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1

Edwards, Mark Evan. "Toward explaining accelerated rates of employment among American mothers of preschoolers : 1965-1988 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8876.

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2

Jao, Jui-Chang. "MIDDLE-CLASS CRISIS IN THE COLONIZATION TRANSITION: COMPARING CATALYSTS AND CONSEQUENCES IN TAIWAN, 1988-2008." UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/9.

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The Taiwanese middle class has experienced two waves of crisis over the past three decades in the context of a colonization transition involving globalization and democratization as primary catalysts. On the economic front, Taiwan’s economy has become increasingly integrated into the Chinese market, resulting approximately one million of the Taiwanese middle class relocating to China. Moreover, neoliberal economic reforms have led to a downsized state sector of the Taiwanese economy. These economic changes affect the growth and stability of the Taiwanese middle class. Meanwhile, on the political front, an ongoing democratic consolidation and decolonization efforts have brought about significant political changes in Taiwan that have deepened Taiwanese nationalism. While economic and political processes appear to be opposite, however, in reality they have been mutually reinforcing, causing increasingly differentiated middle class. The political economy dynamics conditioned in a colonial context suggest that the swing voters of a differentiated middle class play a pivotal role in determining electoral outcomes, and electoral outcomes reshape the differentiated middle class.
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3

Cassell, Donna Elizabeth. "Career development outcomes of college student involvement in out- of-class activities: a liberal arts and sciences alumni follow-up study." Diss., Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/53925.

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Career development theory suggests that the exploration process, an important stage of early adulthood, is facilitated by meaningful involvement in a variety of activities. This theoretical tenet is widely accepted, yet little empirical evidence exists to demonstrate the extent to which exploratory behaviors, as exhibited in undergraduate involvement in out-of-class activities, serve to enhance the career development process and, consequently, the quality of occupational choice after graduation. The purpose of this study was therefore to analyze the degree to which college student involvement in educational, work, and leisure out-of-class experiences related to career development status and three dimensions of the initial work experience-career satisfaction, career stability, and occupational mobility. Survey data were collected from 243 liberal arts and sciences bachelor’s degree recipients in Spring of 1986 who did not pursue additional education or homemaking on a full-time basis (52.6 percent return rate). Step-wise multiple regression results demonstrated modest, yet significant, relationships between involvement in categorical and summed educational, work, and leisure activities, as well as academic factors (college major and QCA), and satisfaction in career progress, satisfaction in current employment, career stability, and occupational mobility (R-squares ranged from .01 to .18). Relatively low Differential Career Status Scores made it impossible to generate significant results for the career development status criterion. These results provided little assistance in helping to define exploratory behaviors. In contrast, participation (a critical component of involvement) in specific undergraduate activities indicated strong, yet curious, relationships with all criteria variables when compared to those who did not participate. Interestingly, t-tests demonstrated that former students who met with career counselors, referred to career-related written materials, used computer assistance programs, and attended related seminars were less satisfied with their current employment, less stable, and more mobile. Conversely, those who were members of professional and social organizations, employed in internships, and engaged in intramural sports, and enrolled in the Cooperative Education and ROTC Programs experienced opposite results. Participation in various activities, therefore, may serve to facilitate or inhibit aspects of the career development process.
Ed. D.
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4

Chadravarthy, Ravi R. "The relationship of work and worker characteristics to utilization of workers' compensation benefits." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/43384.

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5

Araújo, Jormana Maria Pereira. "Tecendo memórias: resistência e luta das operárias da fábrica Santa Cecília (Fortaleza, 1998-1993)." www.teses.ufc.br, 2013. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/6152.

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ARAÚJO, Jormana Maria Pereira. Tecendo memórias: resistência e luta das operárias da fábrica Santa Cecília (Fortaleza, 1998-1993). 2013. 239f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em História, Fortaleza (CE), 2013.
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This study examines the experience of women textile workers in the Santa Cecilia factory in the city of Fortaleza (Ceara, Brazil) between 1988-1993 and how issues of migration, domestic work and urban life shaped thier experience as workers. Drawing on thier memories I explore the muliple demensions of the female world of work based on notions of trust and solidarity within a broader structure of social segregation experienced within the working class communities and the city, where they lived and worked. Their experience, shaped by high levels of employment in the textile industry spurred by the transfer of large sectors of the textile industry to Ceara. Specifically factory life at Santa Cecilia was shaped by harsh working conditions, the deadening routine and ever demanding productive process which in turn caused large scale illness and mutilation among women workers. Focusing on the harsh working condition this study explores the processes of resistence and the struggles for basic rights within the larger context of expanding trade union activity and the incorporation of specific female demands and political activity in daily life. Methodolgically, this study is based on the social history of labor and intertwines a variety of sources, such as interviews, photographs, labor union, and legal documents, proccedings from UNITEXTIL, data bases, census data from IBGE and academic studies.
O ponto de partida desta investigação é a experiência das operárias têxteis da fábrica Santa Cecília na cidade de Fortaleza, entre os anos de 1988 e 1993, observando os nexos da migração, do emprego doméstico e da vida na cidade. Através de suas memórias, analiso de modo articulado, as dimensões do mundo do trabalho feminino examinando a cultura operária baseada em laços de confiança e de solidariedade em meio à segregação social vivida na cidade, no bairro e nas vilas operárias onde moravam e trabalhavam. Num contexto de elevado recrutamento de mão-de-obra feminina na indústria, e de transferência industrial têxtil para o Ceará, destaca-se na fábrica Santa Cecília as péssimas condições de trabalho, a rotina, os ritmos e as normas, o adoecimento e a mutilação dos corpos operários. Face ao duro cotidiano dessa experiência fabril, este estudo também examina os processos de resistência e luta por direitos face à conjuntura de construção de um novo vocabulário de educação sindical quando da incorporação das demandas femininas e politização do cotidiano. Metodologicamente fundamentado na História Social do Trabalho, este estudo congrega variada tipologia de fontes: entrevistas, fotografias, documentos sindicais, leis, processos, jornais, atas de assembleia do Grupo UNITÊXTIL, anuários, cadastros e recenseamento industrial, dados do IBGE, estudos monográficos, dentre outros.
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6

Jongbloed, Janine Alysia. "Happiness, well-being, and post-secondary attainment: measuring the subjective well-being of British Columbia's high school graduate class of 1988." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42541.

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The purpose of the current study is to create definitions and conceptualizations of the constructs of “happiness” and “well-being” in a large sample of the high school graduate class of 1988 in British Columbia, Canada, and then explore the relationships among these concepts and post-secondary educational aspirations, expectations, and attainment. In this thesis, I define the concepts of “happiness” and “well-being” in terms of the participants’ own descriptions of these concepts elicited from focused questionnaire and interview questions from the last wave of the 22-year longitudinal Paths on Life’s Way project. Data were collected using survey methods (n=574) and interviews (n=19). By analyzing both quantitative and qualitative data from Paths on Life’s Way, I employ a mixed methods approach. Specifically, I use the survey data extensively and have added my own questions to the most recent set of follow-up interviews to better define and conceptualize “happiness” and “well-being” for members of the high school graduating class of 1988 in British Columbia, Canada. The current study builds on previous work done with this dataset (Andres, 1992, 2002, 2009, 2010) using the theoretical framework of Sen’s (1985, 1993, 2005) conceptualization of functionings and capabilities in relation to people’s well-being and agency. The basic hypothesis of the current study is that people’s perceptions of their own “happiness” and “well-being” are not only distinct, but also dependent on context, time, and life sphere (e.g., work vs. family). These complex concepts, and participants’ self-ratings of them, relate to post-secondary educational aspirations, expectations, and attainment in ways that differ by gender, health, marital status, and presence or absence of children. As well, the acts of defining and measuring one’s own “happiness” and “well-being” and attempting to change these is an iterative process that is both influenced by and influences one’s educational path.
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7

Ribeiro, Paulo Roberto Rios. "PROBLEMAS ESTRUTURAIS DO ESTADO CAPITALISTA BRASILEIRO APÓS A CONSTITUIÇÃO FEDERAL DE 1988." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2007. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/757.

