Journal articles on the topic 'Civilians in war – Colombia'
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1
Kaplan, Oliver. "Protecting civilians in civil war." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 3 (May 2013): 351–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343313477884.
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Can local organizations give civilians the capacity to protect themselves from civil war violence? Civilians have traditionally been considered powerless when facing armed groups but new research suggests organized communities may promote security through nonviolent strategies such as resolving disputes between neighbors and managing relations with macro-armed actors. This article analyzes whether and how these ‘mechanisms’ designed to retain community autonomy functioned in the community-case of the Peasant Worker Association of the Carare River (ATCC) in Colombia. The Carare civilians developed a local institutional process to investigate threats against suspected armed group collaborators to clarify the ‘fog of war’ and reform civilian preferences to participate in the conflict. This process is evaluated in reference to existing hypotheses about violence in civil wars such as the balance of territorial control using qualitative evidence from original field research. A unique within-case database created through focus group sessions with community ‘conciliators’ is used to analyze not only acts of violence, but also threats that were defused. Despite the prevalence of conditions that would predict persistent violence against civilians, the local institution itself proved to be a critical factor for both explaining and limiting levels of violence. The results suggest civilian choices and their consequences did not merely result from the capabilities or choices of armed actors.
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AVILÉS, WILLIAM. "Paramilitarism and Colombia's Low-Intensity Democracy." Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 2 (April 27, 2006): 379–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06000757.
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In the late 1980s and early 1990s political liberalisation, including the reduction of the military's institutional prerogatives, occurred in Colombia despite the increasing strength of an internal insurgency. Why would Colombia's national political elite weaken the institutional role of the armed forces in the context of an escalating internal war? What was the role of paramilitary groups, which were responsible for the vast majority of massacres and political violence against suspected unarmed civilians, during the 1990s? This paper argues that the elite civilian politicians who dominated the Colombian state promoted formal institutional changes, but tolerated paramilitary repression in order to counteract a strengthening guerrilla insurgency. These civilian leaders represented a modernising elite focused upon co-opting political opposition and establishing neoliberal economic reforms, thus constructing a Low-Intensity Democracy.
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Tellez, Juan Fernando. "Worlds Apart: Conflict Exposure and Preferences for Peace." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 4 (May 23, 2018): 1053–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718775825.
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Life on the frontlines of a civil war is markedly different from life in safe(r) areas. How does this drastic difference in lived experience shape civilian attitudes toward war and peace? Contrary to theories that link conflict exposure to intransigence, I argue that under certain conditions, exposure increases support for both peace as an outcome and the granting of concessions to armed actors who render settlement more likely. I use various model specifications and matching methodology on survey data from the Colombian peace process, finding strong evidence that civilians in conflict zones exhibit greater support for the peace process overall and are more willing to grant political concessions to armed groups. Mixed evidence further suggests that exposed civilians are less willing to reintegrate with demobilized fighters. The study has theoretical implications for accounts of conflict exposure and helps explain regional variation in the failed referendum vote in Colombia.
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León, Carlos Enrique Moreno. "Chronicle of a Survival Foretold: How Protest Behavior Against Armed Actors Influenced Violence in the Colombian Civil War, 1988–2005." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 4 (2017): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12031.
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AbstractThis article examines the circumstances under which civilians, using protests as a mechanism, alter the strategic use of violence by armed actors (rebels and state forces). By examining the civil war in Colombia between 1988 and 2005, this study finds that combatants decrease their attacks against the population when civilians protest against the enemy. Combatants interpret such demonstrations as costly signals of loyalty. Furthermore, when insurgents are the target of the protests, insurgents increase repression against civilians as rebels get stronger. In contrast, state forces (and paramilitaries) compensate for their weakness in the area by multiplying civilian victims. Both state forces and rebels, however, are likely to decrease violence against civilians when civilians protest against both parties in contested zones. In such contexts, armed actors are likely to refrain from retaliation because any violence might drive noncombatants toward the enemy.
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Prunera, Frédérique. "Personnes déplacées en Colombie et personnes d'origine colombienne cherchant refuge dans les pays voisins." International Review of the Red Cross 83, no. 843 (September 2001): 763–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1560775500119303.
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Abstract In the course of half a century of political turmoil and civil war in Colombia, a large number of civilians have fled their homes or been forcefully removed to other places. The author gives an overview of UNHCR and ICRC activities for these internally displaced persons. While UNHCR strives mainly to strengthen their ability to cope, the ICRC specializes in direct assistance to displaced persons and pursues its traditional protection work. Action taken for Colombian refugees in neighbouring countries is also discussed.
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Steele, Abbey. "Seeking Safety: Avoiding Displacement and Choosing Destinations in Civil Wars." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 3 (May 2009): 419–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343309102660.
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Despite civil war violence, some civilians stay in their communities. Those who leave choose one of many possible destinations. Drawing on fieldwork in Colombia, this article argues that the way armed groups target civilians explains households' decisions about displacement. When groups of civilians are targeted based on a shared characteristic — `collective' targeting — their best options for avoiding violence differ from those targeted selectively or indiscriminately. This article outlines conditions under which people can stay in contexts of collective targeting, and where they are likely to go if these conditions are not met. A civilian facing collective targeting could move to a rival group's stronghold, cluster with others similarly targeted, or seek anonymity in a city or different region. Community characteristics, such as whether it is urban or rural, as well as macro characteristics of the war, such as whether or not there is an ascriptive cleavage, shape which decisions are relatively safest, which in turn leads to implications for aggregate patterns. For example, clustering together has a perverse effect: even though hiding among others with similar characteristics may reduce an individual's likelihood of suffering direct violence, the community may be more endangered as it is perceived to be affiliated with an armed group. This then leads to a cycle of collective targeting and displacement, which has important implications for the development of warfare. In turn, this cycle and related cleavage formation may have long-term impacts on postwar stability and politics.
