornijski univerzi in to na oddelku, ki po ameriški kategorizaciji ustreza naši klasični filologiji. Ravno tu je kleč; ker sta oba avtorja po naravi in po stavi filologa, sta pri zgornjem naslovu po definiciji obsojena na pisanje de damo sua. In takoj na prvih straneh se pokaže, da je takšno pisanje vse kaj drugega kot pa neobremenjen in suh tekst, ki bi se ga avtorja lotila sine studio, kmalu potem pa postane jasno, da besedilo ni napisano niti sine ira. Ravno nasprotno; če že iščemo primerno vzporednico, je to kvečjemu Juvenal, ki mu facit indignatio versum.
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Moula, Evangelia E., and Konstantinos D. Malafantis. "Homer’s Odyssey: from classical poetry to threshold graphic narratives for dual readership." Journal of Literary Education, no. 2 (December 6, 2019): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/jle.2.13779.
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This article’s focus is some unconventional adaptations of the Odyssey in graphic language, belonging to the threshold literary field and contextualized in different historical and cultural milieus. Since ancient Greek literature in general and Homer in particular, ceased to be considered as sacred scripts, they discarded the centuries-long formalistic and idealistic approach and served as a vehicle for criticism or as a mirror of each receiving culture’s present. The kind of relation established between each adaptation and its pre-text is defined by the inscribed meta-narratives in its body. The graphic adaptations under discussion, countercultural, demystifying or even subversive, participate in the so called “cross-audience phenomenon”, addressing a dual readership, both children and adults. They aim at undermining the heroic ethos, provoking skepticism and criticizing allusively the contemporary politics. They also trivialize the original by means of humorous, satiric or ironic imitation. This way they facilitate dialogue between past and present, by creating a contact zone within which pluralism is the major trait.
Key words: The Odyssey, classics’ reception, comic book adaptations, threshold literature, pluralism
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Francis, James A. "Classical Conceptions of Visuality and Representation in John of Damascus' Defense of Holy Images1." Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no. 3 (2020): 284–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.3.284.
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The Defense of Holy Images by John of Damascus stands as the archetypal exposition of the Christian theology of images. Written at the outbreak of the Iconoclastic Controversy, it has been mostly valued for its theological content and given scholarly short shrift as a narrowly focused polemic. The work is more than that. It presents a complex and profound explication of the nature of images and the phenomenon of representation, and is an important part of the “history of looking”in western culture. A long chain of visual conceptions connects classical Greek and Roman writers, such as Homer and Quintilian, to John: the living image, the interrelation of word and image, and image and memory, themes elaborated particularly in the Second Sophistic period of the early Common Era. For John to deploy this heritage so skillfully to the thorny problem of the place of images in Christianity, at the outbreak of a violent conflict that lasted a further 100 years after his writing, manifests an intellect and creativity that has not been sufficiently appreciated. The Defense of Holy Images, understood in this context, is another innovative synthesis of Christianity and classical culture produced by late antique Christian writers.
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Skarbek-Kazanecki, Jan. "Greek symposion as a space for philosophical discourse: Xenophanes and criticism of the poetic tradition." Tekstualia 1, no. 56 (July 21, 2019): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.3286.
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The aim of the present article is to discuss the relation between the philosophy and poetry in archaic Greece on the example of Xenophanes of Colophon (6th century BC), the poet best known for a critique of anthropomorphic imagery of the traditional religion. The initial problem lies in understanding the performative aspect of the elegiac poems of Xenophanes; analysis of the fragment 1W and 2W has revealed that the Xenophanes’ literary output can be situated within the framework of the aristocratic symposium. This sympotic context determines the second question, wiz. how the poetic fragments fi t with the Xenophanes’ compositions in which he attacks the traditional beliefs and poetic ideas of Homer or Hesiod. The particular focus has been on the fragments of elegies that are presumed to belong to the collection named Sylloi: as the author has suggested, the critique of traditional mythical narratives, as well as undermining the authority of other poets, can be interpreted as an expression of performative practices functioning at the symposia of the archaic and classical epochs. By removing the division between the „philosophy” and „poetry”, the different aspects of Xenophanes’ fragments start to coincide with the phenomenon of ancient symposium, understood as a space for the intellectual competition.
