Journal articles on the topic 'Class of 1935'

The VII World Congress of the Comintern 1935 led to a sharp change in the tactics and strategy of the international communist movement and to a transition from radical “class against class” tactics to the formation of broad united anti-fascist fronts. In the period 1935-1939, the policy of “popu-lar fronts,” which consisted of building political alliances be-tween left-wing parties and organizations to fight the right, was implemented in many countries. In Latin America, where this tactic was implemented even before the VII Congress of the Comintern, “popular fronts” became widespread, some-times playing a significant role in the history of their coun-tries. Historiography covers in detail the history of the estab-lishing of alliances in Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Cuba, etc. How-ever, the history of the organization of the “popular front” in Peru is less covered, although this story is interesting in that it largely reflects the problems that faced the sections of the Comintern. An attempt to form a "popular front" in Peru in 1934-1935, primarily based on the creation of an alliance be-tween the Communist Party of Peru (the CPP) and the Ameri-can Popular Revolutionary Alliance (the APRA) to participate in the 1936 elections, failed. There were several reasons for this: from the personal hostility of the APRA leader V.R. Haya de la Torre to the leader of the CPP E. Ravines before the policy that the CPP implemented according to the direc-tives of the Comintern during the period of “class against class” tactics in 1930-1933.

This biographical study of Dr. Bess Francis Coleman profiles the experience of an African American woman in the early twentieth century, employing a critical lens to explore how race, gender and class shaped her life and career, and the methodology of microhistory to draw out the ways in which her life exemplifies and signifies the essential work of African American women professionals during this era. Dr. Bess “Bessie” Anderson Francis Coleman (1893-1967) was the first documented African American woman licensed to practice optometry in the United States. A native of Kentucky, Dr. Coleman’s first career was as a schoolteacher in her native Harrodsburg. In 1923, she married pharmacist John B. Coleman, Jr. The Colemans moved to West Palm Beach, Florida in 1923, and then Chicago, Illinois in 1925 where they opened a chain of pharmacies in the Bronzeville neighborhood. Dr. Coleman received her training at the Northern Illinois College of Optometry from 1932-1934. In 1935, she moved back to Kentucky with her son, where she cared for her elderly parents and opened the only optometry practice in Lexington’s Brucetown neighborhood, well-known for its African American physicians. In 1942, she retired to Denver, Colorado’s African American enclave, Whittier. She died in 1967 and was buried in the Maple Grove Cemetery in her hometown.

The article examines the main lines of criticism of civilization within personalism. Basis of Berdyaev’s and Mounier’s criticism of society and their disagreements on this issue are identified through сomparison of their views. Such an analysis would have been impossible without reference to their texts of different periods: to the works of Mounier “Refaire la Renaissance” (1932), “Personalist and Community Revolution” (1935), “A Personalist Manifesto” (1936), “Personalism” (1949), as well as to Berdyaev’s texts “The Truth and Lie of Communism” (1931), “Christianity and the Class Struggle” (1931), “On Social Personalism” (1933), etc. Civilization as a subject of personalist thinking is necessarily explored at several levels. Firstly, the article analyzes the relationship between the concepts of personality and society and postulates the primacy of the personality as fundamental for European personalism. Secondly, the political dimension deserves separate consideration, which in the works of Munier and Berdyaev has an ambiguous status. Criticizing this or that social system, both authors approach to the search for some third way. Various characteristics of this way reveal themselves in the projects of the coming civilization, namely in the “New Middle Ages” by Berdyaev and “New Renaissance” by Mounier. However, they cannot be defined only as political, and a third level reveals itself in the personalistic criticism of civilization, associated with calls for a spiritual revolution and the moralistic nature of the requirements for the future society of “new humanism”.

Het ADVN bewaart een verzameling documenten uit de periode 1935-1939 van het Doktersgild Van Helmont, aangesloten bij het Algemeen Vlaamsch Geneesherenverbond. Daarin bevindt zich een brief van 6 november 1939 van het doktersgild aan professor Jules Bordet, hoofd van het Pasteur Instituut in Brussel. De dokters eisen in deze brief dat het instituut voortaan de Nederlandse taal zou gebruiken in zijn contacten met Vlaamse artsen in Vlaams-Brabant en Brussel.Nobelprijswinnaar Jules Bordet en zijn instituut waren exponenten van de dominerende Franstalige klasse in België in de 19de en de eerste helft van de 20ste eeuw. In de loop van de jaren 1930 hadden echter steeds meer artsen een Nederlandstalig diploma verworven. Bovendien moest het instituut zich aanpassen aan de taalwetgeving die sinds 1932 van kracht was. De brief dient dan ook gesitueerd in de strijd om de toepassing van de taalwetgeving in overheidsdiensten en om de vernederlandsing van de medische praktijk in Vlaanderen.________A simple principle of justice: Physicians and the language legislation on the eve of the Second World WarThe ADVN holds a collection of documents from the period of 1935-1939 belonging to the Guild of Physicians of Helmont, which was associated with the General Flemish Association of Physicians. It includes a letter dated 6 November 1939 from the Guild of Physicians to Professor Jules Bordet, chief of the Pasteur Institute in Brussels. In this letter the doctors demand that the Institute would use the Dutch language in future contacts with Flemish physicians in Flemish Brabant and Brussels.Nobel Prize winner Jules Bordet and his Institute were exponents of the dominating French speaking class in Belgium during the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century. However, during the 1930’s a growing number of physicians had obtained a medical diploma drawn up in the Dutch language. Moreover the Institute had to conform to the requirements of the language legislation, which had been in force since 1932. Therefore this letter needs to be seen in the context of the struggle for the application of the language legislation in public services and for the Dutchification of medical practice in Flanders.