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A study based on the references contained in Marx s work, in the terms of syllogism of the capitalist state. As an empirical base, the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988 is adopted and an analysis is done of the rapid and complex historical process which led to the dismantling of Magna Charta. This process occurred as a consequence of the removal from the constitutional text of several provisions which indicated the application of new and fundamental social rights, rights which created the foundations and conditions necessary for the implementation of the Welfare State in Brazil. The reasons for this overthrow of rights are examined, consubstantiated in the expulsion of live work in the 1988 Federal Constitution and then in the change that redefined the bases of Brazilian Welfare State to the creation of Neoliberal State. This change in shape of the contemporary Brazilian state took place by the constitutional and state reforms combined with the dialect resolution of crises in the structure of capital from affecting, essentially, the class war and the new international division of work, in the context beyond Fordism and globalization.
Estudo baseado nos referenciais contidos na obra marxiana nos termos do silogismo do Estado capitalista. Adota-se como base empírica a Constituição Federal brasileira de 1988 e analisa-se o rápido e complexo processo histórico que levou ao desmonte e à desfiguração da Carta Magna. Este processo ocorreu em conseqüência da retirada do texto constitucional de vários dispositivos que indicavam a aplicação de novos direitos sociais fundamentais, direitos estes que lançavam os fundamentos e as condições necessárias para a implementação de um Estado social no Brasil. Examinam-se as razões que levaram a essa derrocada dos direitos sociais, consubstanciada na expulsão do trabalho vivo da Constituição Federal de 1988 e, por conseguinte, na transformação que redefiniu as bases do Estado social brasileiro para a instalação de um Estado neoliberal. Essa mudança da forma do Estado capitalista brasileiro contemporâneo se deu através da Reforma Constitucional e da Reforma do Estado, articulada com a resolução dialética da crise estrutural do capital, afetando, essencialmente, a luta de classes e a nova divisão internacional do trabalho, no contexto situado para além do fordismo e na globalização.
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8

Bloodworth, Jeff. "Farewell to the vital center : a history of American liberalism, 1968-1980 /." View abstract, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3214003.

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9

Marren, Brian Dennis. "Working-class responses to unemployment on Merseyside, c.1978-1998 : a Thompsonian analysis." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569242.

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The last quarter of the twentieth century brought forth enormous changes to working- class Britons in the form of widespread industrial closure and escalating unemployment in the manufacturing industry. No British city bore closer witness to these phenomena than Liverpool. The spectre of rising joblessness was arguably the most pervasive facet affecting both the economy and society of Liverpool in the two decades after 1978. Consequently, the despair of job loss and economic deprivation blighted Merseyside to a significantly greater extent than any other major British conurbation. The central concern of this thesis is to analyse the range and depth of responses by Liverpool's working class to the onslaught of compulsory redundancies and factory closures on Merseyside in the age of Thatcher. This city of Liverpool and the surrounding Merseyside region had frequently been prone to industrial unrest since 1945, but it was the dawn ofThatcherism and the rise of neo-liberal economic tendencies that made Liverpool a nucleus of resistance and, at times, a lone voice of protest against the encroaching tide of right-wing politics and sweeping deindustrialisation. This thesis explores six case studies that examine how both residents and workers on Merseyside fought against a rapid rise in redundancies and industrial closure. Drawing on the approach of the eminent labour historian E. P. Thompson, this dissertation seeks to particularly emphasise the social agency exercised by these workers in the series of struggles analysed in the following chapters. Some of their responses to expanding job loss and industrial closure included strikes, factory occupations, the organisation of the unemployed, embracement of radical left-wing municipal politics and serious civil unrest. This thesis concludes that in the range, intensity and use of innovative tactics deployed during these conflicts, Liverpool was distinctive. An important theme running through the case studies analysed was that the working class of Liverpool drew upon and reinvigorated a unique local labour culture which prized opposition and the defence of workers' rights. This dissertation demonstrates that the focus and wide variety of industrial protest exuded by the working class of Liverpool during the Thatcher years was largely due to the long historical relationship the city's workers had with poverty, alienation, sectarianism, and most importantly, unemployment. Therefore, the findings of this study offer new insights into the active resistances undertaken by workers during the 'un-making' of the British working class in the last decades of the twentieth century.
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10

CALIXTO, Francisco José Silva. "Memória e narrativa: a história da educação da Administração Popular de Fortaleza (1986 – 1988)." www.teses.ufc.br, 2002. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/7268.

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CALIXTO, Francisco José Silva. Memória e narrativa: a história da educação da Administração Popular de Fortaleza (1986 – 1988). 2002. 116f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza (CE), 2002.
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The People’s Administration of Fortaleza (1986–1988) is one of the first experiences of the brazilian left in the sphere of public administration, after military governments in Brazil. The goal of this research about the history of the APF educational policy. In other words sought to understand and analyze the meanings of that administrative experience in the field of education in Fortaleza. The theoretical research on outbreaks used this Education lie on the field of history and history education in the perspective of authors such as Paul Ricouer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Michel Foucault, Paul Giles Deleuze and Michel Weyne, Pollak, who are used as plot concepts/notions, narrative, games, memory disputed and segmented. The methodological tools were the documentary and oral sources, the result of interviews with political figures and consultations with the newspapers of the period. The dissertation is evidence for finding that the APF memory is disputed forces standing left in Fortaleza and to demonstrate that, despite numerous misconceptions, administrative-political educational policy was inspired in the popular and democratic education, being understood in education concept observed by the brazilian educator Paulo Freire, in the direction of increasing political awareness of the popular classes.
A Administração Popular de Fortaleza (1986–1988) constitui-se numa das primeiras experiências da esquerda brasileira na esfera da administração pública, depois dos governos militares no Brasil. O objetivo desta pesquisa foi uma investigação sobre a história da política educacional da APF. Em outras palavras buscou compreender e analisar os sentidos daquela experiência administrativa, no âmbito da Educação em Fortaleza. Os focos teóricos utilizados nesta pesquisa em Educação situam-se no campo da História e Historia da Educação, na perspectiva de pensadores como Paul Ricouer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Michel Foucault, Paul Veyne, Giles Deleuze e Michel Pollak, de quem são utilizados os conceitos/noções como narrativa, trama, jogos de força, disputabilidade da memória e segmentariedade. Os instrumentos metodológicos foram as fontes documentais orais e escritas, resultado de entrevistas com personalidades políticas e de consultas aos jornais do período. A dissertação evidencia para constatação de que a memória da APF encontra-se em disputabilidade permanente pelas forças políticas de esquerda em Fortaleza e para a demonstração de que, apesar de inúmeros equívocos político-administrativos, a política educacional inspirou-se na educação democrática e popular, sendo compreendida a educação na noção observada pelo educador brasileiro Paulo Freire, no sentido da elevação da consciência política das classes populares
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11

Quirke, Linda. "Social class, finances and changes in attendance at the University of Guelph, 1987-1998." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape8/PQDD_0002/MQ43205.pdf.

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12

Wiggins, Dana C. "From Countrypolitan to Neotraditional: Gender, Race, Class, and Region in Female Country Music, 1980-1989." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/21.

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During the 1980s, women in country music enjoyed unprecedented success in record sales, television, film, and on pop and country charts. For female performers, many of their achievements were due to their abilities to mold their images to mirror American norms and values, namely increasing political conservatism, the backlashes against feminism and the civil rights movement, celebrations of working and middle class life, and the rise of the South. This dissertation divides the 1980s into three distinct periods and then discusses the changing uses of gender, race, class, and region in female country music and links each to larger historical themes. It concludes that political and social conservatism influenced women’s country performances and personas. In this way, female country music is a social text that can be used to examine 1980s America.
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13

Devigne, Matthieu. "Classe de guerre : Une histoire de l’École entre Vichy et République, 1938-1948." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040145.

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Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de l’École primaire ‒ ou premier degré ‒ au cours de la décennie centrale du XXe siècle. Y sont analysés les processus décisionnels de la politique scolaire au niveau de l’administration ministérielle et académique, ainsi que l’exercice quotidien des prescriptions scolaires sur le terrain des écoles, grâce au recours à de nombreux éclairages monographiques. La première partie de l’étude s’attache à démêler les divers aspects de la politique scolaire de l’État français à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives originales, et en prenant appui principalement sur le point de vue des acteurs en charge de son application : hauts fonctionnaires du ministère, inspecteurs d’académie, jusqu’aux enseignants eux-mêmes. Une seconde partie propose un portrait du fonctionnement logistique quotidien des écoles primaires du pays dans le contexte de la guerre et de l’Occupation. Enfin, la troisième partie décrit le rétablissement de l’École républicaine sur le territoire et les multiples défis idéologiques, pédagogiques et matériels, auxquels est confrontée l’institution scolaire. S’appuyant sur un grand nombre d’archives publiques et privées inédit, cette thèse aboutit ainsi à renouveler le regard historiographique posée sur l’histoire scolaire de cette période. En effet, la décennie guerrière des années 1940 a vu éclore des réformes et des réflexions qui en font un temps d’expériences et d’apprentissages intenses pour la génération des acteurs appelés à forger l’École du second XXe siècle. C’est en ce sens que l’on qualifiera ce moment historique de véritable « classe de guerre »
This thesis focuses on the history of French elementary school in the middle decade of the twentieth century. School policy is analyzed through the decisions of ministerial and academic administrations along with its daily enforcement in classes, exemplified by numerous monographs of interest. First, the study attempts to untangle the various aspects of school policy under the French State, relying mainly on the words of its enforcers: ministerial officials, schools inspectors and, of course, teachers. It exposes quantitative investigations on the repressive impact of the regime and on the unprecedented financial public support for free education, in addition to a detailed analysis of the Vichy educational reforms. It then depicts the everyday life of primary schools in the context of war and Occupation. The third part chronicles the restoration of republican school over the national territory, and emphasizes the multiple ideological, educational and material challenges it had to face. Based on a large number of original archives, both private and public, this thesis leads to reevaluate the historiographical standpoint on the history of school of this time. Indeed, the 1940s gave birth to reforms and reflections that made this decade of war a time for experiments and intense learning for the generation of professionals who were to shape the school of the second part of the century. It is in this sense that this historical moment may be called a “war class”
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Devigne, Matthieu. "Classe de guerre : Une histoire de l’École entre Vichy et République, 1938-1948." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040145.

