To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Civilians in war – Colombia.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Civilians in war – Colombia'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Civilians in war – Colombia.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Fava, Alessandro. "Ballots and bullets : Elections and violence against civilians in Colombia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353607.
Full textAbstract:
Non-combatants, even though they not participate directly in a conflict, are often targeted by armed groups. This study seeks to answer to the question why some areas are more affected by violence against civilians than others. Considering their importance in the contemporary world, electoral processes are used to explain the patterns of civilians’ victimization. This study focuses on irregular civil wars as the effects of elections on the distribution of violence against civilians in those wars is particularly understudied. Elections provide crucial information to armed groups about the preferences of the local population and therefore also the presence of potential collaborators or enemies. In addition, local political elites have incentives to favour or curb the violence against civilians, according to their electoral strength in a specific area. The thesis tests the implication with a quantitative study in the case of Colombia by analysing the long- and short-term effects of electoral results on the distribution of violence. Contrary to conventional civil wars, the findings suggest that civilians living in political strongholds in irregular civil wars, areas where a political party has strong support, are more likely to be targeted.
2
Bradley, Miriam. "Protecting civilians in internal armed conflict : the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:99b7b4ce-38c6-472c-9fcb-c4be82ed9371.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the approaches taken by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the Office of the High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) to the protection of civilians during internal armed conflict, both at the level of global policy and at the level of implementation in the Colombian context. The thesis explains how the ICRC and UNHCR approach protection, why each has adopted its particular approach, and how and why the effectiveness of each approach is limited. In doing so, it offers a theoretical framework for explaining the approaches taken by international organizations (IOs) to new tasks within their mandates as well as policy implications for the ICRC, UNHCR and other humanitarian agencies. From a theoretical perspective, this research shows that factors internal to the IO carry greater explanatory power than external factors. Most significantly, when an IO expands into a new issue-area, it frames the new task in terms of the existing tasks within its mandate, replicating the specific goals and the means of pursuing those goals. The extent to which the approach is then adapted to the specificities of the new issue-area depends on the ‘bureaucratic personality’ of the IO, and specifically the extent to which decisions are informed by field-level experience. Internal conflicts by definition include armed non-state actors, and the analysis in this thesis emphasises both their significance in determining civilian security and their neglect in existing approaches to protection. While the ICRC seeks to reduce the threat posed by all armed actors (state and non-state) in its work at the field level, it relies heavily on an international legal framework which prioritises states and this partially undermines its attention to non-state actors at the field level. UNHCR retains a state-centric focus at both the field level and the level of global policy. From a policy perspective, therefore, the thesis advocates greater attention to armed non-state actors both at the level of practice and in the development of protection norms.
3
Brodie, Abdullah. "Colombia: Postured for Failure, a Lesson in Counterinsurgency Strategy." Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_theses/188.
Full textAbstract:
There is little solid research that explores counterinsurgency practices against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), not only from the standpoint of what is being done, but, rather, what should be done based on past COIN successes. Notable works on counterinsurgency in Colombia include the research of Tom Marks, who focused on operational strategy and tactics; Kevin Self, who professes the importance of controlling territory in defeating the FARC, by addressing the social and institutional ills within Colombia itself; and Dennis Rempe, who notes US involvement in shaping Colombia's COIN strategy. Using a comparative case study model, this thesis provides an analysis of Colombia?s counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies and tactics through the lens of successful and unsuccessful COIN operations in Iraq, Algeria, Malaya, South Vietnam, Thailand, Algeria and El Salvador over the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries. After all, no matter how successful a COIN force is militarily, their accomplishments will ultimately be fruitless if the conditions which fuel insurgency remains present. This paper begins by providing the historical context for the conditions which shaped the Colombian social order, which led to the revolutionary movement. It then follows the growth of the FARC, examining that organization?s strengths and weaknesses. The FARC is contrasted by outlining recent COIN transformation efforts within the Colombian government, to include little acknowledged failures and successes, strengths and weaknesses. An important focus is placed on Colombian President Alvaro Uribe Velez? Democratic Security Policy as the model for Colombia?s current COIN efforts. After next examining various ongoing factors contributing to the Colombian insurgency?to include institutional failures, illicit funding and the problem of paramilitary groups?this thesis examines past COIN efforts by other governments. Finally, after applying lessons learned from thee past COIN efforts?cross-referencing historically successful and unsuccessful tactics with tactics used and not used by Bogota in its fight against the FARC?I provide recommendations to the government of Colombia (GOC) on how to improve its COIN efforts. Although it is important to look at this problem set from an external standpoint, we must still factor in internal factors that have limited Colombia?s ability to emerge victorious, such as allowing porous borders, airspace and coastlines; placing a priority on killing or capturing the enemy and not on engaging the population; and the primacy of military direction of counterinsurgency; disregard of basic human rights; an insufficient judiciary structure; failure to halt financial support mechanisms; and the lack of an outlet for political inclusion . From this vantage point, we will be able to see that these elements?when properly implemented?have proven successful over time and may enhance GOC success and ultimately result in victory over the insurgency that has plagued their country for 40+ years
4
Heaton, John Ricou. "Civilians at war reexamining the status of civilians accompanying the armed forces /." View thesis, 2004. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA425026.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (LL. M.)--George Washington University, 2004.Title from title screen (viewed Sept. 9, 2005). "May 23, 2004." "ADA425026"--URL. Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in paper format.
5
Carpenter, Robyn Charli. ""Innocent women and children" : gender, norms and the protection of civilians /." view abstract or download file of text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3113003.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2003.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 244-291). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
6
Slim, Hugo. "The humanitarian ethic in war : moral values, civil-military relations and humanitarian professionalism in the 1990s." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289127.