AbstractIn 1953, Alejandro Herrero Ayllón and José Antón Pacheco published “La Casa Pinariega. A General Study” in issue 5 of the journal Celtiberia. This was part of a university research that won first prize in a competition held in 1933 and was almost published in the journal Arquitectura in the summer of 1936. Thanks to extensive research on the career of Herrero Ayllón (ETSAM, class of 1935) it was possible to locate the full original proposal entitled “La casa popular en la Región de Pinares de Soria y Burgos”, submitted to the ‘Competition-Exhibition of Spanish Popular Architecture’, organised by the ‘Asociación Profesional de Alumnos de Arquitectura’ (APAA). This article examines this proposal, highlighting popular architecture as a rationalist point of reference present in the debates on tradition and modernity among students and teachers at the Madrid school in the pre-war period. Content present in the postwar period and in initial projects by Herrero Ayllón.ResumenEn 1953, Alejandro Herrero Ayllón y José Antón Pacheco publicaron “La Casa Pinariega. Un estudio general” en el número 5 de la revista Celtiberia. Se trata de una investigación universitaria que obtuvo el primer premio en un concurso convocado en 1933 y que estuvo a punto de ser publicado en la revista Arquitectura en el verano de 1936. Una amplia investigación sobre la trayectoria de Herrero Ayllón (ETSAM, promoción de 1935) ha permitido localizar la propuesta original titulada “La casa popular en la Región de Pinares de Soria y Burgos”, presentada al “Concurso-Exposición de Arquitectura Popular Española”, organizado por la “Asociación Profesional de Alumnos de Arquitectura” (APAA). Este artículo examina este trabajo que valora la arquitectura popular como un referente racionalista presente en los debates sobre tradición y modernidad entre los alumnos y profesores de la escuela madrileña en la preguerra. Contenido presente en la posguerra y en los proyectos iniciales de Herrero Ayllón.

When Franklin D. Roosevelt, a Democrat, was elected president in 1932, most African Americans did not support him since they were still loyal to the Republican Party. Moreover, New Deal policies, especially the Social Security Act in 1935, excluded farmers and domestics, and thus, most African Americans. One of the people who encouraged black voters to switch to the Democratic Party was Elizabeth McDuffie, a black servant in the Roosevelt White House. In the 1936 election, McDuffie went on the campaign trail and toured Chicago, Cleveland, Springfield, and St. Louis. As a domestic servant, McDuffie was a familiar face to southern migrants, and she convinced many black voters to switch to the Democratic Party. After her campaign tour concluded, McDuffie became acquainted with the large black population in Washington, D.C. McDuffie worked alongside middle-class activists to increase economic opportunities for women workers by sponsoring training programs for servants. But, as this article demonstrates, most black servants did not want training programs; they desired higher wages, better jobs, and inclusion in the Social Security Act. Working-class women in Washington wrote letters to the newspaper and in 1938, 10,000 rioted for jobs as federal charwomen, jobs that paid higher wages and offered savings for retirement. After McDuffie witnessed these events, she became a vocal critic of the limitations of New Deal programs while continuing to praise Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. This article argues that Elizabeth McDuffie’s career in Washington illuminates the contradictions of New Deal politics for black women workers.

Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

This article investigates the use of coca by the Bolivian Army during the Chaco War of 1932–35. I present research that reveals the surprising extent to which the Bolivian Army provisioned coca to its soldiers as a substitute for adequate nutrition; as a morale booster; as a stimulant; and as a medicine. The article explores the social and cultural implications of mass coca consumption by Bolivian soldiers, many of whom were mestizos who had never before chewed the leaf. Ultimately, I argue that the pervasiveness of coca within the traumatic popular experience of the Chaco War sowed the seeds of a historic transformation of the politics of coca in Bolivia. The Chaco War initiated a process by which coca in Bolivia was transformed from a neo-colonial marker of the Indian caste to a material and symbolic element of an emergent interethnic working class. Through a comparative analysis of the Bolivian army's use of coca in the Chaco War with the German army's use of methamphetamine during World War II, this article concludes with a consideration of the ways in which the present case study expands our understanding of the crucial but under-studied historical relationship between drugs and warfare.

MERV GRIFFITHS was born in Sydney on 8th July 1914, grew up in Northbridge and was educated in schools in North Sydney, including North Sydney Boys’ High School, which he attended from 1930-32. He entered what he, mischievously referred to as “The University” [University of Sydney] in 1934 to study Zoology. This period was difficult financially for all, including the University of Sydney, but in spite of the effects of underfunding and crowded conditions, Merv followed his biological interests under the tutelage of Professor W. J. Dakin and a small staff in the Zoology Department. He shared the Caird Scholarship and Haswell Prize with his friend and colleague Darcy Gilmour in 1936, obtained his Bachelor Degree in Zoology with first Class Honours in 1937, followed by his Master of Science in 1938. Merv first began publishing in the scientific literature in 1936 with a paper on The colour changes in batoid fishes in the Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales.