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Izzet, Vedia, and Robert Shorrock. "General." Greece and Rome 62, no. 1 (March 25, 2015): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000321.
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Twelves Voices from Greece and Romeby Christopher Pelling and Maria Wyke sounds like a title specially commissioned by this very journal, though, alas, we can claim none of the credit! The collaboration arose out of a BBC Radio 3 series on classical literature in collaboration with the Open University and should have a broad appeal. Of the twelve voices six are Greek, six Latin: for the poets, Homer, Sappho, Virgil, Horace; for the tragedians, Euripides; for the historians Herodotus, Thucydides, Caesar, Tacitus; with Cicero for the orators (and philosophers…) and Juvenal for the satirists, paired with the final ‘voice’ in the collection: Lucian (a striking sign of the growing interest and marketability of Second Sophistic and Imperial Greek authors). This is a stimulating and enjoyable read, which carries one swiftly along. It is not a didactic regurgitation of literary and cultural history (though the final section on ‘Translations and Further Reading’ gives all the references one needs for further research) but a celebration of the continuing relevance of the Classics:The texts of the ancient world can still speak, not just to us, but with us, and in a range of exhilarating and disturbing ways. They still matter, and what they talk about can still be fresh (whether empire, masculinity, nature, urbanity, madness, rationality, religious commitment and disbelief, family and friendship, desire, or death). (x)
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Maryniak, Bogusław. "Logos and paideia." Logopaedica Lodziensia, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2544-7238.01.06.
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The aim of this paper is to reconsider the meaning of two title concepts of essential importance for the development of the European thought. The author makes an attempt to reconstruct the origin of Greek reflection referring to Paideia written by Werner Jaeger, German classicist and philosopher from the first half of the twentieth century. Starting with the mythical sources of education, connected with the Minoan tradition reinterpreted by Zbigniew Herbert, the author goes on to present the mnemonic sense of the epic Catalogue of Ships from the second book of Iliad by Homer and subsequently discusses cathartic educational tradition and its reference to Pythagoreanism and Heraclitism. He subsequently discusses the stage of education constituted by the Athenian sophists connected with the utilitarianism of Protagoras and its development and transgression achieved by Socratic elenchus and maieutic. Platonian proposal of turning paideia into the integrity of the Greek polis culture was presented as the culmination of the idea of the Hellenic education. It had to prepare the soul of the disciple for the acceptance of the uttermost pattern of arete. For Plato it was the affection for ideas, notably noble virtue of aspiration to triple unity (trinity) of the Truth, Beauty, and Goodness. Wilhelm von Humboldt renewed classical paideia and established the idea of Bildung to join education with inner self‑development and not only personal but also cultural maturation. The importance of connection between paideia and Bildung was also underlined by two quoted writers: Karl Jaspers (German co‑founder of existentialism) and W.H. Auden (English‑American poet). In conclusion, the author poses a question whether postmodern contesting of classical and enlightenment ideals of education (paideia and Bildung) has any purpose and whether the quest for the principle of the universe based on the universal logos can be still considered reasonable. He also wonders whether traditional search for the Truth, Beauty, and Goodness can actually compete with narrowly understood, effective technological practice. In his humble opinion this question must be left without any conclusive answer.
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Castaño, Joana. "Manuel de Figueiredo: "Os censores do teatro" y una licencia poética." Cuadernos de Estudios del Siglo XVIII, no. 28 (December 7, 2018): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/cesxviii.28.2018.15-27.