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Cette thèse porte sur l’histoire de l’École primaire ‒ ou premier degré ‒ au cours de la décennie centrale du XXe siècle. Y sont analysés les processus décisionnels de la politique scolaire au niveau de l’administration ministérielle et académique, ainsi que l’exercice quotidien des prescriptions scolaires sur le terrain des écoles, grâce au recours à de nombreux éclairages monographiques. La première partie de l’étude s’attache à démêler les divers aspects de la politique scolaire de l’État français à l’aide d’analyses quantitatives originales, et en prenant appui principalement sur le point de vue des acteurs en charge de son application : hauts fonctionnaires du ministère, inspecteurs d’académie, jusqu’aux enseignants eux-mêmes. Une seconde partie propose un portrait du fonctionnement logistique quotidien des écoles primaires du pays dans le contexte de la guerre et de l’Occupation. Enfin, la troisième partie décrit le rétablissement de l’École républicaine sur le territoire et les multiples défis idéologiques, pédagogiques et matériels, auxquels est confrontée l’institution scolaire. S’appuyant sur un grand nombre d’archives publiques et privées inédit, cette thèse aboutit ainsi à renouveler le regard historiographique posée sur l’histoire scolaire de cette période. En effet, la décennie guerrière des années 1940 a vu éclore des réformes et des réflexions qui en font un temps d’expériences et d’apprentissages intenses pour la génération des acteurs appelés à forger l’École du second XXe siècle. C’est en ce sens que l’on qualifiera ce moment historique de véritable « classe de guerre »
This thesis focuses on the history of French elementary school in the middle decade of the twentieth century. School policy is analyzed through the decisions of ministerial and academic administrations along with its daily enforcement in classes, exemplified by numerous monographs of interest. First, the study attempts to untangle the various aspects of school policy under the French State, relying mainly on the words of its enforcers: ministerial officials, schools inspectors and, of course, teachers. It exposes quantitative investigations on the repressive impact of the regime and on the unprecedented financial public support for free education, in addition to a detailed analysis of the Vichy educational reforms. It then depicts the everyday life of primary schools in the context of war and Occupation. The third part chronicles the restoration of republican school over the national territory, and emphasizes the multiple ideological, educational and material challenges it had to face. Based on a large number of original archives, both private and public, this thesis leads to reevaluate the historiographical standpoint on the history of school of this time. Indeed, the 1940s gave birth to reforms and reflections that made this decade of war a time for experiments and intense learning for the generation of professionals who were to shape the school of the second part of the century. It is in this sense that this historical moment may be called a “war class”
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Tostes, Suzane Conceição Pantolfi. "Revista Veja e a luta de classes dos anos 1980: FIESP e CNI contra CUT e o PT pelo olhar de Veja durante os anos 1985-1989." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2012. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/1791.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The objective of this research is to investigate and analyze how Veja magazine made the cover over the role of class organizations (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) between the years 1985-1989. We assume that Veja magazine acts as a private apparatus of hegemony, since it proposes referrals, organize, create consensus and shares its world view with a certain fraction of the bourgeois class, in this period studied we concluded that Veja get closer of the fractions of the bourgeois class industrial business of the Brazil. The time frame of the research included the years 1985-1989, it was a remarkable period in Brazilian history, due to "end the military dictatorship" (but not the end of the rubble of authoritarian military dictatorship, once that, Constitution remained in force for the period of dictatorship until August 1988, the repression to the social movements and forms of mobilization and organization of the working class, the illegality of the strike, the permanence of the Ministry of Armed Forces and National Security all coordinated by the military), the promulgation of the New Constitution and with it the legality of the strike for some categories and the intensification of class struggle. Due to these factors the dissertation sought to discuss, analyze, investigate from the materials of the Veja magazine how it made the cover of the economic plans implemented during the years 1985 -1989 and the consequences for the working class. So as well as investigate the coverage that the magazine Veja made about the acting of the class organizations (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) in the period 1985-1989 and the clashes between these organizations
O objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar e analisar de que forma a revista Veja fez a cobertura sobre a atuação das organizações de classe (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) entre os anos de 1985-1989. Partimos do pressuposto que a revista Veja age enquanto um aparelho privado de hegemonia, já que propõe encaminhamentos, organiza, cria consenso e compartilha sua visão de mundo com uma determinada fração da classe burguesa, nesse período estudado concluímos que Veja se aproxima das frações da classe burguesa empresarial industrial do Brasil. O recorte temporal da pesquisa compreendeu os anos de 1985-1989, pois foi um período marcante na história brasileira, devido ao fim da ditadura militar (mas não o fim do entulho autoritário da ditadura militar, uma vez que, permaneceu vigente a Constituição do período da ditadura até agosto de 1988, a repressão aos movimentos sociais e formas de mobilização e organização da classe trabalhadora, ilegalidade da greve, permanência do Ministério das Forças Armadas e da Segurança Nacional todas coordenadas por militares), a promulgação da Nova Constituição e com ela a legalidade da greve para algumas categorias e a intensificação da luta de classes. Devido a esses elementos a pesquisa procurou discutir, analisar, investigar a partir das matérias da revista Veja, como a mesma fez a cobertura dos planos econômicos implantados durante os anos de 1985-1989 e as consequências para a classe trabalhadora, bem como investigar a cobertura que a revista Veja fez sobre a atuação das organizações de classe (CUT, PT, FIESP e CNI) no período de 1985-1989 e os embates entre essas organizações
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Brito, Alba Fernanda Oliveira. "O diário de classe e a cultura material escolar do curso técnico regular em mecânica da Escola Técnica Federal de São Paulo (1986-1989)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19362.

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Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo
This research presents an analysis on the use of the class record book at Escola Técnica Federal de São Paulo (São Paulo Technical School - ETFSP), an Autonomous Entity Education Establishment, originally arising from the Escola de Aprendizes Artífices (School of Apprentices and Artifices - EAA) which, for almost forty years (1959-1998), formed Secondary Education technicians in the Capital City of São Paulo, in order to meet the Brazilian Industrial Market at that period. After several renewals and names, it is currently called Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Paulo (São Paulo Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology - IFSP). The main document sources are sets of class record books filled out by professors who ministered technical (specific) and general culture (propedeutics) classes at the Mechanics Regular Course of ETFSP between 1986 and 1989. Aiming at investigating the relationship between the class record books and the school material culture and its ordinary writing with reflections and development of the teaching practice, a qualitative research is made, centered in the analysis methodology of the contents registered. The theories in which the research are based on have support from teaching practice studies, documents and school archives inserted in the school material culture field. In that direction, the investigation relevance is also related to the fact that it historically discusses not only the document itself by also its uses and needs. The results obtained in the research indicate that the class record book it is not seen by the individuals involved as a support, reflection and teaching practice development tool, but as a procedural document for the description of tasks undertaken in the classroom, solidifying the culture of bureaucratic documents and inspection of the teaching work, even though ETFSP considers it a support tool for pedagogical activities
Esta pesquisa apresenta uma análise sobre uso do diário de classe na Escola Técnica Federal de São Paulo (ETFSP), estabelecimento de ensino autárquico, oriunda da Escola de Aprendizes Artífices (EAA) que, durante quase quarenta anos (1959-1998) de existência, formou técnicos de nível de 2º grau na capital paulista para atender ao mercado industrial brasileiro. Após várias transformações, com diferentes nomenclaturas, atualmente é denominado de Instituto Federal de Educação, Ciência e Tecnologia de São Paulo (IFSP). As fontes documentais principais são os conjuntos de diários de classes produzidos pelos professores que ministraram aulas em disciplinas técnicas (específicas) e de cultura geral (propedêuticas) no Curso Técnico Regular em Mecânica da ETFSP, especificamente entre os anos de 1986 e 1989. Tendo como objetivo investigar a relação do diário de classe com a cultura material escolar e da sua escrita ordinária com uma reflexão e desenvolvimento da prática docente, realiza-se uma pesquisa de cunho qualitativo, centrada na metodologia de análise dos conteúdos ali registrados. As teorias que fundamentam a pesquisa estão apoiadas em estudos sobre a prática docente, documentos e arquivos escolares que se inserem no campo da cultura material escolar. Nesse sentido, a pertinência da investigação se coloca também por problematizar historicamente não apenas o documento em si, mas também seus usos e necessidades. Os resultados obtidos na pesquisa indicam que o diário de classe não é visto pelos sujeitos envolvidos como uma ferramenta de apoio, reflexão e desenvolvimento da prática pedagógica docente, mas como um documento procedimental para a descrição das tarefas realizadas no interior da sala de aula, solidificando a cultura de documento burocrático e de controle e fiscalização do trabalho docente, ainda que a ETFSP o tenha como ferramenta de apoio para subsidiar as ações pedagógicas
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17