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Hapsari, Renitha Dwi, Hendrina Nur Alifia Ramadhanti, and Karenina Mutiara Putri. "Comparative Analysis of the United States’ War on Drugs Policy in Mexico and Colombia: Failure and Success Factors." WIMAYA 2, no. 01 (June 1, 2021): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v2i01.49.
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Drug smuggling activities in the United States carried out by drug cartels from Mexico and Colombia contribute to the region's instabilities. Many threats and terrorist acts that accompanied the distribution of illegal drugs left civilians in fear. The War on Drugs policy promoted by the United States, which aims to apprehend drug cartels, causes severe losses in the long run. Colombia is the only successful case. On the other hand, Mexico offers a different story despite both are countries with unstable political and weak law enforcement. The paper conducts a comparative study on Colombia and Mexico to evaluate the factors that contribute to the success and failure behind the implementation of the War on Drugs policy. The paper concludes that an aggressive approach (i.e., military) is less efficient in combatting drug smuggling activities than the developmental approach (i.e., socio-economic development).
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Arjona, Ana. "Wartime Institutions." Journal of Conflict Resolution 58, no. 8 (September 23, 2014): 1360–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714547904.
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Theories of civil war usually theorize the choices of civilians and combatants without considering the institutional context in which they interact. Despite common depictions of war as chaotic and anarchic, order often emerges locally. Institutions vary greatly over time and space and, as in peacetime, shape behavior. In this article, I propose a research agenda on local wartime institutions. To this end, I present original evidence on conflict areas in Colombia to illustrate the scope of variation, propose the concept of wartime social order and a typology, and discuss several ways in which research on wartime institutions can contribute to our study of civil war both at the micro and macro levels.
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Rodriguez, Saul M. "Building civilian militarism: Colombia, internal war, and militarization in a mid-term perspective." Security Dialogue 49, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2018): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617743201.
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In late 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia signed a peace agreement to bring an end to an internal war in Colombia that had lasted more than 50 years. During this process, pro-military attitudes within Colombian society that called for a hardline solution and rejected the peace agreement were highly visible, revealing the extent to which militarism had been embedded in Colombia over the years. This embedding of militarism had been enabled by the country’s many years of chaos and the use of counterinsurgency forms of warfare, which over the years had led civilian elites to adopt a militaristic approach to countering threats. In this article, I will examine key issues related to the central role of militarism and militarization in the scenario of violence and insecurity in Colombia, drawing on mid- and short-term historical perspectives, to highlight what I refer to as the country’s ‘civilian militarism’. First, I discuss how the main conceptual framing regarding militarism, militarization, and security applies to the Colombian case. Second, I describe and analyze the origin of civilian militarism in the context of the struggle between Colombia’s traditional political parties, and the militarization of the police and the intertwining of its role with that of the army as a legacy of that time. Third, I briefly examine how various presidential programs have embedded the concept of security in the 1990s and thereafter, though this is seen as a façade to enable the unfolding of a military approach to countering threats over the years, and how mandatory military service was used until recently as a tool to bolster support for militarism among everyday people.
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Masullo, Juan. "Refusing to Cooperate with Armed Groups Civilian Agency and Civilian Noncooperation in Armed Conflicts." International Studies Review 23, no. 3 (January 9, 2021): 887–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isr/viaa090.
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Abstract Conflict scholars have increasingly stressed the importance of taking civilian agency seriously for understanding how conflicts operate on the ground and the social legacies they leave behind. Among the different expressions of civilian agency that this scholarship has studied, instances in which civilians refuse to collaborate with armed groups have captured particular attention. While this development is to be praised, the proliferation of neighboring terms (e.g., “voice,” “autonomy,” “civil action,” “oppositional agency,” “resilience,” and “resistance”) menaces the further progression of this intellectually stimulating and policy relevant field of inquiry. In dialogue with the growing literature on civilian agency, and drawing on an established literature on concept formation, I propose civilian noncooperation as the root concept to capture these instances and specify its meaning by identifying both necessary and accompanying attributes. I discuss the advantages of this concept and assess it vis á vis alternative terms and conceptualizations. Finally, I illustrate how these conceptual foundations provide a more solid basis for empirical research by introducing a descriptive typology and a database of civilian noncooperation campaigns in the Colombian civil war. Research on noncooperation holds great potential to improving existing theories of conflict, as well as to inform crucial policy debates, including the protection of civilians, peace-building, and post-conflict reconstruction. Conceptual rigor is central to fulfilling this potential.
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Arjona, Ana. "Institutions, Civilian Resistance, and Wartime Social Order: A Process-driven Natural Experiment in the Colombian Civil War." Latin American Politics and Society 58, no. 3 (2016): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2016.00320.x.