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RESUMENManuel de Figueiredo (1725-1801), miembro de la Arcadia Lusitana, es autor de una amplia obra teatral, en la cual se incluyen diferentes géneros dramáticos, unos canónicos y otros no tanto, según el gusto neoclásico. En uno de sus muchos discursos, Figueiredo reconoce la influencia de autores clásicos, griegos y latinos, en sus composiciones cómicas y se confiesa un admirador de la obra dramática de autores del Renacimiento portugués (Sá de Miranda, António Ferreira y Camoens). En el presente trabajo, se analiza la presencia clásica y humanística en "Os censores do teatro" (1776), una obra cómica en la que se detecta una reflexión sobre el teatro portugués del Dieciocho, y se discute también una «licença» que acompaña la pieza y en la que los propios Homero, Camoens y Ferreira aparecen en escena.PALABRAS CLAVETeatro Portugués, Manuel de Figueiredo, Siglo XVIII, Clasicismo, Renacimiento. TITLEManuel de Figueiredo: "Os censores do teatro" and a poetic licenseABSTRACTManuel de Figueiredo (1725-1801), member of the Arcádia Lusitana, authored a vast theatrical work which includes different dramatic genres, some more according to the neoclassical style and others less canonical. In one of his numerous speeches, Figueiredo recognizes the Greek and Latin influences on his own comic work and confesses admiration for Portuguese Renaissance authors, such as Sá de Miranda, António Ferreira and Camões. In this paper we discuss the presence of both classical and humanistic aspects in "Os censores do teatro" (1776), a comedy which reflects about the Portuguese theater of the 18th century, and also the «licença» that ends the play, and where Homer, Camões and Ferreira themselves appear on stage.KEY WORDSPortuguese Theater, Manuel de Figueiredo, 18th Century, Classicism, Renaissance.
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Wilkins, John. "Athenaeus the Navigator." Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (November 2008): 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000094.
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Abstract:This study concerns navigation in a geographical sense and in the sense of the reader finding a way through a complex text with the help of points of reference. Recent studies in Athenaeus have suggested that he was a more sophisticated writer than the second-hand compiler of Hellenistic comment on classical Greek authors, which has been a dominant view. Building on these studies, this article argues that Athenaeus' approach to his history of ancient dining draws on traditional poetic links between the symposium and the sea, and expands such metaphors with a major interest in place and provenance, which also belongs to the literature of the symposium. Provenance at the same time evokes a theme of imperial thought, that Rome can attract to herself all the good things of the earth that are now under her sway. Good things include foods and the literary heritage of Greece now housed in imperial libraries. Athenaeus deploys themes of navigation ambiguously, to celebrate diversity and to warn against the dangers of luxury. Notorious examples of luxury are presented – the Sybarites and Capuans, for example – but there seem to be oblique warnings to Rome as well. Much clearer censure is reserved for the gastronomic poem of Archestratus of Gela, which surveys the best cities in which to eat certain fish. The Deipnosophists deplore the immorality of the poet and his radical rewriting of their key authors Homer and Plato, while at the same time quoting him extensively for the range of his reference to geography and fish. This commentary on Archestratus is a good example of the Deipnosophists' guidance to the reader, Roman or otherwise, who wishes to ‘navigate’ the complicated history of the Greek deipnon and symposium.
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Greenwood, Emily. "A Tale of Two O's: Odysseus and Oedipus in the Black Atlantic." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2009): 281–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002454.
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[First paragraphs]Crossroads in the Black Aegean: Oedipus, Antigone, and Dramas of the African Diaspora. Barbara Goff & Michael Simpson. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. xii + 401 pp. (Cloth US$ 150.00)Romare Bearden: A Black Odyssey. Robert G. O’Meally. New York: DC Moore Gallery, 2007. 116 pp. (Cloth$ 45.00)Commenting on cultural imperialism under European colonialism, Frantz Fanon (1990:39) remarked that “The settler makes history; his life is an epoch, an Odyssey.” In Fanon’s analysis the settler’s sense of history derived from the history of the “mother country,” rather than the history of the colony that he or she inhabited. But history did not stop here: the reference to the Odyssey reminds us that behind the modern colonial metropolis was a fictional line of descent reaching back to a Greco-Roman cradle, such that theEuropean settler could lay claim to an even more ancient cultural inheritance. The two books examined here make short work of these classical imperial fictions; O’Meally demonstrates how Romare Bearden’s collages of theOdyssey collaborate with Homer, jazz style, to produce an epic that Black America can recognize as its own. If the voyage of Odysseus is sometimes taken to symbolize the migration of ancient Greek civilization toward the West, Barbara Goff and Michael Simpson interject the troubled figure of Oedipus, who plays Poseidon to the settler’s Odyssey, disrupting the voyage and confusing the trajectory (p. 268).Both studies are timely and speak to a wave of recent research on Black Classicism – an examination of the work to which the classical tradition has been put in Africa and the African diaspora, ranging from the hegemonic appropriation of Classics by colonizers and slave-owners to the use ofClassics as an ironic counterdiscourse that writes back to racism and imperialism, or as a source of mythopoiesis in the formation of modern black identity.