Vincent, Louise. "Mothers of invention : gender, class and the ideology of the Volksmoeder in the making of Afrikaner nationalism, 1918-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.389627.

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18

Taylor, Avram George. "Working class credit on Tyneside since 1918." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1572/.

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19

Papaleonardos, Chris Takis. "The Institutionalization of American Industrial Conflict - Collective Bargaining, Arbitration, and Working-Class Militancy in the Postwar United States, 1948-1980." Connect to resource, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1224181911.

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20

Giliani, Francesco. "« Troisième Camp » ou nouvel « Octobre » ? : Socialistes de gauche, trotskistes et Deuxième Guerre mondiale (1938-1948)." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE2075.

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Le débat au sein du mouvement ouvrier autour de la relation entre la guerre et la révolution a toujours été de nature stratégique, déjà à l’époque de la Première Internationale. Trancher sur l’attitude face à la guerre a produit débats, clivages et scissions : entre réformistes et révolutionnaires, entre défaitistes et défenseurs de l’« Union sacrée », entre pacifistes absolus et "militaristes révolutionnaires". À la fin des années 1930, alors que le monde précipite à nouveau vers un conflit à l’échelle mondiale, l’actualisation – ou bien la répétition - de la démarche suivie par Lénine pendant la Première Guerre mondiale (le défaitisme révolutionnaire) est au cœur des analyses et des perspectives débattues par les minorités révolutionnaires. Cette recherche vise à établir les données du débat théorique et d’orientation politique et programmatique au sein de la Quatrième Internationale (QI) et dans l’archipel hétérogène du socialisme de gauche. Ces deux courants politiques se voulaient alternatives au réformisme et au stalinisme et furent celles où la possibilité d’un dénouement révolutionnaire de la guerre fit l’objet d’un débat passionné et d’une action tout au moins conséquente.Il s’agira de comprendre comment ces deux courants firent face à une révolution qui n’était pas venue ou qui avait été contrôlée par les staliniens et les sociaux-démocrates, et aux nouvelles relations internationales engendrées par le dénouement de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale
The debate within the workers' movement about the relationship between war and revolution has always been of a strategic nature, even at the time of the First International. Deciding on the attitude to the war produced debates, cleavages and splits: between reformists and revolutionaries, between defeatists and defenders of the "Union sacrée", between absolute pacifists and "revolutionary militarists". At the end of the 1930s, as the world once again rushed towards a conflict on a global scale, the actualization - or repetition - of Lenin's approach during the First World War (revolutionary defeatism) was at the heart of the analyses and perspectives debated by revolutionary minorities. This research aims to establish the data for the theoretical debate and political and programmatic orientation within the Fourth International (FI) and the heterogeneous archipelago of left-wing socialism. These two political currents were trying to build an alternative to reformism and Stalinism and were the ones where the possibility of a revolutionary outcome to the war was passionately debated and at least acted upon
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21

Cabral, Valdenisio Alves. "Comerciários de João Pessoa: novo sindicalismo, conflitos de classes e cultura política (1986-1993)." Universidade Federal da Paraí­ba, 2015. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/6014.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This study aims to present an approach of how the new unionism contributed to the change in the political culture of the leaders in commerce unionism João Pessoa, between 1986 and 1993. Historical context in which the authentic unionism emerged provided significant changes in the relationship between capital and work from the disruption to the ancient practice of making unionism during the military dictatorship. We believe that this movement was primarily responsible for the change in behavior of the new union leaders that category of workers where there was a prevailing culture of harmony between antagonistic classes. This new unionism will bring out a union opposition to fight what became known as pelegas practices. From an analysis of the political practices of the "old unionism" and change the political culture in commerce unionism João Pessoa. Understand how political culture not only the practices and attitudes of social agents, but these agents have relationships with symbolic elements, whether the acceptance or rejection and certain power projects in the political structure. As theoretical foundation, we will use the concepts of political culture and class identity in order to understand the behavior of union leaders Category shopkeeper. The sources used were built on research papers, oral reports, official documents and works of Brazilian historiography.
Este estudo tem por finalidade fazer uma abordagem de como o novo sindicalismo contribuiu para a mudança de cultura política das lideranças do sindicalismo comerciário de João Pessoa, entre 1986 e 1993. O contexto histórico em que surgiu o sindicalismo autêntico proporcionou mudanças significativas nas relações entre capital e trabalho a partir das rupturas com as antigas práticas de se fazer sindicalismo durante a ditadura militar. Acreditamos que este movimento foi o principal responsável pela mudança de comportamento dos novos dirigentes sindicais daquela categoria de trabalhadores onde predominava uma cultura de harmonia entre as classes antagônicas. Esse novo sindicalismo vai fazer emergir uma oposição sindical no combate ao que ficou conhecido como práticas pelegas. A partir de uma análise entre as práticas políticas do chamado velho sindicalismo e, mudança de cultura política no sindicalismo comerciário de João Pessoa. Entendemos como cultura política não só as práticas e atitudes dos agentes sociais, mas as relações que esses agentes têm com os elementos simbólicos, sejam pela aceitação e ou pela rejeição a determinados projetos de poder na estrutura política. Como fundamentação teórica, utilizaremos os conceitos de cultura política e identidade de classe visando entender o comportamento dos dirigentes sindicais da categoria comerciária. As fontes utilizadas foram construídas em pesquisa em jornais, relatos orais, documentos oficiais e obras da historiografia brasileira.
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22

Cervetto, Davide. "Le cappe biologiche di classe II." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2020. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/19884/.

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ABSTRACT Obiettivo La partecipazione a questo tirocinio mi ha permesso di avere un’idea chiara della gestione delle apparecchiature elettromedicali dal collaudo fino alla dismissione. In modo particolare ho avuto l’opportunità di vedere il funzionamento delle cappe biologiche di classe II, la manutenzione e il rischio biologico ad esse legato. Metodo Al fine di aver ben chiaro tutto il processo di gestione del parco tecnologico ho affiancato direttamente i tecnici seguendoli giornalmente nelle operazioni di manutenzione preventiva. Ho affiancato il personale amministrativo gestendo le richieste di intervento da parte dei reparti e suddividendo gli incarichi ai vari tecnici. Conclusioni Grazie a questa esperienza ho potuto capire il lavoro della commessa interagendo in prima persona con le apparecchiature, i tecnici ed il personale ospedaliero. In relazione alle cappe biologiche di classe II ho potuto comprendere il rischio biologico che comportano e l’importanza di una manutenzione ordinaria effettuata a regola d’arte.
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23

Kumbhat, Christine Pushpa. "Working class adult education in Yorkshire, 1918-1939." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2017. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/19923/.

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This thesis considers the place of workers’ adult education in the world of the British labour movement, and what impact it may have had on worker-students as citizens. It concentrates on three voluntary working class adult education organisations – the Workers’ Educational Association (WEA), The National Council of Labour Colleges (NCLC), and the Co-operative. The WEA delivered an impartial, non sectarian, non-political programme of education in the liberal arts and humanities with the support of universities and Local Education Authorities. The NCLC promoted a programme of Marxist education, and accepted support only from working class organisations, predominantly trade unions. The Co-operative wished to develop ‘Co operative character’ through education as a means to building a ‘Co-operative Commonwealth.’ This thesis explores the extent to which each organisation made an impact in Yorkshire between the wars. It does this in a variety of ways; by analysing the diversity of thought on socialism and democracy in the intellectual world of the labour movement during the inter-war era; presenting a historiographical context of workers’ adult education in Yorkshire from the nineteenth to the twentieth century; evaluating the Co operative’s success at establishing a Co-operative Commonwealth through education; exploring the relationship between the trades councils of Yorkshire and the three adult education organisations; researching the biographies of municipal public students known to have been worker-students; analysing the value of workers’ adult education from the perspective of the regional press; and studying the lived experience of workers’ adult education from the perspective of worker-students, tutors and administrators. The resounding theme that emerges by the end of the thesis is how working class adult education was connected consistently with democracy – that workers’ adult education, whatever form it took, supported a democratic model of active participatory citizenship based on idealism, as well as ethical and moral interpretations of social democracy.
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24

Hirschman, Edward. "Optimal class scheduling subject to professors' preferences." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44649.