Full text
7
Forsberg, Sanna. "Violence Against Civilians in Civil War : A Comparative Case Study of the Sierra Leone Civil War." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314790.
Full text
8
Vargas, Gonzalo. "Explaining violence against civilians : insurgency, counterinsurgency and crime in the Middle Magdalena Valley, Colombia (1996-2004)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3509/.
Full textAbstract:
During the last decade there has been intense controversy over the nature of contemporary armed conflicts and their connection with religion, ethnicity, crime and natural resources. Central to the discussion is the question of why armed organisations use violence against civilians. Recent contributions underscore the self-interested behaviour of individuals and suggest that war, violence and collaboration are increasingly driven by personal ambitions rather than political goals. Combatants, warlords and politicians seem less interested in victory than in satisfying their lust for power and money, usually at the expense of the population; meanwhile, fearful but rational civilians try to exploit the opportunities that conflict throws up, engaging in individualistic alliances with armed organisations and even prompting the use of violence against their fellows. These trends, it is argued, are compounded by the convergence between crime and warfare, and the Colombian conflict is often cited as a typical example. This dissertation examines these claims by studying a recent outbreak of violence against civilians in the Middle Magdalena Valley, in Colombia, that left nearly 2,000 civilians dead and more than 110,000 people forcefully displaced. Based on data obtained from official and unofficial sources on conflict and violence, interviews with key informants and news reports, the dissertation argues that violence was used by armed organisations and, to a lesser extent, by the state, to extend and strengthen the territorial and political control they had over the region. Despite the salience of illegal economies, there is no evidence that economic motives have significantly contributed to the production of violence. Furthermore, civilian collaboration went beyond the narrow sphere of private interests as politicians, parties and social organisations took part in alliances with armed organisations and aimed to advance the interests of the social groups they represented. The dissertation thus challenges common misconceptions and influential contributions in the field of armed conflict and political violence; it also sheds light on the nature of the Colombian conflict.
9
Reilly, Emma. "Civilians into soldiers : the British male military body in the Second World War." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2010. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=13721.
Full text
10
Sjöstedt, Oskar. "Coerced Concessions: : Does Government Mass Killing of Civilians Affect Rebel Groups’ War Aims?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354655.
Full textAbstract:
A government’s choice to kill civilians on a massive scale in civil wars has long been a puzzling phenomenon. Although the scholarly discussion on the motives behind such actions has been growing in the last decades, the understanding of the impact of mass killings is still limited. This thesis aspires to contribute to the understanding of the consequences of civilian victimization by asking “How does government mass killing of civilians affect military power-sharing in peace agreements?”. The hypothesis predicts that governments can use mass killing of civilians to indirectly pressure rebels to concede on their war aims and sign a peace agreement in order to stop the civilian victimization. The focus is on rebels’ war aims concerning military power-sharing, and to what degree the mass killing can lower the rebels’ demands on this aspect. Eight peace agreements have been selected, where four of them had government mass killing and the other four did not. This is to ensure variation on the independent variable. This thesis uses a structured focus comparison of the eight civil war peace agreements to test the hypothesis. The empirical results do not confirm the hypothesis, as no correlation is seen between the relationship of interest, rather, it contradicts it slightly.
11
Elliott, Steven. "The Highlands War: Civilians, Soldiers, and Environment in Northern New Jersey, 1777-1781." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/594976.
Full textAbstract:
HistoryPh.D.
This dissertations studies the problem of military shelter and its impact on the Continental Army’s conduct during the War of American Independence. It examines ideas and practices about military housing during the eighteenth century; how Continental officers sought and obtained lodging for themselves and their men, refinements in military camp administration; how military decisions regarding shelter affected strategy, logistics, and social relationships within the army; as well as how quartering practices structured relations between civilians and the military. This dissertation maintains a geographic focus on Northwestern New Jersey, a region it defines as the Highlands, because this area witnessed a Continental Army presence of greater size and duration than anywhere else in the rebelling Thirteen Colonies. Using official military correspondence, orderly books, diaries, memoirs, civilian damage claims, and archaeological studies, this dissertation reveals that developments in military shelter formed a crucial yet overlooked component of Continental strategy. Patriot soldiers began the war with inadequate housing for operations in the field as well as winter quarters, and their health and morale suffered accordingly. In the second half of the war, Continental officers devised a new method of accommodating their men, the log-hut city. This complex of hastily-built timber huts provided cover for Patriot troops from the winter of 1777-1778 through the end of the war. This method, unknown in Europe, represented an innovation in the art of war. By providing accommodations secure from enemy attack for thousands of soldiers at little cost to the government and little inconvenience to civilians, the log-hut city made a decisive contribution to the success of the Continental Army’s war effort.
Temple University--Theses
12
Newman, Esther S. "Sojourners, Spies and Citizens: The Interned Latin American Japanese Civilians during World War II." Connect to resource online, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1210777704.
Full text
13
Nieto-Valdivieso, Yoana Fernanda. "(Ex)guerrilleras : women waging war in Colombia, 1964-2012." Thesis, University of Hull, 2015. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:14582.
Full text
14
Brandsch, Jürgen. "Indiscriminate violence against civilians : an inquiry into the nature and the effects of group-selective violence." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16559.