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Gintsburg, Sarali, Luis Galván Moreno, and Ruth Finnegan. "Voice in a narrative: A trialogue with Ruth Finnegan." Frontiers of Narrative Studies 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fns-2021-0001.
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Abstract Ruth Finnegan FBA OBE (1933, Derry, Northern Ireland) took a DPhil in Anthropology at Oxford, then joined the Open University of which she is now an Emeritus Professor. Her publications include Oral Literature in Africa (1970), Oral Poetry (1977), The Hidden Musicians: Music-Making in an English Town (1989), and Why Do We Quote? The Culture and History of Quotation (2011). Ruth Finnegan was interviewed by Sarali Gintsburg (ICS, University of Navarra) and Luis Galván Moreno (University of Navarra) on the occasion of an online lecture delivered at the Institute for Culture and Society at the University of Navarra. In this trialogue-like interview, Ruth tells about the childhood experiences that were decisive for her interest in orality and storytelling, about her education and training as a Classicist in Oxford, the beginnings of her fieldwork in Africa among the Limba of Sierra Leone, and her recent activity as a novelist. She stresses the importance of voice, of its physical, bodily dimensions, its pitch and cadence; and then affirms the essential role of audience in communication. The discussion then touches upon several features of African languages, classical Arabic and Greek, and authoritative texts of Western culture, from Homer and the Bible to the 19th century novel. Through discussing her childhood memories, her assessment of the development and challenges of anthropology, and her views on the digital transformation of the world, Ruth concludes that the notion of narrative, communication, and multimodality are inseparably linked.
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Hart, Jonathan Locke. "Aesthetics and Ethics Intertwined: Fictional and Non-Fictional Worlds." Interlitteraria 22, no. 2 (January 16, 2018): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2017.22.2.3.
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Montaigne and Las Casas are important thinkers and writers, as are many others, including Shakespeare, as a poet, whose work is complex enough in its modernity that it would be hard to condemn him as a poet as Plato did Homer. Aristotle analyzed Greek tragedy to see how it worked in terms of a framework of anagnorisis and catharsis, that is, recognition and the purging of pity and terror. Shakespeare revisits and reshapes Homer in Troilus and Cressida and remakes Plutarch in Julius Caesar and Antony and Cleopatra while playing on the classical epic and mythological themes in Venus and Adonis and Rape of Lucrece. Plato, a poet as well as a philosopher, and a great writer if one does not like those categories, may have feared the poet within himself. Although assuming with Plato that philosophy is more universal and just than poetry, Aristotle takes the analysis of poetry and drama seriously in Poetics, and also discusses ethics, aesthetics and style in Rhetoric. So, while I discuss Plato as a framework, I am not presuming that writing on the relations among the good, the true, the just and the beautiful stop with him. I am also making the assumption that Las Casas, Montaigne, Shakespeare and other poets and writers deserve to be taken seriously in the company of Plato. Las Casas and Montaigne respond to radically changing realities and shake the very basis of traditional ethics (especially in understanding of the “other”) and work in harmony with the greatest poets and writers of a new era often called modernity like Shakespeare, who is in the good company of Manrique, Villon, Ronsard, Du Bellay, Juan de la Cruz, Luis de León, Lope de Vega, Quevedo and Calderón. Long before, Dante and Petrarch were exploring in their poetry ethical and aesthetic imperatives and broke new ground doing so. Nor can Las Casas and Montaigne be separated from other great writers like Rabelais and Cervantes, who carry deep philosophical and ethical sensibility in their work while responding to reality by providing aesthetically – even sensuously – shaped images that always leave a margin for ambiguity because conflicts are part of an ambiguous reality.