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This new form of multiattribute utility optimization is based on ordinal as opposed to cardinal utility and is defined from a corresponding integer programming model in operations research which (1) is solved for ordinal cost factors and (2) serves as the problem's theoretical starting point.

It is suggested herein that one start with a mathematical formulation that if solved in an acceptable or -- preferably -- best manner would yield a satisfactory or possibly best solution to the problem. Then, that mathematical formulation and its solution technique defines the multiattribute utility problem and its solution at issue. This is the reverse of what is usually done; and as will be shown, doing this can be quite fruitful.

The illustrative example concerns a mathematical 1 formulation based on operation research's assignment problem. As will be argued, the cost factors must be ordinal, which essentially corresponds to using ordinal utility; hence the technique will be framed in the realm of ordinal utility.

The technique for solving the illustrative example's mathematical formulation is to achieve a premium mix of operations research solution properties. From this perspective, some sticky issues in multiattribute utility theory when the attributes involve the preferences of distinct persons are not included in the philosophical base for the multiattribute utility problem and its solution thusly defined.
Master of Arts

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25

Silva, Pinochet Beatriz. "La clase media en Chile después de las transformaciones estructurales: una aproximación cualitativa a través del análisis de clase." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2005. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/106463.

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Es así como, el presente trabajo pretendemos realizar una investigación que permita acercarnos a la temática de la clase media desde una mirada amplia. Para eso presentamos primero las características de la investigación que guía este trabajo; más tarde nos abocaremos a definir el concepto de clase que se ha de utilizar durante el mismo, para después abordar el tema sobre los elementos que caracterizaron a la clase media chilena en el pasado. Se analizará también cómo la situación de esta clase se vio afectada por las transformaciones estructurales llevadas a cabo por el régimen militar, que fueron acompañadas de concepciones distintas que reestructuran el papel que le cabe a las diferentes instituciones, influyendo con esto los más diversos ámbitos de nuestra sociedad.
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26

BEZERRA, Marcela Heráclio. "Mulheres (des) cobertas, histórias reveladas : relações de trabalho, práticas cotidianas e lutas políticas das trabalhadoras canavieiras na zona da mata sul de Pernambuco (1980-1988)." Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, 2012. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/11042.

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CNPq
As trabalhadoras canavieiras da Zona da Mata Sul de Pernambuco, desde a tenra infância, foram obrigadas a sobreviver em miseráveis condições de vida e degradantes relações de trabalho inerentes ao sistema agrícola implantada na região desde os tempos de Duarte Coelho. A lógica da produção canavieira, fundamentada na tríade latifúndio, monocultura do açúcar e exploração da mão-de-obra, imprimia às mulheres canavieiras, assim como os demais trabalhadores, à exploração extensiva das classes patronais. Para as trabalhadoras, a exploração de classe somava-se à opressão de gênero, recaindo sob elas, a dupla ou tripla jornada de trabalho. A partir do reconhecimento e da valorização das mulheres canavieiras como partícipes da classe trabalhadora, característica nem sempre considerada pela historiografia relativa aos movimentos sociais no campo, a presente pesquisa buscou dar visibilidade histórica às trabalhadoras canavieiras, através da reflexão acerca das práticas políticas e das relações estabelecidas por elas nos distintos âmbitos de atuação social, ao longo do decênio de 1980. Ao problematizar a presença ou a ausência das mulheres canavieiras nos diferentes espaços de sociabilidade, analisou-se3.074 fichas de trabalhadores associados ao Sindicato de Trabalhadores Rurais do Cabo de Santo Agostinho, entre os anos de 1963 e 1989, os documentos produzidos pela Federação dos Trabalhadores na Agricultura de Pernambuco e pelo Centro das Mulheres do Cabo. Realizou-se também um estudo pormenorizado dos 525 processos trabalhistas impetrados na 1ª Junta de Conciliação Justiça do Cabo de Santo Agostinho, de 1980 a 1985 e das 15 entrevistas realizadas com trabalhadores canavieiros, assessores sindicais e líderes de movimentos sociais. Longe de constituírem-se como apêndices históricos, constatou-se: o protagonismo das trabalhadoras canavieiras no ambiente do trabalho assalariado e no espaço doméstico; o gradativo aumento da participação feminina nas campanhas salariais e nos movimentos sindicais e de mulheres trabalhadoras rurais; a presença das trabalhadoras canavieiras na Justiça do Trabalho através dos processos trabalhistas que reivindicação o cumprimento dos direitos conquistados através das Convenções e Dissídios Coletivos. Ao eleger como objeto de estudo as relações de trabalho, as lutas políticas e os embates travados no cotidiano das trabalhadoras canavieiras da zona da Mata Sul de Pernambuco, ao longo da década de 1980, visa-se dar visibilidade histórica a sujeitos pouco contemplados pela historiografia - as mulheres canavieiras – sem os quais, torna-se incompleta qualquer análise sobre a história dos trabalhadores canavieiros de Pernambuco bem como da classe trabalhadora rural brasileira como um todo.
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27

Boughton, John Frederick. "Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield, 1918-1931." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34790/.

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Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield contrasted sharply in the 1920s - Birmingham was a bastion of working-class Conservatism, Sheffield, a Labour stronghold. In the first half of the thesis, we explored this contrast by an examination of the economic, social and political conditions which underlay it. Sheffield's large-scale industry was found to reinforce working-class values and trades union traditions which facilitated Labour's political rise. Birmingham's diversified, often small-scale, economy impeded the development of working-class consciousness and eased inter-class relations. These differences were reflected in the towns' working-class cormtinities. The forms of Sheffield society consolidated the working-class loyalties of which Labour affiliations became one aspect. Birmingham society was more penetrable and possessed a powerful civic tradition of cross-class cooperation. In local government, Birmingham retained a confident, reforming middle-class leadership fulfilling the heritage of Joseph Chamberlain. Sheffield's middle-class politicians retreated into reactionary oppositionism which hastened Labour's advance. Contemporary events in the national economy and politics strengthened Labour's claim to be the real party of the working class. In the second half, we studied the content of working-class politics; examining, firstly, Labour's principles and practice. Ethical and constitutional values, combined with a corrrnitment to practical reform, were found dominant. A genuine party life of extra-political activities existed but its scope and ambitions were modest. Cooperation shared similar values, allied with an ambiguous attitude towards political action which strained relations with the wider Labour movement. The revolutionary Left was active but its aggressive style and far-reaching demands distanced it from the broader working class. In conclusion, we looked at working-class Conservatism - still influential and with several ideological and structural strains in workingclass culture perpetuating its appeal. We viewed it, particularly among the poorer strata, as one method of getting by in a life deemed fundamentally unalterable.
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Horwood, Catherine Natalia Clotilde. "'Keeping up appearances' : clothes, class and culture 1918-1939." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408039.

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29

Venugopal, Reddy K. "Working class and freedom struggle : Madras Presidency, 1918-1922 /." New Delhi : Mittal Publications, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb410015398.

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Texte remanié de: Dissertation--University of Hyderabad, 1985. Titre de soutenance : The industrial working class and the Indian national movement in the Madras Presidency, 1918-1922.
Bibliogr. p. 83-87.
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30

Santos, Paula Cristina Basílio dos. "Exames nacionais no Ensino Primário (1948 – 1974)." Master's thesis, FCT - UNL, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/1934.