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AbstractWhy do armed groups fighting in civil wars establish different institutions in territories where they operate? This article tests the mechanisms of a theory that posits that different forms of wartime social order are the outcome of a process in which an aspiring ruler—an armed group—expands the scope of its rule as much as possible unless civilians push back. Instead of being always at the mercy of armed actors, civilians arguably have bargaining power if they can credibly threaten combatants with collective resistance. Such resistance, in turn, is a function of the quality of preexisting local institutions. Using a process-driven natural experiment in three villages in Central Colombia, this article traces the effects of institutional quality on wartime social order.The FARC were everything in this village. They had the last wordon every single dispute among neighbors. They decided whatcould be sold at the stores, the time when we should all go home, andwho should leave the area never to come back.... They alsomanaged divorces, inheritances, and conflicts over land borders.They were the ones who ruled here, not the state.— Local leader, village of Librea, municipality of ViotáWe [the peasant leaders] are the authority here.People recognize us as such. [The FARC] could not takethat away from us. They didn’t rule us.— Local leader, village of Zama, municipality of Viotá
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Kreiman, Guillermo, and Juan Masullo. "Who Shot the Bullets? Exposure to Violence and Attitudes Toward Peace: Evidence from the 2016 Colombian Referendum." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 4 (October 13, 2020): 24–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2020.14.
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ABSTRACTDoes exposure to violence affect attitudes toward peace? Civilians living in war zones see peace agreements as an opportunity to improve their security prospects. However, in multiparty conflicts, this does not automatically translate into support for peace. Support hinges on the interplay between which faction has victimized civilians in the past and which faction is sitting at the negotiation table. If civilians have been victimized by the group that is involved in the peace agreement, they will be likely to support peace. On the contrary, if they have been victimized by another faction, they will be likely to refrain from supporting peace if they believe that this can trigger retaliatory violence against them. This article explores this argument empirically in the context of the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC; both quantitative and qualitative data yield support to the study’s theoretical expectations.
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Moreno León, Carlos Enrique. "Migrate, Cooperate, or Resist: The Civilians’ Dilemma in the Colombian Civil War, 1988–2010." Latin American Research Review 56, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.640.
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D'Argenio, Maria Chiara. "Monstrosity and War Memories in Latin American Post-conflict Cinema." CINEJ Cinema Journal 5, no. 1 (February 17, 2016): 84–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2015.126.
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This article explores the relationship between inhumanity, monstrosity, war and memory in two Latin American films: Días de Santiago (Peru, 2004) and La sombra del caminante (Colombia, 2004). These aesthetically innovative films tackle the internal armed conflicts that have occurred in Colombia and Peru in recent years. Focusing on former soldiers’ reintegration into civilian life, they display war as a traumatic experience that produces monstrosity, understood as a dehumanisation of the individual. By analysing the tropes of monstrosity and the haunting past, and the films’ aesthetics, I show how the performance of the monster articulates a tension between inhumanity and humanness, which can be read as a metaphor for the tension between the acts of remembering, investigating and forgetting within post-conflict societies.
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Costa, Flávia Foresto Porto da. "As Autodefesas Unidas da Colômbia (AUC) e sua Estratégia Paramilitar no Fim do Século XX: Origem, Organização e Ideologia l The United Self-Defenses of Colombia (AUC) and its Paramilitary Strategy at the End of the 20th Century: Origin, Organization and Ideology." Revista Neiba, Cadernos Argentina Brasil 10, no. 1 (October 7, 2021): e58909. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/neiba.2021.58909.
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Criadas em 1994 como uma confederação de exércitos privados colombianos, as Autodefesas Unidas da Colômbia (AUC) marcaram uma expansão do paramilitarismo e um recrudescimento do conflito armado naquele país, tendo sido atuantes até seu processo de desmobilização, em 2002. Buscando compreender as origens, a organização e os discursos desse fenômeno paramilitar, o presente trabalho realiza uma pesquisa bibliográfica e documental que inclui, entre outros, os documentos originais das AUC e entrevistas com suas principais lideranças. Verifica-se que as AUC constituíram, por um lado, uma continuidade em relação ao paramilitarismo das doutrinas contrainsurgentes da Guerra Fria e aos grupos de civis armados financiados por narcotraficantes e proprietários de terra do final dos anos 70, e, por outro, um ponto de inflexão da estratégia paramilitar na Colômbia, quando esses exércitos buscam se projetar como atores políticos e independentes diante da opinião pública, buscando imitar pelo avesso a retórica e as estruturas guerrilheiras.Palavras-Chave: Paramilitarismo; Contrainsurgência; Colômbia.ABSTRACTCreated in 1994 as a confederation of Colombian private armies, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) marked an expansion of paramilitary and a renewed armed conflict in that country, having been active until its demobilization process in 2002. Seeking to understand the origins, the organization and the speeches of this paramilitary phenomenon, the present work conducts a bibliographic and documentary research that includes, among others, the original documents of the AUC and interviews with its main leaders. It appears that the AUC constituted, on the one hand, a continuity in relation to the paramilitarism of counterinsurgent Cold War doctrines and groups of armed civilians financed by drug traffickers and landowners in the late 1970s, and, on the other hand, a point inflection of the paramilitary strategy in Colombia, when these armies seek to project themselves as political and independent actors before the public opinion, trying to imitate the rhetoric and guerrilla structures inside out.Keywords: Paramilitarism; Counterinsurgency; Colombia. Recebido em: 04/04/2021 | Aceito em: 09/06/2021.