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Scully, Stephen, Oswyn Murray, and Simon Price. "The Greek City: From Homer to Alexander." Classical World 85, no. 6 (1992): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351184.
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Goins, Scott, and Barry B. Powell. "Homer and the Origin of the Greek Alphabet." Classical World 85, no. 6 (1992): 735. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351167.
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Finkelberg, Margalit. "Timēandaretēin Homer." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (May 1998): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800038751.
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Much effort has been invested by scholars in defining the specific character of the Homeric values as against those that obtained at later periods of Greek history. The distinction between the ‘shame-culture’ and the ‘guilt-culture’ introduced by E. R. Dodds, and that between the ‘competitive’ and the ‘cooperative’ values advocated by A. W. H. Adkins, are among the more influential ones. Although Adkins's taxonomy encountered some acute criticism, notably from A. A. Long, it has become generally adopted both in the scholarly literature and in general philosophical discussions of Greek ethics. Objections to Adkins's approach have mainly concentrated on demonstrating that his denial of the cooperative values to Homer is untenable on general grounds and is not supported by Homeric evidence. Characteristically, Adkins's thesis concerning the centrality to Homer's ethics of the so-called ‘competitive values‘ has never received similar attention, probably owing to the fact that this is the point at which his picture of the Homeric society concurs with the influential reconstructions by W Jaeger and M. I. Finley. The present study oftimēandaretē, generally held to be the two competitive values central to the Homeric poems, purports to address this issue.
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Whittaker, A. J. "Homer Sings the Blues." Greece and Rome 41, no. 1 (April 1994): 19–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500023147.
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In a recent edition of this journal, G. M. Sifakis looked at possible Homeric echoes in modern Greek folksong. This paper may be regarded as a coda to that article. Like a satyr play coming after the major dramas it is not entirely serious, but it is not entirely flippant either. My aim is to offer some comparisons between the Homeric tradition and that of the blues singers of the (originally, southern) United States.
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Teodorsson, Sven-Tage. "Eastern Literacy, Greek Alphabet, and Homer." Mnemosyne 59, no. 2 (2006): 161–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506777069709.
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AbstractThe still ongoing discussion about the question as to when the Homeric poems were recorded in writing is paradoxical, considering that Milman Parry did not present a clear idea of this issue, while Albert Lord declared his unequivocal opinion that Homer himself dictated them. The notion of a long period of oral transmission until they were finally recorded in the Pisistratean recension can be seen as a continuation of the old 'analyst' theory. It is now time to abandon this theory, seeing that the evidence in favour of recording in the eighth century has become increasingly stronger in recent decades. Three contemporary factors in that century together form decisive evidence indicating that the recording happened at that time, (1) the intense influence of Eastern culture, not least the influence of literacy, (2) the newly invented Greek alphabet, and (3) the appearance of the genius of Homer.
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Lowenstam, Steven, and Anthony Snodgrass. "Homer and the Artists: Text and Picture in Early Greek Art." Classical World 93, no. 2 (1999): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352398.
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Thalmann, William G., and Richard Garner. "From Homer to Tragedy: The Art of Allusion in Greek Poetry." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350884.
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Properzio, Paul. "Homer, The Iliad: A New Translation trans. Peter Green." Classical World 109, no. 4 (2016): 565–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2016.0052.
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Nieto, P., and Roger D. Woodard. "Greek Writing from Knossos to Homer: A Linguistic Interpretation of the Origin of the Greek Alphabet and the Continuity of Ancient Greek Literacy." Classical World 94, no. 1 (2000): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352514.
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Gagné, Renaud. "The Poetics of exôleia in Homer." Mnemosyne 63, no. 3 (2010): 353–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852510x456156.