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Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do Grau de Mestre de Bolonha em Ensino da Matemática pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia
Este trabalho de investigação teve como objectivos, recolher exames do Ensino Primário entre 1948 a 1974 e documentos relacionados com exames; apresentar géneros de exames do Ensino Primário que eram realizados nesses anos; identificar a quem eram destinados esses exames; qual a escolaridade obrigatória que as crianças deviam ter e, por fim, analisar os programas adoptados nas escolas. No estudo verificou-se que os exames do Ensino Primário se dividiam em exames do primeiro grau e segundo grau, sendo os exames do primeiro grau destinados às crianças que frequentavam a terceira classe e os do segundo grau, às crianças que estudavam na quarta classe. Os exames não tiveram sempre a mesma estrutura ao longo desse período, tendo a maior mudança ocorrido na década de 60. Mas,todos estavam em conformidade com o programa leccionado na escola e continham sempre problemas relacionados com o dia-a-dia da criança,qualquer que fosse o ano ou mudança na estrutura dos exames. Neste estudo, também é analisada a escolaridade obrigatória na época de 1948 a 1974, foi na década de 40 e 50 era obrigatório frequentar a escola até às três primeiras classes, passando em 1956 a ser obrigatória, somente para as crianças do sexo masculino, até às quatro primeiras classes. Em 1960, passou a ser obrigatório frequentar a escola até à quarta classe, independentemente do sexo da criança, sendo depois alargada esta obrigatoriedade até às seis classes.
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Silva, Nauber Gavski da. "O "mínimo" em disputa : salário mínimo, política, alimentação e gênero na cidade de Porto Alegre (c. 1940 - c. 1968)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/107903.

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Desde 1928 o governo brasileiro se comprometeu com a comunidade internacional em adotar um salário mínimo. Para definir seu conceito, médicos propuseram a criação de uma política alimentar para os/as trabalhadores/as que seria complementar ao mínimo. Ao buscar o melhoramento da “raça” brasileira sob princípios de “alimentação racional”, estimularam a educação popular, a criação de restaurantes e postos de abastecimento. Como observamos em Porto Alegre, esse projeto alimentar seria parcialmente executado, especialmente através da educação de mulheres trabalhadoras, com implicações sobre as relações de gênero. Tanto a economia doméstica como a cultura alimentar da classe trabalhadora local funcionavam como barreiras contendo o avanço da ciência da Nutrição sobre as práticas alimentares populares. Nem a política alimentar nem o salário mínimo enfrentaram à altura os problemas que deveriam solucionar. Se por um lado ocorreu uma tendência de aumento de salários desde a criação do mínimo até os anos 1960, com progressivo distanciamento dos patamares salariais médios em relação ao mínimo para o conjunto da classe trabalhadora da cidade, por outro havia exceções importantes para certas categoriais, funções e para as mulheres. Poucos/as trabalhadores/as conseguiam escapar da tendência salarial do período – recebiam entre 1 e 2 salários mínimos. Uma boa parte do esforço dos atores era dedicado ao debate sobre a confiabilidade dos dados utilizados na política salarial. Tanto patrões como trabalhadores buscavam valer-se das estatísticas disponíveis para “provar” seus pontos de vista na busca pelo consideravam seus direitos. A descrença dos trabalhadores para com a instituição oficial de estatística que marcou suas lutas nos tribunais seria a baliza para sua atuação diante das propostas de reajustes do salário mínimo. Este foi criado e atualizado em contextos políticos cambiantes, entre maior e menor abertura do governo ao diálogo com a classe trabalhadora. Se em um primeiro momento ela parecia mais responder aos estímulos oficiais, vemos que a abertura política progressivamente possibilitou uma postura ativa de demanda pelo reajuste do mínimo nas bases que achava pertinente. Finalmente, uma vez que o salário mínimo jamais deu conta do problema da economia doméstica, as lideranças operárias valeram-se da construção de concepções negativas sobre ele, que por sua vez serviram de alicerce para suas demandas por salários que mantivessem a hierarquia salarial em fábricas e oficinas. Para isso eram obrigados a ativar perante a Justiça do Trabalho a ideologia de gênero difundida e reforçada por governos e patrões.
Since 1928, Brazilian Government compromised to international community on adopting a minimum wage. To define its concept physicians proposed a feeding policy to workers, complementary to minimum wage. Seeking the improvement of Brazilian “race” under “rational feeding”, they have stimulated popular education, restaurants and state grocery shops. As seen at Porto Alegre, such project was best performed amongst working class women, influencing gender relations. Local working class domestic economy and feeding culture acted as walls stopping Nutrition science advance over popular feeding practices. Neither feeding policy nor minimum wage faced adequately the problems they should address. If salaries raised from the moment minimum wage was created to the 1960s, at the same time there was important exceptions for some categories, jobs and for women. Only a few could earn more than the pattern of 1-2 minimum wages. Actors spent a good time debating reliability of data used on wages policy. Both workers and employers used available statistics to “prove” their points when seeking what they believed were their rights. Labor leaders disbelief on official statistics would be the corner stone on their agency regarding minimum wage. As it was created and updated on changing political contexts, facing both opened and closed to dialogue governments, at first workers seemed to answer more to official agenda, then political aperture favored a proactive attitude toward demanding a higher level to minimum wage. Finally, once minimum wage never solved the domestic economy equation, workers leaders constructed negative images over it, which served as instruments on demanding the maintenance of wages hierarchy on factories and shops. Doing so obligated them to reactivate traditional gender ideology strengthened by government and employers.
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32

Castilho, Eribelto Peres. "A classe trabalhadora in movimento um retrato das lutas dos trabalhadores no Jornal Movimento (1975-1981)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19062.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This study aims to provide a critical analysis of the image, of the opposition, defeats, struggles and victories usual in the working class life during the period of 1975 to 1981, pictured in the pages of Movimento newspaper. The timeline proposed in our study – that cover the period that Movimento was published (1975-1981) – can be considered one of the most significant in Brazil’s recent history. The 1970’s and beginning of the 1980’s represent a moment of intense and profound social contradictions, resulting in changes in the country’s cultural, political and economical panorama. This period is marked (acknowledged) by the vigorous and acute reemerging of the working class in the social scenario. And as a sign of resistance and struggle the targeted their actions against the cut down, exploration and autocracy, therefore demonstrating, to everyone’s surprise, that they were not asleep, as they never had been even during the terrible years of the dictatorship. These years of important social changes are an adequate and essencial period for the understanding of the working class unique and shared experiences
O objetivo deste trabalho consiste na análise imanente do retrato, corporificado nas páginas do jornal Movimento, das lutas, resistências, derrotas e vitórias cotidianas dos trabalhadores brasileiros, e demais movimentos populares, frente à superexploração de sua força de trabalho, frente à fome, desnutrição e criminalização de seus filhos, frente à miséria social infligida pela plataforma econômica da autocracia burguesa brasileira em sua forma bonapartista, especialmente entre os anos de 1975 e 1981. O recorte temporal proposto em nossa análise – que recobre os anos das datas-limites da publicação do semanário Movimento (1975-1981) – constitui um dos mais significativos períodos da recente história brasileira. A década de 1970 e início dos anos 1980 representam um momento de intensas e profundas contradições sociais, fecundo em transformações no metabolismo cultural, político e econômico do país. Época marcada, sobretudo, pela ação vigorosa e pujante da classe trabalhadora no cenário social, pautando sua atuação nos marcos da resistência e luta contra o arrocho, superexploração e autocracia, demonstrou, para a surpresa de muitos, que não estava dormindo, como nunca esteve nos terríveis anos de ditadura. Esses anos constituem, portanto, um período adequado de mudanças sociais, condição imprescindível a uma efetiva apreensão das experiências compartilhadas da classe trabalhadora, dessa “relação histórica” particular
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33

Kishebuka, Oliver. "Class repetition : the experience of young people of repeating a class in primary school education in Tanzania." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/b8284c7d-df92-4872-8513-7a82d003a422.

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Education is one of the dimensional indices used to calculate Human development. In the last 10 years, the quality of education in Tanzania has rendered a large number of children finishing basic primary education unable to read or and in some cases being required to repeat a class. In Tanzania, class repetition is considered to be a strategy that assists literacy in children by availing them another opportunity to participate in lessons and re-sit examinations for the failed year. The concept is contested in other parts of the world where studies suggest that withholding children has negative consequences on children’s future academic and socio-emotional outcomes thus further affecting educational performance. This study looked at the experience of young people of repeating a class in a society where education is given great emphasis as means of social mobility. It looked at the experience of the young people in Tanzania, in the context of the various systems surrounding them and interacting with them (both directly and indirectly) such as their families, schools, neighbourhoods, communities, education policies and laws; and how such systems either fostered or hindered their resilience when repeating a class. Using responses from young people who were this study’s key informants and comparative approaches based on resilience and ecological framework, the study highlights how the process of decision making impacted and influenced the perception of young people of repeating a class as well as influenced these young people’s overall experience of repeating a class. Young people’s participation and consultation in the process of decision making was given great significance and as such, a model has been developed to emphasize children’s voices, approaches and interventions that are child-centred.
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34

Barya, John-Jean B. "Law, state and working class organisation in Uganda, 1962-1987." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/35613/.