ABSTRACT: The purpose of this contribution, towards understanding the contribution of the early years of Trotskyism in South Africa, is to distil the major analytic themes that developed in the political organ of the Workers Party of South Africa, The Spark . It looks critically at the first three years of The Spark to establish how the WPSA was positioning itself relative to the unfolding class struggle in South Africa. In asking what theoretical and conceptual starting points around the questions of race and class emerge out of this corpus of writing it seeks to show that the early Trotskyists were, in their vocabularies and theoretical frames, little different to their political opponents in the Communist Party of South Africa. Through The Spark they showed, however, that there was in the question of race something distinct about South African capitalism. They began but did not complete this explanation in their attempts to explain how segregation worked.

Abstracts: Between 1935 and 1937, pingju (ping opera), a folk-based theatrical form from northern China, enjoyed a sensational two-year run in Shanghai. It was welcomed by both the lower class, who enjoyed its focus on the daily lives of the average folks and less convention-bound performance routines, and the literati, who did not share their northern counterpart's class-based bias toward the form as lower-class entertainment. Using concepts from celebrity studies while challenging the field's Eurocentric tendencies, this essay analyzes the popular xiaobao (tabloid) media's role in making the star actress Bai Yushuang a celebrity. It then focuses on two areas of pingju 's evolution that sustained its popularity through two star actresses: Bai Yushuang's antifeudal plays with transgressive heroines created in cooperation with leftist intellectuals and Zhu Baoxia's adaptions of jingju (Beijing opera) plays that formally elevated pingju toward the supposedly more advanced genre.

In this article Lynn Mally examines the efforts of a Comintern affiliate called MORT (Mezhdunarodnoe ob“edinenie revoliutsionnykh teatrov) to export models of Soviet theatrical performance outside the Soviet Union. Beginning with the first Five-Year Plan, MORT was initially very successful in promoting Soviet agitprop techniques abroad. But once agitprop methods fell into disgrace in the Soviet Union, MORT abruptly changed its tactics. It suddenly encouraged leftist theater groups to move toward the new methods of socialist realism. Nonetheless, many leftist theater circles continued to produce agitprop works, as shown by performances at the Moscow Olympiad for Revolutionary Theater in 1933. The unusual tenacity of this theatrical form offers an opportunity to question the global influence of the Soviet cultural policies promoted by the Comintern. From 1932 until 1935, many foreign theater groups ignored MORT's cultural directives. Once the Popular Front began, national communist parties saw artistic work as an important tool for building alliances outside the working class. This decisive shift in political strategy finally undermined the ethos and methods of agitprop theater.

Protestant working-class loyalists have been found not only in Belfast, behind the painted kerbs and muralled gables of the Shankill Road and Ballysillan. Recent research has found working-class loyalism in the Ulster hinterland of mid-Armagh. However, most of what has been written on southern Protestantism, beyond Belfast and Ulster, has been on the gentry class. Yet Dublin was once the centre of organised Protestant opinion in Ireland and had, in the early nineteenth century, an assertive and exuberantly sectarian Protestant working class. This paper is based on a study of the Protestant working class of Dublin, and examines its organisation and activism as revealed in the City and County of Dublin Conservative Workingmen’s Club (henceforth C.W.C.). The club owned a substantial Georgian house on York Street, off St Stephen’s Green where the modern extension to the Royal College of Surgeons now stands. The club was sustained by a core of activists numbering around three hundred, the usual print-run for the ballot papers at the annual general meeting. The Protestant working class numbered 5,688 in the city in 1881. The county area numbered 4,096, making a total of 9,784 Protestant workingclass men. The city and county total of about 10,000 remained stable up to the census of 1911. Combined with the Protestant lower middle class of clerks and shopkeepers, the potential to be mobilised by the C.W.C. numbered over 20,000. The club records are used to relate the experience of the Dublin Protestant working class firstly to the more familiar working-class loyalism of Ulster, and secondly to working-class Toryism and the concept of the labour aristocracy.

In the history of theBurschenschaftpublished in 1939, Georg Heer wrote that with the coming of the National Socialists to power “the goals of the German Burschenschaft had been achieved; the National Socialist German Student Union had now taken over its tasks.” Of course Heer was not free to write what he wished about the 1935 dissolution of the Burschenschaft, but his interpretation is consistent with the ideas of many historians about this important organization within the history of German nationalism. Something had gone terribly wrong with this organization, despite its clear liberal and middle-class origins.

Wormsof classes Nematoda Rudolphi, 1808, Trematoda Rudolphi, 1808 and Cestoda Rudolphi, 1808 were registered in small ruminants (sheep and goats) in Dnipropetrovsk region. Identified nematodes belongto Strongylata Railliet et Henry, 1913, Rhabditata Chitwood, 1933 and Trichurata Skrjabin, 1915. Among the trematodes, representatives of Fasciolata (Skrjabin et Schulz, 1935) were identified. Cestodes were represented by Anoplocephalata (Skrjabin, 1933). Among the specific types of nematodes,representatives of the Strongylata suborder were found: Muellerius sp., Protostrongylus sp., Haemonchus contortus Rundolphi, 1802, Nematodirus sp. Among the helminths Rhabditata we identified Strongyloides papillosus Wedl, 1856, Trichurata –Trichuris sp., Fasciolata –Fasciola hepatica Linnaeus, 1758 andDicrocelium lanceatum Stiles et Hassall, 1896, Anoplocephalata –Moniezia expansa (Rudolphi, 1810) andM. benedeni (Moniez, 1879). The dominant species among worms in ungulates was defined as nematode H. contortus. The smallest share in the group was taken by trematode species F. hepatica and nematodesTrichuris sp. The highest biodiversity indices are recorded in samples of material selected from ungulates consuming pasture herbage from May to September (ten species of worms belonging to three classes:Muellerius sp., Protostrongylus sp., H. contortus, Nematodirus sp., S. papillosus, Trichuris sp., F. hepatica, D. lanceatum, M. expansa, M. benedeni were registered). In animals not pastured throughout the year three types of worms of the class Nematoda: S. papillosus, H. contortus and Nematodirus sp. were defined.