Full textAbstract:
Indiscriminate violence against civilians is a recurrent problem in armed conflicts of all sorts. However, from a social science perspective this type of violence poses a puzzle. The literature on government and non-government violence mostly assumes that indiscriminate violence has counter-productive effect and is ultimately self-defeating. Yet, this begs the question as to why an actor should use indiscriminate violence at all? This dissertation tries to solve at least part of the puzzle. First, it critically reviews the literature and points to some misunderstandings that have made progress in comprehending indiscriminate violence more difficult. Second, the dissertation provides a theory on the effects of indiscriminate violence that targets groups, i.e. group-selective violence. While most of the literature assumes that violence against groups seeks to coerce the groups that are attacked, this dissertation widens the view and includes non-targeted groups in the calculation as well. It thereby demonstrates that group-selective violence can be able to produce coercive effects among those groups that are not targeted while generating only limited counter-productive effects. Empirically, this dissertation provides two types of supporting evidence. First, it will provide several case studies as a plausibility probe. These cases are designed to highlight that group-selective violence is used in the way proposed by the theory and has the hypothesized effects. Second, the dissertation will test the hypotheses of the theory of group-selective violence with data on violence against civilians in ethnic wars. Here quantitative methods are used to investigate the patterns and the consequences of violence. Both empirical investigations provide support for the notion that group-selective violence can be beneficial for the perpetrator and that it is used to achieve those benefits. In sum, this dissertation puts forth the theoretical background and empirical support for the effectiveness of group-selective violence.
15
Adeniran, Olaide Zainab, and Olaide Zainab Adeniran. "Counterterrorism Tactics: The Relationship Between Leadership Decapitation and Civilian Abuse During Civil Wars." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/624892.
Full textAbstract:
Does a relationship exist between leadership decapitation and the abuse of civilians during a civil war? This project creates a new data set in combination with existing data on leadership change and civil war termination to determine whether leadership decapitation in rebel groups that use terrorist strategies affects the likelihood of civilian abuse. A study is done on 44 cases of decapitation where the leader of a rebel group was arrested, killed, or replaced during the course of their respective nation’s civil war. This project also conducted a case study on the behavior of a rebel group in the country of Algeria during their civil war. The results show that most groups utilize the same strategies before and after the decapitation of their leader and also attack the same targets. Looking at the short term after the date of decapitation, groups are more likely to utilize the same attack method and attack the same targets. The results also indicate that leadership decapitation does not alter the tactic utilized by a group during a civil war after the date of decapitation. Leadership decapitation also does not increase the likelihood of civilian abuse within one, two, or three months after the date of decapitation. If a group was abusing civilians before the death, arrest, or replacement of their leader, then they will continue to abuse civilians after the date of decapitation. Ultimately, understanding the causes behind the violent methods used by terrorist and rebel groups will help promote conflict resolution and prevent the use of violent means against civilians.
16
Wenger, Mireille Mary. "The blurred lines between war and crime : the case of Colombia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16509.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research assignment deals with the breakdown in the Clausewitzian concept of the modern trinitarian structure of war. Martin Van Creveld in his book entitled, “The Transformation of War” written in 1991, discusses ‘Future War’ and the way in which wars will be fought. It will not be the highly technical interstate kind of war the West has been preparing for, but rather low intensity conflict where the lines between state, soldier and civilian become blurred, society becomes a war zone and the conflict becomes a more direct experience for the people. Colombia is a prime example of where this is occurring and the most salient manifestation of the low intensity conflict is the blurring of the lines between war and crime. There are left wing guerrillas fighting for social justice for the dispossessed population, but their tactics resemble crime and the government views them as terrorists. They run a self-sufficient organisation, one of the most profitable insurgent groups in the world largely funded through kidnap ransom payments. The right-wing paramilitaries are on a quest to cleanse Colombian society of the guerrillas and assassinate suspected guerrilla sympathisers. To complicate issues, both insurgent groups are involved in the drug trafficking trade, whether it be directly or by way of taxing land on which coca is grown. In this situation, war and crime have become inextricably linked and a distinction between the two is impossible on both practical and conceptual levels. However, if it is not crime and it is not war, but a complicated melange of the two, a new framework for analysis is required in order to attempt a solution.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek gaan oor die ineenstorting van die Clausewitziaanse begrip van die moderne Trinitariese oorlogstruktuur. In sy boek, getiteld "The Transformation of War" wat in 1991 geskryf is, bespreek Martin van Creveld die 'toekomstige oorlog' en die wyse waarop oorloë gevoer staan te word. Dit sal nie die hoogs tegniese interstaatlike soort oorlog wees waarvoor die Weste hom voorberei nie, maar eerder 'n lae intensiteitskonflik waar die lyne tussen die staat, soldaat en burgerlike ineenvloei; die gemeenskap word 'n oorlogsone en die konflik word 'n direkte ervaring vir die bevolking. Kolombië is 'n goeie voorbeeld van waar dit besig is om plaas te vind en die mees kenmerkende manifestasie van die lae intenstiteitskonflik is die vervloeiing van die skeidslyne tussen oorlog en misdaad. Daar is linksgesinde guerrillas wat om sosiale geregtigheid veg namens die onteiende bevolking, maar hul taktiek kom voor soos misdaad; en die regering beskou hulle inderdaad as misdadigers. Hulle beheer 'n selfversorgende organisasie, een van die winsgewendste versetsgroepe in die wêreld wat tot 'n groot mate gefinansier word by wyse van ontvoering van mense, met die eis van lospryse vir vrybetaling. Die regsgesinde paramilitêre groepe is op 'n sending om die Kolombiaanse gemeenskap te suiwer van die guerrillas en bring vermeende guerrilla simpatiseerders om die lewe. Om sake te kompliseer, is albei opstandsgroepe betrokke in die dwelmsmokkelhandel, hetsy direk, of indirek by wyse van belasting op die grond waarop coca gekweek word. In hierdie situasie het oorlog en misdaad onteenseglik verweefd met mekaar geraak en is dit nie moontlik om enige onderskeid tussen hulle te tref op hetsy die praktiese of die konseptuele vlakke nie. Indien dit dan nie oorlog is nie en ook nie misdaad nie, maar wel 'n ingewikkelde verweefdheid van die twee, dan word 'n nuwe analitiese raamwerk vereis om te poog om 'n oplossing te vind.