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This thesis describes and interprets the historical development of the legal regulation of the Ugandan trade union movement and assesses the relative importance of law in the determination of the character of trade union organisation in the post-colonial period 1962-1987. Chapter I defines the scope of the thesis and identifies the theoretical framework and analytical themes on which the thesis is based. Chapter II deals with the colonial foundations of the post-colonial legislation with which the thesis is mainly concerned. Chapters III, IV and V cover the period 1962-1987 whereby we analyse, first, the class and political character of the legal changes that take place between 1963-1976. Secondly, we examine the practical operation and impact of the law vis-a-vis the role of state policy and behaviour, the ideological outlook adopted by the trade unions, union constitutional structures and leadership struggles in the formation of the character of contemporary trade unionism in Uganda. The thesis treats law as a historical category and takes as its starting point the Marxist conceptualisations which view law variously as an instrument of the dominant class, as ideology or which attempt a materialist analysis. From these perspectives we examine the processes of class struggle through which the specific legislation came into being and more crucially the importance of the balance of class forces in the practical utilisation of legal rights or restrictions. We conclude in Chapter VI that while the economic parameters in which trade unions exist and operate are important determinants of union character, within those parameters the character of the state has proved to be most crucial. But at the level of the unions themselves, the ideology they adopt, their constitutional structures and leadership struggles, together, have created the contemporary undemocratic, economistic-apolitical and technocratic aspects of trade unionism in Uganda. However law has been important for the unions to the extent that it has been mainly a source of legitimation for their autonomous existence, most of the time, in their chequered history. The analysis of the historical and class origins and nature of the law regulating trade union organisation and the assessment we make of the role of law vis-a-vis the role played by other factors in determining the character of trade union organisation in Uganda is, in our view, an original contribution to the knowledge of industrial relations law in Uganda. The construction and interpretation of the historical phases through which both trade union law and trade union organisation have passed is likewise an original contribution to the knowledge of trade unionism in Uganda.
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Ghikas, Anastasis. "The politics of working class communism in Greece, 1918-1936." Thesis, University of York, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10953/.

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36

Quadros, Waldir José de 1949. "A nova classe media brasileira : 1950-1980." [s.n.], 1985. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285484.

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Orientador: Paulo Renato Costa Souza
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciências Econômicas
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37

Kapsalis, George. "Students' learning experiences in multigrade and single grade Greek primary schools." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/10245b6b-cd0e-43fb-aa47-9c1bba9cd9ed.

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Santos, Fernando Silva dos. "Os efeitos da modernização conservadora na luta política e sindical dos trabalhadores no sudoeste goiano: o bonapartismo, a autocracia burguesa e o Partido dos Trabalhadores (1975 1982)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/13210.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The goal of this master s degree dissertation is to analyze the possibilities and particularities of the workers organization facing the political domination of established traditional groups in Jataí, a city located in the southwest of Goiás, during the 70 s and 80 s. During this period, the concept of development was attached to the Idea of progress. The conservative modernization process attempted by the supervisors of the region s atrophic capital enabled the local bourgeoisie not only to dominate the government structures, but also provided the control over the workers organizations demonstrations right from the beginning of the power alternation. This situation happened in a bourgeoisie autocracy with a bonapartist aspect in its democratic transition phase. We tried to establish the connections between the logic of accelerated development, that is a true characteristic of the capitalism in its monopolist phase, and the influence of this situation in the development of the labour union and the Workers Party in the southwest of Goiás by applying a methodological approach of an immanent analysis proposal of the economy, politics, social and cultural relations of this region
Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as possibilidades e particularidades da organização dos trabalhadores na cidade de Jataí, região sudoeste do Estado de Goiás, entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980, diante do domínio político dos grupos tradicionalmente estabelecidos, em um período em que o ideal de desenvolvimento era entendido como sinônimo de progresso. O processo de modernização conservadora, empreendido pelos gestores do capital atrófico nessa região, sob a lógica de mecanismos ideológicos, garantiu à burguesia local não apenas a dominação do aparelho estatal, mas também possibilitou o controle das manifestações das organizações de representação dos trabalhadores, a partir do advento da alternância do poder, em um Estado autocrático burguês de feição bonapartista em sua fase de transição democrática. É através da aproximação metodológica de uma proposta de análise imanente das categorias particulares da economia, da política, das relações sociais e culturais inerentes a essa região, que buscamos estabelecer as conexões entre a lógica do desenvolvimento acelerado - próprias ao capitalismo em sua fase monopolista - e a sua influência no desenvolvimento dos sindicatos e do Partido dos Trabalhadores no sudoeste goiano
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39

Chiba, Kaeko. "Class and gender dynamics in chadō (Japanese tea ceremony)." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/1920eaac-da63-4a97-906e-4a0e43030f18.

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40

Chamouleau, Brice. "Genre et Classe : poétiques gay dans l'espace public de l'Espagne postfranquiste (1970-1988)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BOR30048.

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Pourquoi, si la démocratisation de l’Espagne après la dictature franquiste est exemplaire, les archives judiciaires font parfois état d’une répression contre des subjectivités homosexuelles jusque dans la deuxième moitié des années 1980 à Barcelone ? Si l’on met à distance la mémoire épique des luttes LGBT postfranquistes, d’autres subjectivités sexuelles apparaissent qui refusent de s’identifier à la Constitution de 1978 garante des droits formels des Espagnols. L’étude s’intéresse à la moralisation du répertoire lexical de la démocratisation espagnole et essaie de mettre au jour l’économie morale de la « Transition » démocratique, portée par un sujet théorique, les « classes moyennes ». Elles sont dotées d’un capital symbolique fort alors que l’Espagne entre dans le capitalisme de consommation, dès les années 1960 sous Franco. Si le consensus est le maître-mot de la Transition, tous les Espagnols n’en font pas la même expérience : pour certaines subjectivités gay, c’est une « barbarie institutionnalisée ». Ces voix et leur répression politique, dont l’étude est inédite, permettent de montrer que la « sphère privée », où les sexualités minoritaires sont tolérées avec la Constitution de 1978, s’apparente à une segmentation du sexuel et du social, qui vise à séparer par un usage disciplinaire du « public » et du « privé » ce que des subjectivités politiques homosexuelles faisaient tenir ensemble. Les valeurs morales des classes moyennes de Franco pénètrent les langages de la démocratie, ceux des Droits de l’Homme notamment. Ce faisant, ils immunisent certains sujets et en exposent d’autres à une violence politique oubliée de la « Transition ». L’étude cherche à réviser un des postulats des démocraties occidentales actuelles, qui garantissent des droits fondamentaux comme celui de la « vie privée » : replacé dans son contexte d’énonciation de l’Espagne postfranquiste, il retrouve une intention disciplinaire contre les sujets résistants au consensus démocratique. Poursuivis par l’État, devenus « marginaux » et pour beaucoup perdus dans les années 1980, toxicomanes et prostitués, ils n’ont pas droit aux conquêtes des luttes qu’ils ont incarnées, la libre disposition du corps et des sexualités. Envisagé par une histoire post-sociale des « révolutions sexuelles » des années 1970, le paradigme queer, qui parfois autonomise les sexualités, ne montre pas que tous les sujets n’ont pas eu accès à ce droit moralisé en Espagne. Cette étude discute et historicise ces catégories qui travaillent les logiques de reconnaissance des minorités sexuelles du temps présent
If the democratization of Spain after the fall of the Franco regime is exemplary, then why do criminal records indicate that repressive actions have sometimes been conducted against homosexual subjectivities in Barcelona until the late 1980's ? If one puts aside the epic memory of the LGBT fights that took place after the end of Francoism, other sexual subjectivities appear which refuse to accept the Spanish Constitution of 1978. This study looks into the moralization of the vocabulary of the Spanish democratization and attempts to highlight the moral economy of the democratic « Transition », whose carrier is a theoretical subject, the « middle class ». It shows an important symbolic capital at the time when Spain enters consumption capitalism, starting from the 1960's. Even though consensus is the key term of the Transition, not every Spaniard experiences it the same way : for some gays, it is an « institutionalised barbarism ». These voices and their political repression, which has not been studied so far, help to demonstrate that the « private sphere », where minority sexualities have been tolerated since the 1978 Constitution, is akin to a segmentation of social and sexual domains which aims at separating, making a disciplinary use of the concepts « publicness » and « privacy », what political homosexual subjectivities held together. The moral values of Franco's middle class contaminate the languages of democracy, especially those of Human Rights. Thus, they protect certain subjects while exposing others to a political violence of the « Transition » which has been forgotten. This study aims at questioning one particular postulate of today's western democracies, which guarantee fundamental rights like that to « privacy » : in it's context of enunciation, right after the end of Francoism, it bears a disciplinary intent against those resisting the democratic consensus. Persecuted by the government, they became « marginals » and, often in the 1980's, drug addicts and prostitutes : they are not entitled to the rights they fought for, namely the free use of one's body and sexuality. Seen through the filter of a post-social history of the « sexual revolutions » in the 1970's, the queer paradigm, which sometimes grants autonomy to sexualities, does not show that all subjects did not access this moralized right in Spain. This study discusses and historicizes these categories which underlie the recognition logics of today’s sexual minorities
Si la democratización de España después de la dictadura franquista es ejemplar, ¿por qué los archivos judiciales a veces dan cuenta de una represión contra subjetividades homosexuales hasta la segunda mitad de los años 1980 en Barcelona? Si nos distanciamos de la memoria épica de las luchas épicas LGTB posfranquistas, otras subjetividades sexuales aparecen y se niegan a identificarse a la Constitución de 1978, a pesar de que garantice los derechos formales de los españoles. El estudio está interesado en la moralización del repertorio léxico de la democratización española y trata de desvelar la economía moral de la “Tranción” democrática, encarnada en un sujeto teórico, “las clases medias”. Están dotadas de un capital simbólico fuerte mientras España ingresa en el capitalismo de consumo y desde los años 1960 bajo Franco. Si el consenso es el concepto clave de la transición, no todos los españoles lo experimentan de la misma manera: para determinadas subjetividades gays, es una “barbarie institucionalizada”. Esas voces y su represión política, cuyo estudio es inédito, permiten mostrar que la “esfera privada”, en la que se toleran las sexualidades minoritarias con la Constitución de 1978, se parece a una segmentación de lo sexual y lo social, que apunta a separar con un uso disciplinario de lo “público” y de lo “privado” aquello que subjetividades homosexuales experimentaban juntamente. Los valores de las clases medias de Franco penetran los lenguajes de la democracia, los de los Derechos Humanos entre otros. Inmunizan determinados sujetos y exponen a otros a una violencia política olvidada de la “Transición”. El estudio pretende revisar los postulados de las democracias actuales que garantizan derechos fundamentales como la “vida privada”: en el contexto posfranquista en que acontece, cobra una intencionalidad disciplinaria hacia sujetos que resisten al consenso democrático. Represaliados por el Estado y convertidos en « marginados », perdidos en los 1980, drogadictos y prostituidos, no acceden a las conquistas de las luchas que encarnaron, la libre disposición del cuerpo y de las sexualidades propias. Enfocado desde una historia post-social de las “revoluciones sexuales” de los setenta, el paradigma sociológico queer, que a veces autonomiza las sexualidades, no muestra que no todos los sujetos accedieron a ese derecho moralizado en España. Este estudio discute e historiciza estas categorías que operan en las lógicas de reconocimiento de las minorías sexuales del tiempo presente
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41