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Thylin, Theresia. "Leaving war and the closet? Exploring the varied experiences of LGBT ex-combatants in Colombia." Kvinder, Køn & Forskning, no. 2-3 (November 23, 2018): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kkf.v27i2-3.111059.
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Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have been acknowledged as a crucial part of peacebuilding initiatives and the importance of ensuring that they are gender responsive has been increasingly recognized by the international community. However, policy guidance has failed to include ex-combatants who do not conform to a narrow, binary understandingof gender and make no reference to sexual and gender minorities. Similarly, LGBT excombatants have been overlooked by scholars and very little is known of their experiences as they transition to civilian life. This article explores the varied experiences of LGBT ex-combatants who have been part of three different armed groups in Colombia. Using semi-structured interviews with ex-combatantsfrom the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the 19th of April Movement (M-19) and the United Self-Defenders of Colombia (AUC), this article shows how DDR processes may generate significant and rapid transformations for sexual and gender minorities. The article also outlines particular challenges faced by LGBT ex-combatants. In conclusion, I argue that policy makers and researchers should incorporate a gender perspective in DDR that moves beyond a narrow, binary understanding of gender in order to respond to the needs, ensure the participation, and protect the rights of LGBT ex-combatants.
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Tinjacá Gómez, David Fernando, and Wilmer Alexander Usaquén Cobos. "Memorias del conflicto armado en el corregimiento sur-oriental de Fusagasugá (1990-2003)." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 213 (December 27, 2019): 297–338. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi213.1183.
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Colombia ha sufrido por más de cinco décadas un conflicto armado interno que ha generado profundos impactos en la población civil, en particular para los campesinos. Históricamente la región del Sumapaz ha sido uno de los epicentros de esta confrontación que, durante el periodo comprendido entre 1990-2003, adquirió características particulares debido a la expansión de los actores armados enfrentados. En este artículo se analiza cómo se desarrolló ese enfrentamiento en el corregimiento suroriental de Fusagasugá; con este objetivo, se hace énfasis en los relatos de las personas que vivieron los hechos, para así proyectar el problema de la memoria histórica en la región campesina del Sumapaz. Lo anterior permite observar las experiencias de los sujetos frente al fenómeno de la violencia y cómo son recordados estos, de cara a un periodo de posacuerdo, momento en el que se hace necesario conocer y dar sentido a las memorias de quienes sufrieron los mayores impactos de nuestra guerra.
Abstract: Colombia has suffered an armed conflict for more than five decades with deep impacts on civilians, particularly the peasantry. Historically, the Sumapaz region has been one of the epicenters of this confrontation, with very particular features from 1990 to 2003, due to the expansion of armed actors. This paper analyzes how the confrontation took place in the southeastern corregimiento of Fusagasugá, from the perspective of the people who experienced it firsthand, in order to contribute to the historical memory of the peasant region of Sumapaz. This exercise allows to observe the divergent interpretations that exist about the same phenomenon of violence, which is useful facing the current period of post agreement, where it is necessary to know and make sense of the memories of those who suffered the greatest impacts of our war.
Keywords: Armed conflict, FARC, memories, Sumapaz.
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Müller, Markus-Michael. "Enter 9/11: Latin America and the Global War on Terror." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 3 (June 4, 2020): 545–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x20000565.
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AbstractThis article offers an analysis of the transnational discursive construction processes informing Latin American security governance in the aftermath of 9/11. It demonstrates that the Global War on Terror provided an opportunity for external and aligned local knowledge producers in the security establishments throughout the Americas to reframe Latin America's security problems through the promotion of a militarised security epistemology, and derived policies, centred on the region's ‘convergent threats’. In tracing the discursive repercussions of this epistemic reframing, the article shows that, by tapping into these discourses, military bureaucracies throughout the Americas were able to overcome their previous institutional marginalisation vis-à-vis civilian agencies. This development contributed to the renaissance of counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism discourses and policies in the region, allowing countries such as Colombia and Brazil to reposition themselves globally by exporting their military expertise for confronting post-9/11 threats beyond the region.
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Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. "Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800361.
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Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.
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McNeely, Jeffrey A. "Conserving forest biodiversity in times of violent conflict." Oryx 37, no. 2 (April 2003): 142–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605303000334.
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Forests are often frontiers, and like all frontiers, they are sites of dynamic social, ecological, political and economic changes. Such dynamism involves constantly changing advantages and disadvantages to different groups of people, which not surprisingly can lead to armed conflict, and all too frequently to war. Many governments have contributed to conflict, however inadvertently, by nationalizing their forests, so that traditional forest inhabitants have been disenfranchised while national governments sell the rights to trees in order to earn foreign exchange. Biodiversity-rich tropical forests in Papua New Guinea, Indonesia, Indochina, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Central and West Africa, the Amazon, Colombia, Central America and New Caledonia have all been the sites of armed conflict in recent years, sometimes involving international forces. Forests have sometimes been part of the cause of conflict (as in Myanmar and Sierra Leone) but more often victims of it. Violent conflicts in temperate areas also typically involve forests as shelters for both civilians and combatants, as in the Balkans. While these conflicts have frequently, even invariably, caused negative impacts on biodiversity, peace can be even worse, as it enables forest exploitation to operate with impunity. Because many of the remaining forests are along international borders, international cooperation is required for their conservation. As one response, the concept of international “Peace Parks” is being promoted in many parts of the world as a way of linking biodiversity conservation with national security. The Convention on Biological Diversity, which entered into force at the end of 1993 and now has 187 State Parties, offers a useful framework for such cooperation.