17
Ruston, Kate. "Refuge for the Non-Refugees: The Responsibility to Protect Civilians in the Syrian Civil War." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1309.
Full text
18
Jansen, Remco. "Costly victories? : The dynamics of territorial control and insurgent violence against civilians within civil war." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353896.
Full textAbstract:
Limited systematic research has investigated how conflict events shape the spatial-temporal variation of insurgent violence against civilians. Although previous research has investigated how degrees of territorial control relate to general levels of violence against civilians, it remains largely an open question how the dynamics within territorial control determine violence against civilians by insurgents. This study aims to address this gap by hypothesizing that (1) insurgents become more likely to commit fatal violence against civilians, and (2) kill more civilians in contested areas when they lose territorial control. The Armed Conflict Location and Event Dataset (ACLED) was used along with Peace Research Institute Oslo’s (PRIO) GRID Dataset to create a novel data frame of all territorially contested area-weeks on the African continent between 1997 and 2017 (n = 3035). Contrary to theoretical expectations, logistic regressions indicate a lower risk of insurgent violence against civilians in contested areas following an insurgent territorial loss than following a break-even. Zero-inflated negative binomial regressions moreover tentatively indicate that insurgents kill more civilians following territorial wins in the short-term, and following territorial loss in the long-term. These results suggest that proactive counterinsurgency campaigns are in the interest of civilians in civil war.
19
Hallifax, Stuart. "Citizens at war : the experience of the Great War in Essex, 1914-1918." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:73fe34ce-e418-414c-8939-819b14a1f81f.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the experiences and attitudes of civilians in Essex during the First World War, 1914-1918. Through these it explores the reasons for people’s continued support for the war and how public discourse shaped conceptions of the war’s purpose and course and what sacrifices were needed and acceptable in pursuit of victory. This combination kept the war comprehensible and enabled people to continue to support it. Vital to getting a picture of how the war was understood is an account of the role of the local elites that sought to shape popular knowledge and attitudes about the war. The narratives of the war, the discourse of sacrifice, and elites’ roles evolved with events at home and at the front. Chapter 1 deals with the initial reactions to the war and growing acceptance of the major war narratives. The second and third chapters address two of their major features: attitudes towards the enemy and volunteering for the armed forces. The fourth chapter addresses the changes to the war's narratives and ideas of sacrifice as casualties and hardships increased from 1916, while Chapter 5 provides an in-depth case study of local military service tribunals. The final chapter deals with the crises of 1917-18, which covered both the expected course of the war and the image of equal sacrifice, and how local and national elites overcame these problems. The successful depiction of the Great War as necessary, just, winnable, and fought against an evil enemy allowed civilians to accept sacrifices in order to win. An evolving discourse of sacrifice framed what was expected of and acceptable to civilians. Local elites played an essential role: advocating sacrifice and endurance for the national cause while also working to ensure that sacrifices were minimised and borne equally. This combination of framing the war and mitigating its effects was vital in maintaining civilian support for the war effort.
20
Jones, Gregory R. "They Fought the War Together: Southeastern Ohio's Soldiers and Their Families During the Civil War." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1384347676.
Full text
21
Rozeboom, Judith. "Merdeka Down Under? Indonesian Civilians and Military Personnel in Australia (1942–1949)." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29853.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the lives and treatment of the Netherlands East Indies (NEI) people who resided in Australia during WWII and their return to their home country after the war. It compares the lives before, during and after the war of European Indonesians and indigenous Indonesians. It assesses their lives to that of other newcomers to Australia. My research connects underused Dutch archival material, only recently released to researchers, with sources in Australian archives to provide a fresh insight into the history of indigenous Indonesians in the Commonwealth from the start of the Pacific War to the official Indonesian independence in December 1949.
The work can be divided into three main parts. The first part examines the histories of the KNIL, Koninklijk Nederlands-Indisch Leger (Royal Dutch East Indies Army) and the KPM, Koninklijke Paketvaart Maatschappij (Royal Dutch Shipping Company or Royal Packet Navigation Company) before the outbreak of the Second World War and the transition of both organisations into wartime conditions. With a component of transnational history, this military history focuses on the Indies army’s composition and development mainly in the pre-war period, continuing with the conversion into a refugee army on Australian soil.
The second part recreates the KNIL, KPM and Indonesian civilian histories in Australia until the war’s ending. A critical focus in this part of the thesis is on the legal aspects of the stay of all different groups from the NEI in their temporary homeland: the registration of aliens, the other status of newcomers to Australia, and the exact legal status of the NEI military, semi-military personnel, and civilians in the Commonwealth. I focus on the legal positions of KPM seamen and negotiated special rights, extra-territorial rights, for the KNIL.
The third and final part closely examines the post-war period in which many indigenous Indonesians ended up behind barbwire and the negotiations between the Australians and the NEI ‘Government-in-Exile’, as well as the military high command. The internment camps on Australian soil were occupied by the Netherlands East Indies’ people after WWII. I analyse why these NEI soldiers, semi-military personnel and even a few civilians were locked up in camps and not repatriated back to their towns and villages in the Indies. The research emphasises how the Indonesians returned to their home country, when and how they could leave the Commonwealth, and how they were received and perceived by their fellow countrymen and women.
22
Vʹelez, Hernando Wills. "Effects of the war on drugs on official corruption in Colombia /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA305817.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Management) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1995.Thesis advisor(s): David R. Henderson, Roger D. Evered. "December 1995." Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
23
Muller, Christopher W. "USMILGP Colombia transforming security cooperation in the Global War on Terrorism." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FMuller.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Douglas Porch. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-94). Also available in print.