Holloway, Gerry. "A common cause? Class dynamics in the Industrial Women's Movement, 1888-1918." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282611.

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42

Fotheringham, Steven Craig. "L.D.S. seminary dropouts in Arizona, an analysis of the class of 1989." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184967.

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This study explored the relationship between L.D.S. seminary discontinuation and the characteristics of individual dropouts. It also sought to identify distinguishing characteristics of students who continue enrollment in seminary. The seminary teachers and the program itself were considered for their impact on a student's decision to continue attendance. Major factors such as peer associations, Priesthood involvement, parental influence and recruitment practices were considered. The roll of public school academic requirements in connection with premature seminary dissociation were also investigated. Initially a sample of dropout and continuing students form Southern Arizona were interviewed using an open-ended, semi-structured format. This process elicited data in four major domains: (1) discriminating personal characteristics; (2) external factors; (3) structural factors; and (4) church related factors. The responses were analyzed and used to develop a second questionnaire. This second survey was then administered to a larger sample of dropout and continuing students throughout Arizona.
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43

Pugh, Robert Ian. "Phospha-adamantanes : a new class of bulky alkyl phosphine ligands." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/45a5eb1f-2213-49d6-a041-f5e597fa3469.

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44

Leung, Wing-yue Trini. "The politics of labour rebellions in China, 1989-1994 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19235367.

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45

Abbani, Dayana. "Musique et Société au temps de la Nahḍa à Beyrouth (fin XIXe siècle-1938)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL032.

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Cette thèse présente un aperçu de la vie musicale beyrouthine au début du XXème siècle, tout en suivant les conséquences de l'effondrement de l'Empire ottoman et la mise en place du mandat français, ainsi que l’arrivé et l’essor de nouvelles technologies, qui changèrent et affectèrent le divertissement et les loisirs à Beyrouth. Le but est de dévoiler le type de musique qui prévalait à l'époque, les chanteurs célèbres et les lieux de productions musicales, en se focalisant sur les changements survenus sur la scène musicale dans les lieux de consommation, de socialité et de distribution de la musique conçue désormais comme une nouvelle forme de marchandise. Le travail se base également sur une étude des débats intellectuels sur la musique et la critique musicale dans la presse de l’époque, ainsi qu’une analyse des textes de plusieurs enregistrements de l’époque. Une lecture de la façon dont les transformations sociales et politiques au début du 20ème siècle à Beyrouth affecta et créa de nouvelles formes de divertissement, d'expressions et de productions musicales, nous permet de comprendre le rôle de la musique dans la création d'une identité et d'un certain discours national dans le nouvel État du Grand-Liban
This dissertation offers a glimpse into early 20th century Beirut’s musical life by unveiling the type of music that prevailed at the time, the famous singers, the places of singing. It follows the ways in which the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the arrival of the French mandate changed and affected entertainment and leisure in Beirut, by focusing on its evolving musical scene, as it manifested in changing places of consumption, sociality and the distribution of music as a new form of commodity. It does that by studying expert, lay and intellectual debates on music and music criticism in this period, as they emerged in in the press. Moreover, this dissertation looks at how new developments in technologies affected music at the beginning of the 20th century by focusing on how the evolution of the record industry imposed and produced new forms of expressions, of music, and new places of entertainment. A reading of how the social and political transformations in early 20th century Beirut affected and created new forms of entertainment, leisure, musical expressions and commodities allows us to understand the role of music in making a national identity and discourse in the newly established State of Greater Lebanon
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46

Notter, Isabelle. "Urban Utopias and Suburban Slums: A Demographic Analysis of Suburban Poverty and Reurbanization in American Metropolitan Statistical Areas." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1981.

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This study examines 2000 and 2010 Census data to determine the resettlement patterns of urban and suburban residents in 23 American metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs). Previous research discusses the development of an affluent suburbia, leaving postindustrial cities in decline. However, recent literature suggests the reurbanization of postindustrial cities by the creative class, a Return to the City movement fueled by middle class entrepreneurs, artists, and technocrats. Alongside reurbanization are increases in poverty, and racial and ethnic enclaves in suburbia. The literature shows these trends as two separate, independent processes. This study investigates the relationship between these processes within MSAs. Consistent with existing literature, this study finds that from 2000 to 2010, there are increases in poverty and racial and ethnic diversity in the suburbs, and increases in middle and upper class white populations within central cities. This study reveals quantitative data concerning the future of American urban and suburban demography.
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O'Donnell, Paul S. "Gender, class, and adult learning the Workers' Educational Association of Toronto, 1918-1942." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5550.

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48

Loiacano, Catherine Lynn. "Casualties of a Radicalizing Cuban Revolution: Middle-Class Opposition and Exile, 1961-1968." NCSU, 2010. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03262010-104219/.

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This study explores the major factors contributing to the exodus of the Cuban middle class from 1961 to 1968. For the purpose of this study, the heterogeneous middle class is broken up into middle-class students, professionals, and businessmen. Each of these groups had slightly different values and motivations, yet large percentages of each left Cuba as the revolution radicalized, changing economic, political and social life for all Cubans. In explaining this phenomenon, this paper follows the relationship between Cuba and the United States, focusing particularly on the conflictive dialogue that emerged between Fidel Castro and the US presidents of the 1960âs. In addition, the role of each government in facilitating the exodus must be considered, necessitating attention to US special treatment toward Cuban immigrants. Ultimately, this study asserts that various radicalizations in revolutionary Cuba from the declaration of socialism in April 1961 to the final revolutionary offensive of 1968 pushed the middle class to the United States. Unlike the middles classes of 1940s Costa Rica and Guatemala, they chose to leave in order to retain their standard of living rather than to sacrifice in order for the lower classes to benefit.
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49

King, Shannon. "Home to Harlem community, gender, and working class politics in Harlem, 1916-1928 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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50

Bozkurt, Umut. "Making sense of the Turkish State's transformations since 1980 : Bringing class back in." Thesis, University of York, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.495859.

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