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Pabón, Wilson. "El difícil camino de la paz. Avatares de la implementación de los acuerdos Farc-Ep y gobierno colombiano en Icononzo (Tolima)." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 217 (October 4, 2021): 221–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi217.1244.
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Resumen: Con la firma del Acuerdo Final para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Construcción de una Paz Estable y Duradera entre el Gobierno colombiano y la guerrilla de las FARC-EP, en noviembre de 2016, se establecieron una serie de acuerdos sobre diferentes puntos, entre ellos el establecimiento de unas zonas de concentración en varias regiones del país, en las cuales los excombatientes harían su tránsito a la vida civil. Para entender las dinámicas de lo sucedido en este importante proceso, se analiza el caso del espacio territorial de capacitación y reincorporación (ETCR) Antonio Nariño, en Icononzo (Tolima), el más cercano a Bogotá. Luego de un trabajo de campo de dos años, en el que se realizaron entrevistas con los habitantes de la región de Sumapaz, lo mismo que con quienes están alrededor del proceso, se plantea una perspectiva de análisis de corte etnográfico sobre el tema. Esto como paradigma de lo sucedido en el país, concretamente en el Sumapaz, una región en la cual tanto la guerra como la paz se han vivido desde hace más de setenta años, buscando aportar a la comprensión del conflicto armado interno en Colombia.
The Difficult Course to Peace. Avatars of the Implementation of the Farc - Colombian Government Peace Accords in Icononzo (Tolima)
Abstract: With the signing of the Peace Accords between the Colombian government and the Farc-Ep guerrilla in 2016, concentration zones were established in various regions of the country, in which ex-combatants would make their transition to civilian life. To understand the dynamics of what happened in this important process, the case of the ETCR Antonio Nariño in Icononzo (Tolima), the closest to Bogotá, is analyzed. As part of a two-year fieldwork, in which I conducted multiple interviews with the habitants of the Sumapaz region, as well as with those around the process, I propose a ethnographical analysis to this question. Such approach is proposed as a case study to understand the challenges provoked with the implementation of the peace accords in Colombia. In so doing, this chapter seeks to contribute to the understanding the internal armed conflict in this country while contextualizing such analysis in a region in which both war and peace have been lived for more than seventy years.
Keywords: Colombia, Peace Accords, Internal Armed Conflict, Government-Farc, Sumapaz.
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Tafur-Villarreal, Andrés. "REBEL GOVERNMENT AND CIVILIAN RESISTANCE." ENVIRONMENTAL SMOKE 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 31–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32435/envsmoke.20225131-32.
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Cañón de las Hermosas is located in a buffer zone of the Páramos Complex of the National Natural Park of the same name, located on the eastern flank of the Cordillera Central, in the Andean Region of Colombia. Several of the most recurrent symptoms in the diagnosis of civil war in the country were concentrated there: poverty and inequality, state precariousness-weakness, social and territorial control by armed groups, disputes over illegal rents derived from the cultivation and trafficking of illicit drugs (ECHANDÍA CASTILLA, 1996, 2000; APONTE GONZÁLEZ, 2019; OBSERVATORIO DE PAZ Y DERECHOS HUMANOS, 2020a, 2020b). This extensive zone was catalogued as one of the sanctuaries of the FARC guerrillas, which guaranteed security, collected taxes, administered justice and regulated coexistence efficiently and effectively through punishments, fines and executions. This happened, particularly with the protection of the environment, a phenomenon that comes close to what DÁVALOS calls "conservation at gunpoint" (DÁVALOS, 2001; CENTRO DE ESTUDIOS REGIONALES, 2020b). After the weakening of the guerrilla by the pacification operations during the 2000s, this conservation work was left in the hands of the civilian population, who denounced the destruction of fragile ecosystems due to the militarization of the territory, and particularly, the construction of a hydroelectric dam in the Amoyá river, in the heart of the Hermosas Canyon. In my work I argue that the Observatorio de Derechos Humanos para la Protección del Medio Ambiente and Mesa de la Transparencia del Cañón de las Hermosas can be characterized as civil resistance mechanisms, conceived with the objective of protecting the population and the environment (TAFUR VILLAREAL, 2021). Community preferences are explained by the degree of social cooperation expressed from the mobilization (protest) and organization capacities, which allowed them to join all the autonomous community spaces of the village of Las Hermosas in a social platform for direct and indirect dialogue with institutional and political actors (among which are included the armed, legal and illegal ones). At the methodological level, the research design and methods integrated fieldwork and archival review with qualitative analysis, and included field interviews, documentary and archival review.
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Stanton, Jessica A. "Rebel Groups, International Humanitarian Law, and Civil War Outcomes in the Post-Cold War Era." International Organization 74, no. 3 (2020): 523–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818320000090.