24
Velez, Hernando Wills. "Effects of the war on drugs on official corruption in Colombia." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/31393.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes the relationship between the war on drugs and official corruption in Colombia. Two variables are used in the study. The first one is official corruption in Colombia, which is measured using the number of articles on official corruption published by Colombia's newspaper El Tiempo and The Economist magazine. The second variable is action against illegal drugs. This variable is measured by a combination of the Colombian National Police budget and the level of commitment to act against the problem. To understand what war on drugs is, a chapter describing drug policies of both the United States and Colombia is included. On policy issues, each country has its own perspective of the problem. While the United States believes that the main problem is on the supply side, Colombian people and officials think that the problem is more demand oriented. Results show that official corruption in Colombia is linearly correlated with action against illegal drug trafficking. If the level of action against illegal drugs increases, official corruption increases but not in the same proportion. Regression analysis revealed that 28.2 percent of the variation on official corruption is explained by variation in the action against illegal drugs. The analysis also led to the conclusion that the Colombian government is acting against the problem, and that drug-related corruption is not the only kind of official corruption in the country. Recommendations for further research are included. (AN.
25
Park, Ian David. "The right to life in armed conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5c14a488-9d06-43fd-a0e2-cb5bd900b508.
Full textAbstract:
There is only passing reference made to human rights law in United Kingdom armed forces doctrine and military publications. Moreover, there is no reference made to the United Kingdom's right to life obligations in respect of those affected by the actions of the state's armed forces, or armed forces personnel themselves, during international and non-international armed conflict. As a consequence, no formal mechanism exists to ensure that the United Kingdom can comply with its right to life obligations pursuant to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Recent judgments of the European Court of Human Rights, advisory opinions and a judgment of the International Court of Justice, and views of numerous United Nations human rights bodies and rapporteurs would appear to indicate that human rights law can and does, however, apply during armed conflict. The exact nature of how human rights law, and the right to life specifically, apply during armed conflict and the obligations thus created, remain largely unresolved and generate considerable debate. This study therefore aims to consider both the extent to which the United Kingdom has right to life obligations during international and non-international armed conflict and, on the basis of current doctrine and procedures, how far the state complies with such obligations. Implicit in this analysis is a determination of what positive and negative right to life obligations are created by the ECHR and ICCPR, the extent to which these obligations have extraterritorial effect during armed conflict, how these obligations interact with the United Kingdom's obligations pursuant to international humanitarian law, and the effect of a derogation from the ECHR during armed conflict. This study concludes that the United Kingdom has both substantive and procedural right to life obligations during armed conflict, albeit partially modified by reference to international humanitarian law. Adhering to current United Kingdom military doctrine and procedures does not, however, always ensure full compliance with these obligations.
26
Diaz, Caceres Margarita J. "Religion, Politics and War In the Creation of an Ethos of Conflict in Colombia; The case of the War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902)." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3657.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to understand the way in which religion and politics played a role in the formulation of a cyclical ethos of conflict, focusing in the last and most important civil war of nineteenth-century Colombia: The War of the Thousand Days (1899-1902). A historiographical review was used to understand the interactions between these two structures, and it pointed at a main problem centered in the political use of religion, as well as the transformation of political debate into a matter of political faith. In conclusion, the War of the Thousand days strengthened narratives of vengeance, worsened the situation of the country, and solidified an ethos of conflict in which the State used the Church to legitimize itself against the threats to the status quo of systemic inequality.
27
Ugarriza, Juan E. Chasteen John Charles. "Ideologies and conflict in the post-Cold War Afghanistan, D.R. Congo, Colombia /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1082.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Global History in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.
28
Whitehouse, Anthony W. "Enlarging the cadre of deployable federal civilians for stabilization and reconstruction operations." View report, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA449254.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Master of Strategic Studies) -- Army War College, 2006.Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 20, 2008). "8 March 2006"--P. [iii]. "ADA449254"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 15-22). Also issued in paper format.
29
D'Antoni, John G. "The Home Front: The Experience of Soldiers and Civilians in the Louisiana Maneuvers of 1940 and 1941." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2452.
Full textAbstract:
In the years before and during World War II, the United States Army conducted a series of military maneuvers in north-central Louisiana. The two biggest maneuvers occurred in May 1940 and September 1941. The Louisiana Maneuvers are credited with helping to prepare the U.S. armed forces for World War II. Previous studies of the 1940 and 1941 maneuvers have focused on the day-to-day activities during the maneuvers or the generals behind the maneuvers. This study will focus on the impacts of the maneuvers on the soldiers themselves and on the citizens of north-central Louisiana who lived in the maneuver area. This study will also focus on how the Louisiana state government worked with the U.S. army to get the maneuvers.
30
Maher, David John. "Civil war and uncivil development: neo-Liberalism, globalisation and political violence in Colombia." Thesis, University of Kent, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.594275.
Full text
31
Pearce, Jenny V. "Oil and armed conflict in Casanare/Colombia: complex contexts and contingent moments." Pluto Press, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4013.
Full textAbstract:
NoAre oil-rich countries prone to war? And, if so, why? There is a widely held belief that contemporary wars are motivated by the desire of great powers like the United States or Russia to control precious oil resources and to ensure energy security. This book argues that the main reason why oil-rich countries are prone to war is because of the character of their society and economy. Sectarian groups compete for access to oil resources and finance their military adventures through smuggling oil, kidnapping oil executives, or blowing up pipelines. Outside intervention only makes things worse. The use of conventional military force as in Iraq can bring neither stability nor security of supply. This book examines the relationship between oil and war in six different regions: Angola, Azerbaijan, Colombia, Indonesia, Nigeria and Russia. Each country has substantial oil reserves, and has a long history of conflict. The contributors assess what part oil plays in causing, aggravating or mitigating war in each region and how this relation has altered with the changing nature of war. It offers a novel conceptual approach bringing together Kaldor's work on 'new wars' and Karl's work on the petro-state.