The syntaxonomic appurtenance of <i>Hydrocharitetum morsus-ranae</i> is discussed. On the basis of data concerning its ecology, social correlates and its position in succession, the authors arę against including this association into the class <i>Lemnetea</i>. They would rather be inclined to classify it to the alliance <i>Nymphaeion</i>, class <i>Potametea</i>.

After a nomenclatural revision of the higher rank syntaxa of the class Isoeto-Nanojuncetea, the conservation of the order name Nanocyperetalia against Nanocypero-Polygonetalia and a conserved type for the order Isoetetalia are proposed. (26) NanocyperetaliaKlika 1935: 292, nom. cons. propos. Typus: Nanocyperion flavescentisKoch 1926: 20–28 (holotypus) (≡) Nanocypero-PolygonetaliaKoch 1926: 20, nom. rejic. propos. (27) IsoetetaliaBraun-Blanquet 1936a: 142, typus cons. propos. Typus: IsoetionBraun-Blanquet 1936a: 141 (typus cons. propos.) Taxonomic reference: Euro+Med (2020). Syntaxonomic reference: Mucina et al. (2016). Abbreviations: ICPN = International Code of Phytosociological Nomenclature.

Anna Sokolow (1910–2000), an American Jewish choreographer known for her social statements, led the workers dance movement and performed as a soloist with Martha Graham. She imbued her dancesStrange American Funeral(1935) andCase History No.—(1937) with proletarian ideology that spoke to 1930s working- and middle-class audiences aligned with values of revolutionary and modern dance. These choreographies spoke to a political atmosphere focused on social justice while they appealed to a broad dance-going public. Sokolow's Graham training engendered a modernist aesthetic in her choreography that led critics to consider her work universal instead of marked as coming from a working-class left-wing Jewish dancer. This article argues that while narratives about Sokolow's work downplay her Communist affiliations, these ideals played a critical role in her choreography and in her navigation of international Communist circles. As Sokolow's choreography reinforced her politics, so too did her affiliations support her dance work.

AbstractMany interpretations of the Social Credit movement in Alberta are based on assertions regarding the class basis of its popular support. Since no previous study of Social Credit has offered an empirical account of its popular class base, such an account is provided here. The author analyzes the provincial election of 1935, in which Social Credit first gained power, by comparing party support in the cities, towns and countryside. Within the cities, a district-by-district analysis measures the pattern of class voting in urban areas. Class is found to have been a powerful determinant of voting in this election.

This article discusses the tradition of Swedish working-class literature and the relationship between taste and class. First, I analyze the representation of this relationship in Swedish working-class writer Ivar Lo-Johansson’s novel Kungsgatan [King Street] from 1935. Thereafter, I discuss the whole tradition of Swedish working-class literature—in which LoJohansson’s novel occupies a central position. This tradition constitutes a challenge to received ideas about class and taste, mainly because its consecration as a central strand in Swedish literature and its dissemination to a mass audience in the working class make it problematic to uphold conventional distinctions between popular/working-class and high/bourgeois culture. Finally, I argue that the challenging of these distinctions is not only a key to a better understanding of Lo-Johansson’s novel, but it also shows that Swedish working-class literature can serve as a catalyst for re-theorizations within working-class studies of the relationship between class and taste as something that is historically specific, rather than universal.

Aníbal Ponce, the highest figure of Argentine Marxism in the 1930s, was in Paris participating in the Antifascist Intellectuals Vigilance Committee, and was sent to Spain as a member of an international evaluation commission of the repressive events in the Asturias Insurrection. When he returns to Argentina after presenting a report and making an initiatory visit to Moscow, he speaks on the Spanish situation, on the political limits of the Second Republic and on the recent triumph of the Popular Front and its challenges. There he posits the idea of the events in Asturias as victorious defeat, as a prelude to the coming revolution. Since his Parisian exile, Carlo Rosselli, the leader of the Italian anti-fascist movement Giustizia e Libertà, reflected critically on the Spanish experience, eventually leading an Italian legion on the Aragon war front. Ideologically closer to the anarchists than to the communists, Rosselli warns of the limits of revolutionary action in Spain, but anticipates a similar opinion to Ponce on the momentary defeat of the working class. In both cases, the Spanish experience leads them to consider the transition from speculation to action as the greatest possible destination for the intellectual class.