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AbstractDo rebel group violations of international humanitarian law during civil war—in particular, attacks on noncombatant civilians—affect conflict outcomes? I argue that in the post-Cold War era, rebel groups that do not target civilians have used the framework of international humanitarian law to appeal for diplomatic support from Western governments and intergovernmental organizations. However, rebel group appeals for international diplomatic support are most likely to be effective when the rebel group can contrast its own restraint toward civilians with the government's abuses. Rebel groups that do not target civilians in the face of government abuses, therefore, are likely to be able to translate increased international diplomatic support into more favorable conflict outcomes. Using original cross-national data on rebel group violence against civilians in all civil wars from 1989 to 2010, I show that rebel groups that exercise restraint toward civilians in the face of government violence are more likely to secure favorable conflict outcomes. I also probe the causal mechanism linking rebel group behavior to conflict outcomes, showing that when a rebel group exercises restraint toward civilians and the government commits atrocities, Western governments and intergovernmental organizations are more likely to take coercive diplomatic action against the government. The evidence shows that rebel groups can translate this increased diplomatic support into favorable political outcomes.
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The Lancet. "The war on Syrian civilians." Lancet 383, no. 9915 (February 2014): 383. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(14)60134-3.
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Clark, John R. "Civilians in a War Zone." Air Medical Journal 35, no. 5 (September 2016): 268–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.amj.2016.07.005.
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Leaning, Jennifer, and Michael Lappi. "Fighting a war, sparing civilians." Lancet 378, no. 9794 (September 2011): 857–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(11)61311-1.
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Stice, Elizabeth. "Contrast and contact: civilians in French trench newspapers of the Great War*." French History 34, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crz109.
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Abstract This article looks at representations of civilians in French trench newspapers of the Great War to examine soldiers’ discourses about the wartime relationship between soldiers and civilians. Trench newspapers demonstrate that contrasting experiences of the war created tension and soldiers were sometimes frustrated by civilians. However, poilus also longed for contact with civilians and communication with them helped to sustain their resolve. While some earlier scholarship has suggested that Great War soldiers were considerably alienated from civilians, these sources, alongside newer scholarship, suggest that there was more than animosity and alienation between soldiers and civilians, at least in the French case. Trench newspapers also suggest the importance of intended audience in considering war-related narratives and suggest distinctions about the relationship between soldiers and civilians in the French case.
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Roberts, A. "THE CIVILIAN IN MODERN WAR." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 12 (December 2009): 13–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135909000026.
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AbstractThere is a widespread view that civilians are worse off in today' wars than ever before. Civilians are often deliberately targeted by belligerents or are victims of ‘collateral damage’. They form the majority of victims of landmines. They are used as human shields. They are displaced from their homes, even from their country. They are affected, often more than soldiers, by the pestilence, famine and displacement that wars bring in their wake. They are often particularly vulnerable in the types of war that are most prevalent in the world today – including civil wars and asymmetric conflicts. Children are forced to become soldiers. How can it be that the lot of civilians in war remains so dire, when so much attention has been paid to the protection of civilians in war – not just in international treaties, but in the work of international organizations and also that of numerous humanitarian bodies?
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Alexander, Amanda. "The “Good War”: Preparations for a War against Civilians." Law, Culture and the Humanities 15, no. 1 (May 31, 2016): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872116651224.
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This article argues that the narratives told about the Great War helped to establish the bombardment of civilians during World War II as an ethical, military and legal possibility. It shows that the literary representation of the Great War was antagonistic towards civilians, suggesting that a fairer war would affect the entire nation. Military strategists accepted this premise and planned for a future war that would be directed against civilian populations. International lawyers also adopted this narrative and, constrained by it and their disciplinary conventions, found it hard to posit any strong legal or ethical objections to aerial bombardment.
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Becker, Annette. "The Great War: World war, total war." International Review of the Red Cross 97, no. 900 (December 2015): 1029–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383116000382.
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AbstractThe Great War was globalized and totalized1 by the inclusion of colonial and newly independent people from all over the world and of civilians, old people, women and children. The European war became a laboratory for all the suffering of the century, from the extermination of the Armenians to the refugee crisis, the internments, and the unending modernization of warfare.
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Bulutgil, H. Zeynep. "Prewar Domestic Conditions and Civilians in War." Journal of Global Security Studies 5, no. 3 (September 14, 2019): 528–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jogss/ogz039.
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Abstract In the past fifteen years, the study of civilians in war (i.e., violence against civilians as well as civilian strategies for survival during wars) has emerged as a research agenda separate from the study of the causes of wars. Up to now, this research agenda has largely been dominated by studies that emphasize the military balance of power or the nature of material resources available to the fighting parties. The books under review in this article push the literature on civilians in war significantly forward by focusing on prewar social, political, and institutional factors. Based on the findings of the books, this review essay identifies three such factors. First, the organizational skills that civilian leaders develop in the prewar period shape resistance against military actors during wars. Second, political party affiliation, revealed through prewar elections, influences the patterns of violence against civilians during wars. Finally, the dominant state ideology that precedes wars can impact both civilian victimization and the extent to which civilians can evade such violence. The article both assesses the books’ contributions and offers ways in which these contributions can be refined by future research.
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Peleg, K. "(A43) Are Injuries due to Terrorism and War Similar? A Comparison of Civilians and Soldiers." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (May 2011): s13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x11000550.