32
Holm, Oskar. "When the Killing Continues : A quantitative study on the effects of wartime levels of violence on post-conflict one-sided violence." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-341424.
Full textAbstract:
Scholars have in the recent decades actively been searching for answers for why actors of war sometimes choose - and other times choose not - to direct violence against civilians. However, their focus has been largely on one-sided violence during wartime, and much less on post-conflict occurrences. This study aims to fill this research gap by examine in what way wartime livels of casualties affect post-conflict levels of one-sided violence. A total of 164 conflict episodes and their post-conflict periods between 1989 and 2016 show that there is a significant positive correlation between wartime one-sided violence intensity and post-conflict one-sided violence intensity. A similar correlation is not found between battle-related deaths and post-conflict one-sided violence, although the result shows that rebel groups are more prone to direct violence against civilians after high levels of wartime battle-related deaths than after low levels.
33
Palmer, Glen. "Reluctant refuge : unaccompanied refugee and evacuee children in Australia, 1933-45 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1995. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php1738.pdf.
Full text
34
Benneyworth, Garth Conan. "Traces of forced labour – a history of black civilians in British concentration camps during the South African War, 1899-1902." University of the Western Cape, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5466.
Full textAbstract:
Philosophiae Doctor - PhDDuring the South African War of 1899-1902 captured civilians were directed by the British army into military controlled zones and into refugee camps which became known as concentration camps. Established near towns, mines and railway sidings these camps were separated along racial lines. The British forced black men, women and children through the violence of war into agricultural and military labour as a war resource, interning over 110,000 black civilians in concentration camps. Unlike Boer civilians who were not compelled to labour, the British forced black civilians into military labour through a policy of no work no food. According to recent scholarly work based only on the written archive, at least 20,000 black civilians died in these camps. This project uses these written archives together with archaeological surveys, excavations, and oral histories to uncover a history of seven such forced labour camps. This approach demonstrates that in constructing an understanding and a history of what happened in the forced labour camps, the written archive alone is limited. Through the work of archaeology which uncovers material evidence on the terrain and the remains of graves one can begin to envisage the scale an extent of the violence that characterized the experience of forced laborers in the 'black concentration camps' in the South African War.
35
Wright, Kevin T., and Joseph S. Hamilton. "Evaluation of the United States drug war policy abroad: a case study in Colombia." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10508.
Full textAbstract:
MBA Professional ReportAs the United States continues to recover from the greatest recession since the Great Depression, the U.S. government must find cost savings. Therefore, this project aimed to find efficiencies through reallocating funds from a program proven ineffective. U.S. foreign aid programs such as Plan Colombia, in conjunction with Colombian President Uribe's "Democratic Security" strategy, caused a significant drop in murder rates, the number of displaced people, and the number of kidnappings in Colombia over the last ten years. The purpose of beginning the drug war in Colombia was to interdict the drugs at the source. However, as a result of the "balloon effect" into Peru and Bolivia and technological advances by the narco-traffickers, the net result of interdiction has been virtually zero. Additionally, the source of the United States' drug problem is not in Colombia, but with the user and his or her demand for illicit drugs. Therefore, this project recommends aligning funding to support rehabilitation and prevention programs that will reduce the likelihood that a person will have the desire to abuse drugs again. Though there are possibly negative short-term effects of this policy, this project shows that the long-term effect favors rehabilitation and prevention.
36
Guerrero, Castro Javier Enrique. "Maritime interdiction in the war on drugs in Colombia : practices, technologies and technological innovation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22950.
Full textAbstract:
Since the early 1990s, maritime routes have been considered to be the main method used by Colombian smugglers to transport illicit drugs to consumer or transhipment countries. Smugglers purchase off the shelf solutions to transport illicit drugs, such as go-fast boats and communication equipment, but also invest in developing their own artefacts, such as makeshift submersible and semisubmersible artefacts, narcosubmarines. The Colombian Navy has adopted several strategies and adapted several technologies in their attempt to control the flows of illicit drugs. In this research I present an overview of the ‘co-evolution’ of drug trafficking technologies and the techniques and technologies used by the Colombian Navy to counter the activities of drug smugglers, emphasizing the process of self-building artefacts by smugglers and local responses by the Navy personnel. The diversity of smugglers artefacts are analysed as a result of local knowledge and dispersed peer-innovation. Novel uses of old technologies and practices of interdiction arise as the result of different forms of learning, among them a local form of knowledge ‘malicia indigena’ (local cunning). The procurement and use of interdiction boats and operational strategies by the Navy are shaped by interaction of two arenas: the arena of practice - the knowledge and experience of local commanders and their perceptions of interdiction events; and, the arena of command, which focuses on producing tangible results in order to reassert the Navy as a capable counterdrug agency. This thesis offers insights from Science and Technology Studies to the understanding of the ‘War on Drugs, and in particular the Biography of Artefacts and Practices, perspective that combines historical and to ethnographic methods to engage different moments and locales. Special attention was given to the uneven access to information between different settings and the consequences of this asymmetry both for the research and also for the actors involved in the process. The empirical findings and theoretical insights contribute to understanding drug smuggling and military organisations and Enforcement Agencies in ways that can inform public policies regarding illicit drug control.