Leonard Rotherham was born in Sutton-in-Ashfield, near Nottingham, on 31 August 1913 and his early life went through difficult times. His father, Bernard Rotherham, who left school at the age of 13, first became a coalminer, and later started a small haulage business with two lorries and a bus with solid tyres. The business prospered for a while but was sold up during the recession and his father returned to coal mining at the Welbeck colliery. Leonard's mother, Jane Rotherham, died when he was 10 years old; his father felt unable to look after his son and sent him to live with an aunt, Mrs Rhoda Page, who also had four sons of her own. By all accounts, Mrs Page was an inspirational woman, although the family lived on a poor farm with very little money. However, Leonard went to the Crich Church of England primary school, where he attracted the interest and support of the headmaster, a Mr Haywood; this marked a turning point for him. From this school Leonard won a scholarship to The Herbert Strutt School in Belper, Derbyshire. This school was founded in the name of a famous family, for Jedediah Strutt was once a partner of Richard Arkwright's; together they established the first cotton mill in Nottingham. At this school he met Nora Mary Thompson, whom he would marry in 1937. From here he won a scholarship from the Nottingham branch of the newly formed Mineworkers Union, a Derby County Major Scholarship, as well as a State Scholarship. With this combined support, he gained a place at University College London, where, in 1934, he obtained a first-class honours degree in physics with subsidiary mathematics. A year later he received an MSc from the same institution for research on the viscosity of liquids performed under the supervision of Professor E.N. da C. Andrade (FRS 1935). Following his decision to undertake research in industry, Rotherham joined the large steelmaking company Firth–Brown in Sheffield in 1935. He was appointed as a physicist in the research department under the direction of Dr William H. Hatfield (FRS 1935), who was Head of the Brown–Firth Research Laboratories. Their name was peculiarly reversed from that of the company, although they were totally integrated within it.

An analogue of cyclotomic number fields for function fields over the finite field q, was investigated by L. Carlitz in 1935 and has been studied recently by D. Hayes, M. Rosen, S. Galovich and others. For each nonzero polynomial M in q [T], we denote by k (ΛM) the cyclotomic function field associated with M, where k = q(T). Replacing T by 1/T in k and considering the cyclotomic function field Fv that corresponds to (1/T)v+1 gets us an extension of k, denoted by Lv, which is the fixed field of Fv modulo . We define a (v, n, M)-extension to be the composite N = knk (Λm) Lv where kn is the constant field of degree n over k. In this paper we give analytic class number formulas for (v, n, M)-extensions when M has a nonzero constant term.

Abstract “A Frenchwoman Writes about Indochina, 1931-1949: Andrée Viollis and Anti-colonialism” examines investigative reporter Andrée Viollis’ journalistic career, especially her articles and books on French and other European colonies between 1922 and 1935, in order to challenge recent postcolonial critiques of her 1935 book, Indochine S.O.S, as immured in colonial ideology and rhetoric, including a kind of patriarchal feminism, despite being an exposé of colonial abuses and sympathetic to indigenous rebels against the colonial regime. Following the lines of recent critiques of postcolonial cultural approaches for inattention to the material conditions of colonialism, and feminist transnational scholars who attempt to link labour conditions in the “First World” to those in the “Third World,” The article establishes Viollis’ credentials as a liberal, not a maternal or patriarchal feminist, analyses her journalistic style, especially her use of indirect suggestion as a reporter in the popular daily press, and describes the interest in the colonies in the French public and press. Next the article describes Viollis’ colonial reporting and publications from the 1920s through 1935, with special attention to her exposés of economic exploitation in British and French colonies. Third, the article examines the evidence cited in postcolonial critiques of Viollis’ advocacy of equality between colonizers and colonized as mere equality between people of the same social class, her portrayal of indigenous Vietnamese as degraded, her belief that the French or French women should be moral tutors of the uncivilized natives, and finally her portrayal of indigenous peoples as degraded and animalistic, in light of a full analysis of her career and book. After a detailed analysis of her position on equality, morality, and the condition of peasants and workers up to and in the book, the articles rejects the evidence as partial and decontextualized, and the interpretation as unfamiliar with Viollis’ style.

Narayan’s Swami and Friends (1935) luminously portrays its child protagonist Swaminathan’s adventures in soul making, his skirmishes with his little comrades and reconciliations in his soupy school, his contact with the experienced adult world vis-à-vis apparently apolitical, shallow and banal Swami and Friends (1935) also postulates encoded political and cultural resistance so strategically camouflaged by Narayan’s narrative devise. Narayan’s Anti-colonial propaganda, his aversion to fundamentalism and authoritarianism, his earnest desire to bring the subaltern narrative into our mainstream narrative give him a special place in literary world. Kudos to the Nietzschean Will to Power of the common inhabitants of Malgudi and the little urchins of Albert Mission School that they dared to join the protest march against the hegemony of their white colonial masters. Swami much like Ishaan of Aamir Khan’s Taare Zameen Par (2007) used to shudder at the very thought of his monotonous school where his wings of freedom used to be crushed under the fatal mill of the authoritarian and strict teachers except D.Pillai who was famous among the students. Swaminathan’s hybrid identity, Rajam’s Europeanized existence, overlapping associations of tradition and modernity, class struggle, Centre/Periphery, Self/Other, Master/Slave dichotomy in Swami and Friends (1935) actually celebrate Narayan’s deep concern for our pluralistic and multicultural Indian identity where Narayan has also given space to the subaltern existence like Rajam’s family cook who was insulted and undervalued by Rajam only because Rajam belonged to the centre of a power structure. In this paper I would like to investigate in which way Narayan has pointed out the various agathokakological entities of human life through the artistic representation of his characters, his celebration of India’s heterogeneous identity, class struggle, the marginalized and peripheralized existence of subaltern voices, politics of colonial masters’ Self and the muted Other in an unequal power structure where a very limited number of people actually get access to the resources , ambivalence, hybrid identity etc. with reference to Swami and Friends (1935).