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AbstractThe notion of delayed generational punishment, or ancestral fault, has a long history in Greek literature. The identification of its earliest attestations in the Archaic period is contested, especially its presence in Homeric poetry. This paper aims to show that delayed generational punishment does indeed appear in Homer, where it is, however, confined to one context: the great oath of exôleia of Iliad 3.298-301 and 4.155-65. The institutional and ritual context of the generational oath is essential to understanding this earliest Greek attestation of ancestral fault, and making sense of the idea’s larger significance for narrative perspective, divine justice, and temporal order in the Homeric epic.
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Krynicka, Tatiana. "Starożytny łaciński centon: próba przybliżenia na przykładzie „Centonu weselnego” Auzoniusza." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4137.
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The term „cento” comes from the Latin cento, which means „a cloak made of patches,” „patchwork,” as the Greek does. Poems of Homer and Vergil were favorite sources for the ancient cento poets, who rearranged their fragments into totally different stories. The oldest preserved Latin cento is the tragedy „Medea” composed by Hosidius Geta from the fragments of Vergilian poetry circa 200 AD. We know, however, about other centos having been written before that date. Altogether, sixteen Virgilian and one Ovidian cento have been preserved. Thirteen of them, including the earliest and the latest of all extant Latin centos, are contained in the Codex called Salmasianus. Since the terminus ante quem for this manuscript is 534 AD, we assume that all preserved centos have been written between 200 AD, the broadly acknowledge date for Medea, and 534 AD. Ancient Virgilian centos mainly deal with well-known classical myths (8 of 13). Four of them have Christian themes, two treat trivial matters of everyday life, two are wedding-poems. The involvement of Decimus Ausonius Magnus (ca 310-394), a renowned teacher, rhetorician and poet, with the cento is not limited to being the author of a Virgilian cento, which he composed as a response to a similar poem by the Emperor Valentinian I (321-375). Ausonius is the only ancient author we know to have described cento in more detail and to have laid down the rules of the genre. In the introductory letter to the Cento nuptialis, addressed to his friend Axius Paulus, Ausonius maintains that verses of an original text, taken over to the cento, may be divided at any of the caesurae which occur in hexameter. No section longer than one line and a half should be taken over. The quotation may not be changed, although its meaning may change according to the new context. Ausonius compares activity of the cento poets to playing the game of stomachion. Doing so he emphasizes unity within cento and its playfulness as the particularly important traits of the genre. Ancient authors usually followed the technical rules put forth by Ausonius, although not all of them would have agreed with him about the similarity between writing a cento and playing a game. While some twentieth century scholars had treated cento with undeserved contempt, the research of the last decades has given it its honour back. Centos still require our attention, especially that, through their analysis, we may try to obtain a more faithful portrait of the well educated ancient reader. This reader knew his Virgil by heart, worshipped Virgil as the divinely inspired prince of Latin poetry, and preferred Virgil’s words to his own when he ventured to describe his world.
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Bär, Silvio, and Anastasia Maravela. "Narrative, Narratology and Intertextuality: New Perspectives on Greek Epic from Homer to Nonnus." Symbolae Osloenses 93, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397679.2019.1665251.
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Yamagata, Naoko. "Young And old in Homer and in Heike Monogatari." Greece and Rome 40, no. 1 (April 1993): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738350002252x.
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Homer's epics have been compared with many other epic traditions in the world, such as Sumerian, Indian, Serbo-Croatian, Medieval German, and Old French epics, from various points of view, such as narrative techniques, genesis of traditions, oral or writtern nature of texts, and motifs. If comparative studies of the existing sort have any significance, it is rather surprising that there has been no serious attempt to compare Homer's epics and Heike monogatari(translated as The Tale of the Heike, Heikefor short), the best of the medieval Japanese epics, for there are many reasons to believe that the comparison could be worthwhile.1 While many of the oral epic traditions in Europe, including Homer, have been long dead, the Heikehas kept a lively tradition of performance (chanting accompanied by a type of lute) by travelling bards until recently, and still today there are a few performers. One can therefore still obtain first-hand knowledge of the performance which might throw light on some unknown features of oral epics.2 Rather like Homer's influence over Greek literature and culture, the Heikehas influenced the way of life and thinking of the Japanese profoundly thanks to its popularity and wide circulation. The way in which the Heikeinfluenced other arts, such as no plays, is comparable to Homer's influence on later Greek literature such as tragedy,3 and the way the Heike'swarriors set models for later warrior ethics4 is comparable to the Homeric influence on the later Greek senses of virtue (arete), honour time), shame (aidoōs), and so on.