37
Sanchez, Parra T. "Born of war in Colombia : narratives of unintelligibility, contested identities, and the memories of absence." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22013/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis addresses the production and reproduction of narratives about people born as a result of war-related sexual violence in Colombia. I focus on the social processes through which these individuals have become part of the realities of the armed conflict that are apprehended by the Colombian government, human rights organisations and transitional justice agencies, the media, and the communities. My project draws on ethnographic content analysis of media, legal documents, and ethnographic research conducted between December 2015 and June 2016 in a rural Afro-descendent community in Colombia that was occupied by paramilitaries for approximately five years. Paramilitaries systematically used sexual violence against women and girls and, because of those abuses, children were born and later single out by members of the community as paraquitos, “little paramilitaries”. I conclude that people born as a result of war-related sexual violence have not emerged as subjects within the realities of the armed conflict that are apprehended by the discourse of transitional justice and human rights. Although information about them has circulated, it has done so within the framework for understanding wartime sexual violence. As a collective subject, they have gained a place in the imaginary of human rights organisations through naming practices that assume they are defined by the violence that conceived them. At the local level these children’s identities are dynamic and their experiences are connected to the experiences of their mothers within their cultural and moral system. For the community, these people do not belong to the collective narratives of the violence of the past. Their absence needs to be understood in relation to gendered notions of identity and reproduction that have denied women’s experiences of the armed conflict, while imposing motherhood. Although the life of people born of war starts as war-affected children, as they grow older their identities and opportunities are under constant negotiation that embody different forms of gender, economic, and social violence and resistance that challenge static notions of victimhood.
38
James, John. "UNITED STATES COLD WAR POLICY, THE PEACE CORPS AND ITS VOLUNTEERS IN COLOMBIA IN THE 1960S." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3964.
Full textAbstract:
John F. Kennedy initiated the Peace Corps in 1961 at the height of the Cold War to provide needed manpower and promote understanding with the underdeveloped world. This study examines Peace Corps work in Colombia during the 1960s within the framework of U.S. Cold War policy. It explores the experiences of volunteers in Colombia and contrasts their accounts with Peace Corps reports and presentations to Congress. It intends to show the agency's assessment of volunteer work and how it compares to the volunteers' views and Congressional reports. Although the Peace Corps presented some topics and themes expressed by volunteers, the thesis exposes the discrepancies that existed between Peace Corps reports and the volunteers' experiences. Volunteer accounts reveal that there were some criticisms and stories that the agency did not report. Furthermore, evidence sheds light on the obstacles volunteers encountered, how they were presented by the Peace Corps, as well as the value of volunteer work as perceived by volunteers. Finally, the Peace Corps articulated a goal of making friends in the underdeveloped world, and the accounts of the volunteers support the Peace Corps assertion that volunteers were successful in fostering relations and understanding in Colombia during the 1960s.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History MA
39
Tofters, Emelie. "External support in civil wars and its impact on civilians : A comparative study of the Guatemalan and Salvadoran civil wars." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376806.
Full text
40
Millar, Simon. "Rooksdown House and the Rooksdown Club : a study into the rehabilitation of facially disfigured servicemen and civilians following the Second World War." Thesis, Institute of Historical Research (University of London), 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6264/.
Full textAbstract:
Rooksdown House was the private wing of Park Prewett Mental Hospital, Basingstoke, which was converted into a plastic surgery unit in 1940 to treat service and civilian casualties from the Second World War. The Rooksdown Club was formed at the unit c. 1945-1947 after a patient experienced negative reaction to his disfigurement by members of the public while travelling home on a train. The work carried out by both institutions to aid patients in their psychological rehabilitation, particularly service casualties, is the principle focus of this thesis. In order to place their work in context, the thesis first discusses the work of plastic surgeon Harold Gillies and his colleagues at the purpose-built Queen’s Hospital, Sidcup, during and after the First World War. In particular, it examines how the patients were helped in their psychological rehabilitation. It then discusses the establishment of plastic surgery units during the Second World War, again highlighting the work of Gillies who, in his role as Consultant Advisor to the Ministry of Health, travelled around the country inspecting units and writing reports. Following on, the thesis examines the work undertaken at Rooksdown House from 1940 until its transfer to Queen Mary’s Hospital, Roehampton, in 1959. In particular, it focuses on the war years until c. 1948 and includes the testimonies of patients and staff at the unit. It also discusses how patients were affected by depression in the early days and what was done at the hospital to try to counter it. It then describes the formation and work of the Rooksdown Club and examines to what extent it carried out its three aims, namely to keep patients and staff in contact with one another, to help members with welfare matters, and to try to educate the public about disfigurement. The thesis finally discusses the factors behind the success of the unit and club, and suggests possible reasons why the club was not particularly successful with more recent plastic surgery patients.
41
Giffin, Jessica L. "The effects of the War on Terror on U.S. and Latin American security policies." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1187385265.
Full text
42
Guáqueta, Alexandria. "Change and continuity in United States-Colombian relations, during the war against drugs, 1970-1998." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9cb3fb07-f14a-4337-9d8f-98272021d6ec.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis addresses almost three decades of U.S.-Colombian relations and asks two main questions. Why did relations remain friendly for so long given the many problems associated with drugs, and the notion that drugs and drug trafficking constituted a security problem? And what changed in 1995 so as to alter the course of friendship? It argues that U.S. and Colombian preferences over illegal drug control policy have not always been at odds, and disagreements have not precluded cooperation and joint action on drug control matters over a significant period of time. Nor can power asymmetry, a constant feature in the relationship, account for change. A successful account of both friendship and antagonism can be given only by spelling out the ideational and normative components that have contributed to define the character of the relationship and to determine the attitudes and behaviour towards each other. These components refer to the understandings of the drug problem, ideas on what constitutes mutually acceptable political and economic behaviour and their underlying norms, and the images that relevant policy-makers have of each country. This thesis also underscores the need to take stock of the cumulative process by which Colombia and the United States embraced and expanded drug prohibition.