There has been a recent tendency, with deep historical roots in structural-functionalism and elite analyses, to insulate the state from class formations and struggles. Reacting against classical Marxist and neo-Marxist attempts to locate certain features of state policy in the class struggles of capitalist formations, there has been a reversion to “explaining” state policy solely by the “internal dynamics” of state administration and the motives and intentions of their incumbents. Leslie Pal's critique of my work in his article is yet another attempt in this tradition. After critiquing my “narrow” use of “relative autonomy” and “rigid” reliance on “class struggle” to account for the introduction of theEmployment and Social Insurance Actof 1935 and theUnemployment Insurance Actof 1940, he offers an alternative classless “model” which relies heavily on actuarial ideology and federal-provincial relations in the dynamics of internal state administration. In light of his use of my work as a point of departure, I will make only a few salient points. My comments are divided into two parts: theoretical assumptions and the class nature of actuarial ideology.

ABSTRACT In most accounting curricula, students enroll in the first accounting information systems (AIS) course after they have completed at least two accounting principle courses and are familiar with accounting fundamentals. However, these courses tend to teach topics as discrete subjects so many students have a poor understanding of how the data they are journalizing actually flow through an AIS. Because they have not previously thought about the concept of a system, most students also have trouble linking material in AIS textbooks to prior learning. To help students relate prior learning to AIS concepts, an in-class activity titled “Dexter Buys a Surfboard” was developed. This in-class activity was combined with a textbook reading and a required reflection paper. Statistical analyses found that the combination of a textbook reading, the in-class project, and a structured reflection paper did positively affect students' perceptions of the importance of learning about AIS. Further analyses found that GPA, accounting-related work experience, and gender were not related to the change in student perceptions, making this pedagogical technique valuable for a variety of student groups.

ObjectivesThe aims were to study the risk of all-cause mortality associated with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) and healthy ageing trajectories (HAT) in three birth cohorts and to determine the moderating role of HAT in the association between COPD and all-cause mortality.DesignProspective cohort study.SettingData from waves 1 to 5 of The Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe.ParticipantsThe total sample was 28 857 community-dwelling individuals aged 50+ years.Main outcomeAll-cause mortality associated with COPD and HAT adjusting for covariates. We performed Aalen additive hazards models to explore these associations. Interactions between COPD and HAT were also explored. Analyses were conducted separately in three birth cohorts (>1945, 1936–1945 and ≤1935). Latent class growth analysis was used to classify participants into HAT.ResultsThree parallel HAT were found in the three birth cohorts (‘low’, ‘medium’ and ‘high’ healthy ageing). Participants with COPD had an increased mortality risk, but this effect was no longer significant after adjusting for covariates. The ‘low’ HAT was associated with increased mortality risk in the three subsamples, although this effect was lower after adjustment. The interaction between COPD and HAT was significant only in the ≤1935 birth cohort, indicating that those with COPD and a ‘low’ trajectory had a greater risk of mortality.ConclusionsThe healthy ageing scale may be a suitable tool to identify patients at higher risk to mitigate disease burden and improve patients’ quality of life.

When Michael Gold wrote his celebrated Jews Without Money (1930) he was almost certainly responding to the increasingly popular anti-Semitic belief that the Jews were controlling the purse strings in America and elsewhere. The familiar stereotypes of Jewish bankers and Wall Street stock swindlers were particularly fashionable during this period, and while Gold’s principal animus for writing the book may not have been primarily to combat anti-Semitism, but to present his own struggle in the slums and his discovery of the class struggle and socialism, the significance of this theme for Gold´s novel cannot be denied. This becomes especially apparent in the introduction he wrote for his work in 1935. Here Gold emphasizes that, despite Nazi propaganda, the vast majority of Jews are living in poverty and belong to the proletariat. This does not however prevent him from succumbing himself to a variant of left-wing anti-Semitism.

Mieszczące się w zespole budowlanym o stylu neoromańskim wzniesionym w 1846 r. Więzienie Karno-Śledcze w Kaliszu mieściło się przy ul. Łódzkiej 2 oraz stanowiło integralną część systemu penitencjarnego międzywojennej Polski. Zgodnie z rozporządzeniem Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Ignacego Mościckiego w sprawie organizacji więziennictwa z dnia 7 marca 1928 r. więzienie było przeznaczone do odbywania kary od 1 do 3 lat oraz należało do II klasy o pojemności od 150 do 450 osób. W praktyce w latach 1921-1935 liczba więźniów wahała się od ok. 220 do ok. 520. W drugiej połowie lat 1920-ch więzienie liczyło 109 pojedynczych oraz 7 wspólnych cel. Pod względem organizacyjno-administracyjnym wyżej wspomniany zakład penitencjarny zawierał dział administracyjny, gospodarczy, pracy oraz kasę. Służbowy personel więzienia stanowili funkcjonariusze państwowi oraz pracownicy kontraktowi. We wrześniu 1939 r. kaliskie więzienie zostało przejęte przez niemiecką administrację wojskową. Prison in Kalisz 1918-1939. Selected problems The prison in Kalisz was housed in a neo-Romanesque building complex built in 1846 and was located at Łódzka street, 2. This prison was an integral part of the penitentiary system of interwar Poland. According to the regulation of the President of Poland Ignacy Mościcki, regarding the organization of the prison from 7 March 1928, the prison was intended to serve a sentence of 1 to 3 years and belonged to the second class with a capacity of 150 to 450 people. In practice, in 1921-1935, the number of prisoners was from about 220 to about 520. In the second half of the 1920s, the prison contained 109 individual and 7 common cells. In terms of organization and administration, the aforementioned penitentiary institution included an administrative, economic, labor and cash department. The personnel of the prison were state officials and contract agents.