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ObjectiveThe objective of this study was to compare injuries and hospital utilization and outcomes from terror and war for civilians and soldiers.BackgroundInjuries from terrorism and war are not necessarily comparable, especially among civilians and soldiers. For example, civilians have less direct exposure to conflict and are unprepared for injury, whereas soldiers are psychologically and physically prepared for combat on battlefields that often are far from trauma centers. Evidence-based studies distinguishing and characterizing differences in injuries according to conflict type and population group are lacking.MethodsA retrospective study was performed using hospitalization data from the Israel National Trauma Registry (10/2000–12/2006).ResultsTerrorism and war accounted for trauma hospitalizations among 1,784 civilians and 802 soldiers. Most civilians (93%) were injured in terrorism and transferred to trauma centers by land, whereas soldiers were transferred by land and air. Critical injuries and injuries to multiple body regions were more likely due to terrorism than war. Soldiers tended to present with less severe injuries from war than from terrorism. Rates of first admission to orthopedic surgery were greater for all casualties with the exception of civilians injured in terrorism who were equally likely to be admitted to the intensive care unit. In-hospital mortality was higher among terrorism (7%) than war (2%) casualties, and particularly among civilians.ConclusionsThis study provides evidence that substantial differences exist in injury characteristics and hospital resources required to treat civilians and soldiers injured in terrorism and war.
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Cohen, Eliot A., Mark Grimsley, and Clifford Rogers. "Civilians in the Path of War." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 5 (2002): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033297.
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Levy, Barry S., and Victor W. Sidel. "Protecting non-combatant civilians during war." Medicine, Conflict and Survival 31, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 88–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13623699.2015.1057794.
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Doucet, Ian. "The cowards’ war: Landmines and civilians." Medicine and War 9, no. 4 (October 1993): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07488009308409122.
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Burbidge, Peter. "Justice and Peace? – The Role of Law in Resolving Colombia's Civil Conflict." International Criminal Law Review 8, no. 3 (2008): 557–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181208x308556.
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AbstractThe Colombian Parliament's Justice and Peace law of 2005, introduced by the government of President Alvaro Uribe, allows members of armed groups involved in Colombia's 40-year old conflict to re-enter civilian life by paying an alternative penalty of 5-8 years' prison, even where their crimes concern mass-murder. The process is conditional on a full confession and the proper recompense for the victims. The Law however benefits primarily the pro-state paramilitaries, as the left-wing guerrilla groups have yet to make peace, and has thus been described as a transitional justice system without the transition. This article considers the provisions of the 2005 law against the background of the Constitutional Court's 2006 decision on its validity and the requirements of international criminal law and human rights law. It considers whether it satisfies the requirements of the International Criminal Court, which has jurisdiction over Colombia's conflict but with an opt-out till 2009 for war-crimes. Will the process resolve the problem of Colombia's "impunity" – the failure to prosecute paramilitary crimes - which has been condemned by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights? In conclusion it compares the process to other transitional justice systems in South Africa and Northern Ireland.
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Krueger, James S., and Francisco I. Pedraza. "Missing Voices." Armed Forces & Society 38, no. 3 (December 19, 2011): 391–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x11428786.
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Public opinion studies on war attitudes say little about civilians who are related to military service members. The authors argue that military “service-connected” individuals are missing voices in the research that examines public support for war. Using over 50,000 observations from the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, the authors estimate attitudes toward the war in Iraq, the war in Afghanistan, and the use of US military troops in general. The authors find that service-connected civilians express greater support for war and the use of troops than civilians without such a connection. This study discusses the implications of these findings for theoretical advancements in the literature addressing war attitudes and the conceptualization of the “civil–military gap.”
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Singh, Aditya Pratap, and Siddharth Mishra. "Explosive Remnants of War: A War after the War?" Christ University Law Journal 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12728/culj.3.1.
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Explosive Remnants of War (ERW) pose significant
humanitarian problems to the civilians as well as to the
governments in post conflict situations. People continue
to be at risk even after the war due to the presence of
ERW. The issue of ERW has in fact shifted the focus of the
international community from the immediate impacts of
the weapons to their long term effects. In response to this,
states concluded a landmark agreement, Protocol V to the
UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons in
2003 (CCW). This Protocol aims at providing a proper
mechanism to deal with ERW threat. Meanwhile, with the
beginning of the new century and the emergence of newly
sophisticated weapons the debate over the ERW got
shifted to one of the most menacing category of weapons
called cluster munitions. Again, responding to the
problem, the state parties adopted the Convention of
Cluster Munitions 2003 which bans the use and
development of these deadly weapons. Both these
instruments suffer from certain inherent limitations.
Despite these limitations they still serve as the last resort
for the civilians as well as for the governments of the war
torn communities in dealing with the catastrophic effects
of ERW.
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Krakowski, Krzysztof. "Pulled Together or Torn Asunder? Community Cohesion After Symmetric and Asymmetric Civil War." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 7-8 (January 26, 2020): 1470–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719897121.
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Evidence on the consequences of war for community cohesion is mixed, pointing to both positive and negative effects of conflict. This study examines symmetry of force between warring actors as an explanation of heterogeneous conflict effects. Using survey data from 224 Colombian villages, I compare cohesion in communities exposed to asymmetric and symmetric conflicts, a guerrilla war between rebels and the state and a more conventional war between rebels and paramilitary groups, respectively. I find that symmetric war increases participation in community organizations, while asymmetric war decreases trust. Evidence suggests three mechanisms that explain these findings. Symmetric war increases cohesion (i) by spurring individuals to band together to cope with significant disruption of services and (ii) by strengthening group identities that map onto fairly clear wartime cleavages. Asymmetric war reduces cohesion (iii) by instilling fear and suspicion linked to wartime experiences of civilian collaboration and denunciations.