43
Phillips, Lawrie. "Coercion and consent : the interplay between armed conflict and news production in Colombia." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/8388.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this thesis is to investigate and understand why and how consent is manipulated in societies where severe coercion seems to be effective in securing power. This text therefore analyses the role and nature of coercion and consent – of armed conflict and news production - in Colombia: a society where severe coercion seems to be both effective and profitable. Part 1 of the thesis studies the role of coercion from the Spanish Conquest and Colonial Period to the current regime in terms of the political, social and economic interests that predominate in each period, in terms of the role of armed groups – the main instruments of coercion - in the implementation of these interests, and in terms of the resistance to these pressures. Part 2 analyses the role of consent in terms of historical interests in Colombian media production, in terms of the role of media organisations – the main instruments of consent - in the implementation of these interests, and in terms of dissent. Part 3 focuses on current Colombian news production because this is the main method through which official information related to the present armed conflict is currently being transmitted to the public and because Colombian news production seems to bridge the gap between coercion and consent: by framing and promoting armed conflict. Part 1 uses historical sources, academic articles, human rights reports and nine personal interviews with representatives of the Colombian Armed Forces, guerrilla groups and human rights organisations to represent the broadest possible political spectrum. Part 2 is based on political pamphlets and literature, newspaper and magazine articles and leaflets and 14 interviews with representatives of mass media conglomerates, alternative movements and media groups. Part 3 uses a sample of 851 current news stories to understand the nature of a hypothetical frame that contextualises the actions of the FARC – the main guerrilla group - as illegitimate challenges to proper authority. (Continued ...).
44
Fattal, Alexander Leor. "Guerrilla Marketing: Information War and the Demobilization of FARC Rebels." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11675.
Full textAbstract:
According to the Colombian Ministry of Defense nearly 17,000 members of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) demobilized between 2003 and 2013, this dissertation examines the way the Colombian states uses sophisticated consumer marketing strategies and military intelligence tactics to persuade insurgents to abandon the armed struggle. Through an ethnographic analysis of the Program for Humanitarian Attention to the Demobilized and the lives of ex-combatants, this dissertation analyzes the changing definition of demobilization and the feedback between late capitalism and counterinsurgency.Anthropology
45
Kaneza, Carine. "Improving compliance with international human law by non-State armed groups in the Great Lakes region of Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7327_1189159978.
Full textAbstract:
Currently, one of the most dramatic threats to human security is constituted by internal armed conflicts. In 1998, violent conflicts took place in at least 25 countries. Of these armed conflicts, 23 were internal, engaging one or more non-State armed groups. A crucial feature of internal conflicts is the widespread violation of humanitarian law and human rights by armed groups, from rebel groups to private militias. This thesis aimed at identifying various ways of promoting a better implementation of the Geneva Conventions and its Protocols by NSAGs in the Great Lakes Region.
46
Blackburn, Abigail T. "Sobre la inmigración judía en Colombia a raíz de la Segunda Guerra Mundial." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1259870771.
Full text
47
Hultman, Lisa. "Targeting the Unarmed : Strategic Rebel Violence in Civil War." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8852.
Full text
48
Lexén, Tove. "How Activist Claims Can Help Explain Intensity of Violence in Environmental Conflicts : Evidence from Colombia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444688.
Full textAbstract:
Why do activists in some environmental incompatibilities experience a high intensity of violence, while protesters in other environmental conflicts do not? To answer the query, this thesis presents a novel theoretical argument where it is stated that the type of legal claim posed by activists impacts the intensity of violence that they receive. Due to a ‘relational citizenship’-mechanism, activist claims that are similar to secessionist demands are suggested to negatively provoke state elites’ security provision, with the consequence of a higher intensity of violence, ceteris paribus. From the theoretical argument, a hypothesis is derived, predicting that higher intensity of violence is expected for environmental mobilisations that pose identity-territory rights claims, than environmental mobilisations that pose universal rights claims. The hypothesis is tested on two local-level gold mining conflicts in the Colombian departments Tolima and Cauca between 2009-2014. The cases are selected with a most similar case design and are analysed with a structured focus comparison methodology. The analysis of the cases lends tentative support for the prediction that environmental movements that pose identity-territory rights claims experience a higher intensity of violence than environmental movements that instead apply universal rights claims.
49
Bianchin, John. "Can a Civil Society Organization Quietly Affect Political Identity in a War-Torn Nation? The Story of Escuela Nueva in Colombia." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76814.
Full textAbstract:
The Escuela Nueva is a unique non-governmental organization which has collaborated with the Colombian Ministry of Education, the Federation of Colombian Coffee Growers, and corporate partners to improve access to and quality of education. The Escuela Nueva Foundation enacts policies based on the political belief that all children should have the basic right to an education. The most visible way that the Escuela Nueva promotes this belief is through the implementation of multi-grade classrooms, where more advanced students aid those who are younger or further behind in their studies. The Escuela Nueva classroom model was implemented in 1977 as a response to the shortcomings in teacher training and replicability that were the downfall of earlier attempts to implement multi-grade models in rural Colombia. The gradual growth and continual improvements to their model has afforded the Escuela Nueva Foundation a level of immunity from state intervention that few other non-state actors enjoy. Although the Colombian state government has historically been opposed to those non-state actors with overtly political goals, the cost-effective and competitive services provided by the Escuela Nueva programs, like their multi-grade schools and Learning Circles, acted as a strong incentive for allowing this organization's work to continue. Organizations like the Escuela Nueva, particularly those that partner with public and private actors to achieve service-oriented goals, play an important role in Colombia, creating new social forums where individuals can share their political identities and beliefs in a way that affects real change in the communities where they live.Master of Arts
50
Schooler, Edward Webb. "The War on Drugs in Latin America: How Misinterpretation Led to Failed Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/403.
Full textAbstract:
The War on Drugs in Latin America: How Misinterpretation Led to Failed Policy investigates how and why United States counternarcotics policy failed abroad, specifically in the northern Andean region. This work examines the entire history of the US waged War on Drugs abroad beginning with President Richard M. Nixon and concluding with current President Barack Obama. After this thorough examination alternative counternarcotics policies are examined.