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Parker, Luke. "Thoreau’s luminous Homer in A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers." Classical Receptions Journal 12, no. 4 (September 23, 2020): 425–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/claa013.
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Abstract Henry David Thoreau’s relationship to Greek literature, and Homer’s Iliad in particular, is more often remarked than analysed. This article argues that Thoreau’s engagement with Homer in his first book, A Week on the Concord and Merrimack Rivers, proves central to the themes of that work highlighted by critics as well as its less-studied formal hybrid of poetry and prose. I show that Thoreau constructs Homer as the poetic ideal in which the perennially renewed life of the natural world becomes accessible to human beings caught in the fatal and unidirectional movement of historical time. Thoreau’s ideas here may track Romantic conceptions of Homer and Greek literature more generally, but Thoreau turns contemporary uncertainty around the person of Homer into reflection on the relationship between personal experience and literary expression of ‘living nature’. This turns out to structure a larger dichotomy between poetry and prose, one in which Thoreau associates the latter with authentic experience and self-expression of an individual human life. In A Week’s engagement with Homer, then, we see Thoreau negotiating not only some core concerns of his writing but also his evolution from aspiring poet to author of the works in prose that ultimately define his career.
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DAVIDSON, JOHN. "HOMER AND EURIPIDES' TROADES." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 45, no. 1 (December 1, 2001): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2001.tb00232.x.
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Abstract Like all other Greek poets, Euripides falls under the shadow of Homer. The Troades is closely bound up with the Iliad, in that it represents the fulfilment of Troy's fate so clearly foreshadowed in the Homeric epic. It is not so much a question of linguistic echoes as of situational allusion associated especially with the figures of Andromache and Asyanax, widow and son of Hector. While Homeric and 5th Century values are clearly in tension, as can also be seen in the formal debate between Hecabe and Helen (which also draws the Odyssey into the intertextual nexus), and while Euripides may well to some extent be ironizing and critiquing, he appears at the same time to be offering an impassioned Homeric sequel to the Iliad itself.
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Parry, Hugh, Louise H. Pratt, Christopher Gill, and T. P. Wiseman. "Lying and Poetry from Homer to Pindar: Falsehood and Deception in Archaic Greek Poetics." Phoenix 49, no. 2 (1995): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192637.
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Bassino, Paola. "TRANSLATING THE POET: ALEXANDER POPE'S ENGAGEMENT WITH THE HOMERIC BIOGRAPHICAL TRADITION IN HIS TRANSLATIONS OF THE ILIAD AND THE ODYSSEY." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 183–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000024.
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This article explores Alexander Pope's experience as a translator of the Iliad and the Odyssey, particularly his engagement with Homer as a poet and his biographical tradition. The study focuses on how Homer features in Pope's correspondence as he worked on the translations, how the Greek poet is described in the prefatory essay by Thomas Parnell and Pope's own notes to the text, and finally how his physical presence materializes in the illustrations within Pope's translations. The article suggests that, by engaging with the biography of Homer, Pope explores issues such as poetic authority and divine inspiration, promotes his own translations against European competitors, and ultimately establishes himself as a translator and as a poet. Throughout the process, Homer appears as a presence that forces Pope constantly to challenge himself, until he feels he can stand a comparison with the greatest poet ever.
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Dickinson, O. T. P. K. "Homer, The Poet of the Dark Age." Greece and Rome 33, no. 1 (April 1986): 20–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029922.