This article explores connections between domestic worker activism and anti-fascism in the United States—two topics that historians have usually considered separately. Through the lens of Black domestic worker and organizer Rosa Rayside, we see the strong links between the two political movements. In 1934, after co-founding the New York Domestic Workers Union (DWU), Rayside attended the World Congress of Women against War and Fascism in Paris. That congress defined fascism broadly, around nationalism, racism, repression of radicals, denial of civil liberties, capitalist and imperialist greed and warmongering, and threats to women. Notably, the congress specifically identified challenging U.S. racism and defending labor rights for domestic workers as part of a global anti-fascist fight. Influenced by this congress, and by communist organizing in Harlem during the Great Depression, Rayside and the DWU drew on anti-fascism ideologically and organizationally in the years that followed. Rayside worked to include domestic workers in labor and social security legislation, testifying before U.S. Congress in 1935 and helping to form the anti-fascist National Negro Congress (NNC) in 1936. Although their immediate legislative achievements were limited, the strategies that Rayside and the DWU pioneered—collaborating with community and political organizations, spearheading legislation, and shaping understandings of Black women’s “triple oppression” based on race, class, and gender—were vital to the Black anti-fascist movement in the United States and shaped gains by domestic workers in later decades.

Peter Thomas, in The Gramscian Moment, explains well how Gramsci strove to re-educate the communist movement in an expansive spirit, around the united front. He makes clear that the united-front approach advocated by Gramsci, based on working-class mobilisation and accompanied by clear communist criticism, was distinct from the policy of bourgeois alliances to be advocated by the Stalinist parties after 1935 under the name ‘popular front’. He demystifies the concept in Gramsci of working-class ‘hegemony’, from which so many speculations are spun, showing that it meant nothing other than working-class political leadership, achieved through sound use of united-front tactics. Yet Thomas makes the formula of ‘united front’ do too much, or bundles into it more than it can rationally contain. Meanwhile, the question of the revolutionary working-class political party is almost entirely absent in Thomas’s discussion.

Scholarship on the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) has typically focused on this New Deal housing agency’s invention of redlining, with dire effects from this legacy of racial, ethnic, and class bias for the trajectories of urban, and especially African American neighborhoods. However, HOLC did not embark on its now infamous mapping project until after it had issued all its emergency refinancing loans to the nation’s struggling homeowners. We examine the racial logic of HOLC’s local operations and its lending record to black applicants during the agency’s initial 1933-1935 “rescue” phase, finding black access to its loans to have been far more extensive than anyone has assumed. Yet, even though HOLC did loan to African Americans, it did so in ways that reinforced racial segregation—and with the objective of replenishing the working capital of the overwhelmingly white-owned building and loans that held the mortgages on most black-owned homes.

Although the fate of S. D. Dimitrov (1904–1938) began to attract the researchers’ attention only recently, it is very demonstrative for the history of our country in the 1920–30s. S. D. Dimitrov was born in Bulgaria into a working-class family; he took part in the revolutionary movement in his early ages, and joined the Communist Party. After taking part in the armed uprising of 1923, he had to leave Bulgaria, and emigrated to the USSR in 1925. He studied at the Communist University and then at the Institute of Red Professors, where he specialized in the history of the revolutionary movement in Bulgaria and the history of the Communist International. After completing his studies, on November 1, 1934, he was admitted to the Institute for the History of Feudal Society at the State Academy for the History of Material Culture (SAHMC). There began his rapid promotion through the ranks. S. D. Dimttrov became a deputy director of the Institute, and the acting director in November 1936. Despite the obvious lack of special knowledge, he was actively involved in the archaeological study of the Crimea, headed the Crimean Commission of the SAHMC and the Eski-Kermen expedition (1936). He was entrusted with the preparation of the Crimean plenum of the SAHMC, which was supposed to unite all the scholarly efforts of the Soviet Union interested in studying the history and culture of the Crimea. This plenum did not take place, and the SAHMC ceased to exist in 1937. S. D. Dimitrov was arrested soon and charged with belonging to an anti-Soviet Trotskyist organization that existed in Leningrad among Bulgarian political emigrants. He was sentenced to death and shot on September 23, 1938; exonerated on April 4, 1956.

CONFLICT BETWEEN "THE TWO SPAINS" FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF THE SPANISH SOCIETY AND CLASS OPPOSITIONS WITHIN ITThe following discussion focuses on the analysis of the Spanish society in the period between the First and the Second Republic (1875–1931), especially on the social structure and class oppositions within it as well as on identifying the causes leading to the irreconcilable political polarisation of the Spanish society during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1936). The polarisation culminated in the parliamentary elections on 16 February 1936 and consequently led to the Civil War (1936–1939). The heterogeneity of the republican camp of the Popular Front was the reason for the multi-party Spanish socialism as well as the multi-party nature of the social revolution of 1936.

Background: Air pollution has been consistently linked with dementia and cognitive decline. However, it is unclear whether risk is accumulated through long-term exposure or whether there are sensitive/critical periods. A key barrier to clarifying this relationship is the dearth of historical air pollution data. Objective: To demonstrate the feasibility of modelling historical air pollution data and using them in epidemiologicalmodels. Methods: Using the EMEP4UK atmospheric chemistry transport model, we modelled historical fine particulate matter (PM2.5) concentrations for the years 1935, 1950, 1970, 1980, and 1990 and combined these with contemporary modelled data from 2001 to estimate life course exposure in 572 participants in the Lothian Birth Cohort 1936 with lifetime residential history recorded. Linear regression and latent growth models were constructed using cognitive ability (IQ) measured by the Moray House Test at the ages of 11, 70, 76, and 79 years to explore the effects of historical air pollution exposure. Covariates included sex, IQ at age 11 years, social class, and smoking. Results: Higher air pollution modelled for 1935 (when participants would have been in utero) was associated with worse change in IQ from age 11–70 years (β = –0.006, SE = 0.002, p = 0.03) but not cognitive trajectories from age 70–79 years (p > 0.05). There was no support for other critical/sensitive periods of exposure or an accumulation of risk (all p > 0.05). Conclusion: The life course paradigm is essential in understanding cognitive decline and this is the first study to examine life course air pollution exposure in relation to cognitive health.