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Schaefer, Timo. "Soldiers and Civilians." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 29, no. 1 (2013): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2013.29.1.149.
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This article examines the history of warfare in the largely indigenous Mixteca region in Oaxaca during the Mexican War of Independence. Paying special attention to the relation between royalist and insurgent armies and native Mixtecans, the article argues that in the years 1814 and 1815, warfare became a pervasive fact for people. Unlike people in other regions of Mexico, however, Mixtecans showed relatively little interest in the war’s political and ideological stakes. Their engagement with modern Mexico’s foundational war took place largely on the level of military violence. Este artículo analiza la historia de la guerra en la región primordialmente indígena de Oaxaca durante independencia de México. Prestando especial atención a las relaciones entre los ejércitos realista e insurgente y los mixtecos nativos, el artículo sostiene que en los años 1814 y 1815 la guerra se convirtió en un hecho generalizado para el pueblo. A diferencia de muchas otras regiones de México, empero, la Mixteca mostró relativamente poco interés en los intereses políticos e ideológicos de la guerra. Su involucramiento en la guerra fundacional del México moderno ocurrió en gran medida en el nivel de la violencia militar.
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Friesendorf, Cornelius, and Thomas Müller. "Human costs of the Afghanistan war." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132ppf34.
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The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009- 2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.
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Manrique Rueda, Gabriela. "Working in violence: Moral narratives of paramilitaries in Colombia." Theoretical Criminology 24, no. 2 (August 11, 2018): 370–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480618792747.
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This article reflects on the morality of violence workers through an analysis of the narratives of 12 former low-ranking men of the paramilitary group Heroes of Montes de Maria in Colombia. By exploring their physical and social experiences in the space of the group, and the meaning given to their actions, I argue that violence should be considered dirty work in which members construct moral representations to deal with the illegality of the group. Despite the immorality of violent actions against civilians, whose bodies were dismembered and buried in mass graves, the paramilitaries represented their mission as necessary dirty work enabling the state to guarantee civilians’ security, and creating moral obligations toward their fellows, families and communities.
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Watkins, Hanne M., and Simon M. Laham. "The principle of discrimination: Investigating perceptions of soldiers." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, no. 1 (October 23, 2018): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430218796277.
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The principle of discrimination states that soldiers are legitimate targets of violence in war, whereas civilians are not. Is this prescriptive rule reflected in the descriptive judgments of laypeople? In two studies ( Ns = 300, 229), U.S. Mechanical Turk workers were asked to evaluate the character traits of either a soldier or a civilian. Participants also made moral judgments about scenarios in which the target individual (soldier or civilian) killed or was killed by the enemy in war. Soldiers were consistently viewed as more dangerous and more courageous than civilians (Study 1). Participants also viewed killing by (and of) soldiers as more permissible than killing by (and of) civilians, in line with the principle of discrimination (Study 1). Altering the war context to involve a clearly just and unjust side (in Study 2) did not appear to moderate the principle of discrimination in moral judgment, although soldiers and civilians on the just side were evaluated more positively overall. However, the soldiers on the unjust side of the war were not attributed greater courage than were civilians on the unjust side. Theoretical and practical implications of these descriptive findings are discussed.
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Shifter, Michael. "Colombia at War." Current History 98, no. 626 (March 1, 1999): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1999.98.626.116.
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Valentino, Benjamin. "Moral Character or Character of War? American Public Opinion on the Targeting of Civilians in Times of War." Daedalus 145, no. 4 (September 2016): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00417.
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Since the end of the Vietnam War, the United States has refrained from the widespread, intentional targeting of civilian populations in times of war. Public opinion polls seem to reflect a marked decline in American support for targeting foreign civilians since that time. Drawing on original public opinion surveys, as well as other historical material, this essay explores several explanations for these changes. Although there is some evidence that the public's views about the morality of civilian targeting have shifted, I argue that two other explanations also play an important role in the changes in the conduct of American wars. First, a mounting skepticism, especially within the U.S. military, about the efficacy of killing civilians, has undercut the primary motivation to even consider such tactics. Indeed, many U.S. military leaders now perceive that killing adversary civilians in large numbers – intentionally or unintentionally – usually backfires, making the adversary fight harder or driving more civilians to join or support the adversary's forces. Second, due to the lower stakes, and especially the dramatically lower fatality rates suffered by American troops in recent wars, the temptation to attempt to end wars quickly with a “death blow” against adversary cities has become less potent. Under certain conditions, however, a majority of Americans would still support today the kind of population bombing last practiced during World War II.
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Struhl, Karsten J. "On Just War, Proportionality, and Bombing Civilians." Radical Philosophy Review 2, no. 1 (1999): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev1999214.
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Rivett, G. "Civilians and War in Europe 1618-1815." French History 27, no. 3 (April 4, 2013): 462–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crt010.
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Ethan S. Rafuse. "Targeting Civilians in War (review)." Journal of Military History 73, no. 2 (2009): 661–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0243.
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Gentile, Gian P. "Civilians in the Path of War (review)." Journal of Military History 67, no. 1 (2003): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0032.
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Eck, Kristine, and Lisa Hultman. "One-Sided Violence Against Civilians in War." Journal of Peace Research 44, no. 2 (March 2007): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343307075124.
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