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This paper began as a lecture to an extramural weekend course on the Greek Dark Age, organized in Oxford by the Department of External Studies in December 1983. It was intended to suggest that the world of the Homeric poems, insofar as it had any relationship with reality, was more likely to reflect the conditions of the Dark Age than those of Mycenaean Greece, and it was born of increasing frustration at the dominance of what I will call the ‘Mycenaean’ interpretation of Homer, particularly at the popular level. The recent BBC series In Search of the Trojan War has done nothing to lessen this dominance – indeed, it barely suggested that such an interpretation had been seriously challenged – and the theme of the lecture has therefore lost none of its relevance. In presenting a considerably revised version here, I have not attempted to offer an exhaustively argued and documented discussion, which would require a book, and must refer the reader to more extensive treatments of the topic for fuller details. Rather, I have decided to leave it as a rather provocative exposition of a case which deserves to be made. I have made some attempt to step outside the framework in which the discussion has often been conducted, which to my mind unduly favours the ‘Mycenaean’ interpretation, but readily acknowledge that many of my arguments have been presented in similar form by others, and that some have been admitted to have force by those who in general support the ‘Mycenaean’ interpretation. Given the quantity of writing on the topic, it is only too likely that I have neglected some discussions, and I have given references mainly to Homeric sources and to recent archaeological finds of relevance. Finally, I should make it clear that it is not my primary purpose to discuss the historicity of the Trojan War or of the Greek heroic legends generally, though this has often been made to depend on the supposedly Mycenaean content of the Homeric poems, at least in part.
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Franek, Juraj. "Invocations of the Muse in Homer and Hesiod: A Cognitive Approach." Antichthon 52 (2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2018.8.
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AbstractIn this paper, I offer a cognitive analysis of the invocations of the Muse in earliest Greek epic poetry that is based on recent advances in cognitive science in general and the cognitive science of religion in particular. I argue that the Muse-concept most likely originated in a feeling of dependence on an external source of information to provide the singer with the subject matter of their song. This source of information is conceptualised as an ontological type (or template) ‘person’ by means of the hyperactive agency detection, and the Muse’s full access to strategic information, along with other characteristics, establishes her as a minimally counter-intuitive concept (that is to say a concept that conforms to most of our intuitive expectations and runs counter to a few of them), which, in turn, significantly increases the probability of the acquisition and transmission of the Muse-concept within the culture.
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Rosenmeyer, Patricia. "Greek Verse Inscriptions in Roman Egypt: Julia Balbilla's Sapphic Voice." Classical Antiquity 27, no. 2 (October 1, 2008): 334–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2008.27.2.334.
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In 130 ce, Hadrian and Sabina traveled to Egyptian Thebes. Inscriptions on the Memnon colossus document the royal visit, including fifty-four lines of Greek verse by Julia Balbilla, an elite Roman woman of Syrian heritage. The poet's style and dialect (Aeolic) have been compared to those of Sappho, although the poems' meter (elegiac couplets) and content are quite different from those of her archaic predecessor. This paper explores Balbilla's Memnon inscriptions and their social context. Balbilla's archaic forms and obscure mythological variants showcase her erudition and allegiance to a Greek past, but while many of the Memnon inscriptions allude to Homer, Balbilla aligns herself closely with Sappho as a literary model. The main question raised here is what it means for Julia Balbilla to imitate Sappho while simultaneously honoring her royal patrons in the public context of dedicatory inscriptions.
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Hooker, J. T. "Homeric Society: A Shame-Culture?" Greece and Rome 34, no. 2 (October 1987): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028060.
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It is widely known that in the first two chapters of his Greeks and the Irrational E. R. Dodds borrowed the terms ‘shame-culture’ and ‘guilt-culture’ and applied them to early Greek society. According to Dodds, the society depicted by Homer knew nothing of guilt or the sanction of guilt: what acted as a motivating force was aidōs, ‘shame’ or ‘sense of shame’, of which the sanction was nemesis, ‘righteous indignation’. In other words, the warriors of the heroic caste were impelled to certain courses of action, or were restrained from others, by aidōs: they were ashamed of ‘losing face’ among their equals or inferiors, and this fear of public indignation kept before the mind of the heroes where their duty lay. As the Archaic age advanced (Dodds contends), the sense of guilt became manifest, without however displacing entirely the assumptions of the earlier ‘shame-culture’.