The Jegricka, once a natural watercourse traversing the southwestern part of the Backa region, has been turned into a canal, which became part of the main canal network of the hydro-system Danube-Tisza-Danube (Hs DTD). In its turn, the Hs DTD is part of the European waterway linking the North Sea to the Black Sea, i.e., part of the navigable Rhine-Main-Danube Canal. The watercourse is 65.4 km long and it is divided into three levels. The presence of the regulated and the nonregulated sections of the canal, frequent and abrupt changes in water level in the individual sections, different depths and surface water widths of the various sections and the fishpond constructed in the lower section cause considerable vegetation diversity. The vegetation comprises aquatic associations of the classes Hydrochari-Lemnetea Oberd. 1967 and Potametea Tx. et Prsg. 1942. The class Hydrochari-Lemnetea Oberd. 1967 includes the following phytocoenoses: Salvinio-Spirodeletum polyrrhizae Slavnic 1956, Ceratophylletum demersi (So? 27) Hild. 1956, Lemno-Utricularietum vulgaris So? 1928 and Hydrocharidetum morsus-ranae Van Langendonck 1935. The class Potametea Tx. et Prsg. 1942 includes the associations Myriophyllo-Potametum So? 1934, Najadetum marine Fukarek 1961, Nymphaeetum albae Vollmar 1947, Nymphoidetum peltate (Allorge 1922) Oberd. et M?ller 1960 and Trapetum natantis M?ller et G?rs 1960.

In recent years, the "school district housing boom" has become a general concern as it disrupted the housing market, undermining educational equity and class mobility. In view of the real problem of housing premium in school districts, this paper selects the housing data of primary school districts in Guangzhou as a research sample, quantifies it and discusses the impact of education supply on it, so as to provide references and suggestions for subsequent policy introduction. The main research conclusions of this paper are as follows: There is a premium for housing in Guangzhou’s school districts. After excluding the influence of location and physical factors, it is calculated that the housing price from Longdong School District to Yongping School District has increased by about 42.3%.

This article revisits Xiao Hong’s Field of Life and Death (Shengsi chang 生死場, 1935) and Market Street (Shangshi jie商市街, 1936) against sources from the periodical press to explore how Xiao Hong’s works speak back to discourses on “rubbish” (feiwu 廢物), a slur that was frequently used to refer to disabled people, to people of lower social status, and to women during the Republican period. In particular, I explore how the category of feiwu lays bare processes of marginalisation and dehumanisation, contextualising literary excerpts against New Life Movement slogans, satirical cartoons, and homemaking or hygienist press articles. I show how Xiao Hong’s works build through the category of feiwu a counter-discourse bearing on the representational entanglements of gender, class and disability, as materialised through animals (in Field of Life and Death) and through objects (in Market Street). In doing so, I contribute to a conceptual history of feiwu, and I extend existing scholarship concerned with literary representations of disability in China into the Republican period – a budding subfield that has so far mainly focused on works produced since the foundation of the People’s Republic in 1949.

ABSTRACT Student Response Systems (SRSs), also known as clickers, are posited to increase class participation and enhance active learning. In this study, we evaluate perceived effectiveness and student satisfaction with SRSs in Accounting Information Systems classes over several semesters. We also provide additional analyses to determine how SRSs are used in the classroom and which student characteristics and aspects of the classroom experience appear to be related to perceived satisfaction. We find three factors that explain 58% of the variation in SRS satisfaction. These are learning, environment, and class interaction. Two of these factors (learning and environment) are affected by variation in the way the system is used (participation mode vs. quiz mode), and all three are affected by the gender of the student. We find that gender is not directly related to overall satisfaction. In addition, we propose a model for SRS satisfaction based on our exploratory results.

Millions of older Americans well remember the stockmarket Crash of 1929 and the Great Depression that followed. Painfully recalled is the widespread misery: the unemployment, the sudden loss of income and savings, the evictions of families and consequent homelessness, the squatter shantytowns on the edge of cities, and the breadlines and soup kitchens where even the upper class had to accept handouts. Popular histories of the event have etched that grim era indelibly in the nation's mind. Scholars have been especially interested in how people dealt with the disaster emotionally and its impact.

Anand is largely remembered for his depictions of the oppressed class in India. He had got an international acclaim because of his perceptive insight into the lives of the oppressed class in India. Untouchable ,being his first novel that was published in 1935,is well known for his analysis of the exploitation and subservient, pathetic conditions of the lower class people that he depicts through a character like Bhaka .though the novel presents incidents that happened in a day in the protagonist’s life,by large it speaks about the oppression of the lower castes by the upper castes that was very much visible in the colonial as well as the postcolonial India .the novel mainly focuses on the subaltern that was and also is the most burning issue in the Indian subcontinent. The novel displays the pretentions, snobbery and flamboyance gestures of the upper class against the lower classes.