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Journal articles on the topic 'Civilian rule in Ecuador'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

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1

Dietz, Henry. "Electoral Politics in Peru, 1978-1986." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 139–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165749.

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Since the beginning of the 1980s, a number of South American nations have undergone the transition from military to civilian/electoral forms of government. From any viewpoint, the magnitude of this transition has been impressive. By early 1987, several countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Peru, and Uruguay) had successfully weathered the change, leaving only Chile and Paraguay under dictatorships, while Colombia and Venezuela had been able to maintain civilian rule throughout the period. Nevertheless, such a changeover has not been easy in any of the nations where it has taken place. The reasons for both the transition and the problems incurred have been idiosyncratic in each instance.

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2

Conaghan, Catherine M., and Rosario Espinal. "Unlikely Transitions to Uncertain Regimes? Democracy without Compromise in the Dominican Republic and Ecuador." Journal of Latin American Studies 22, no. 3 (October 1990): 553–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00020952.

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Charting the historical paths to democracy has been a long-standing concern of political sociology.1 With the demise of authoritarian rule in Latin America over the last decade, a classic question of the genre has resurfaced: are there certain developmental sequences that are more likely to produce successful transitions to democracy? If there is any conclusion to be drawn from recent experiences, the answer is no. Highly heterogeneous circumstances have produced Latin America's most recent wave of democratisation. From the Caribbean to the Southern Cone, countries at different levels of economic development, with distinctive authoritarian legacies and divergent class structures, all underwent transitions to elected civilian governments in the last decade.

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3

Zeas, Ricardo Camacho. "Dissemination of international humanitarian law in Ecuador." International Review of the Red Cross 32, no. 287 (April 1992): 179–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400070364.

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International humanitarian law is the body of rules (the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and their two Additional Protocols of 1977) governing the rights and obligations of the belligerents in war.In signing and later ratifying the Conventions and their Protocols, the States party thereto undertake not only to respect and ensure respect for humanitarian law in all circumstances, but also to disseminate the relevant texts as widely as possible in time of peace as in time of war, among both the armed forces and police and the civilian population. This is stipulated in Articles 47, 48, 127 and 144 of the four Geneva Conventions respectively, which also require States to include the study of humanitarian law in programmes of military instruction. Moreover, States are duty-bound to incorporate the provisions of humanitarian law in their internal legislation.

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4

Hammond, Paul Y., and Robert Previdi. "Civilian Control versus Military Rule." Political Science Quarterly 104, no. 3 (1989): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151285.

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5

Ekwelie, Sylvanus A. "The Nigerian Press under Civilian Rule." Journalism Quarterly 63, no. 1 (March 1986): 98–149. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769908606300115.

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6

Nasr, Vali. "Military Rule, Islamism and Democracy in Pakistan." Middle East Journal 58, no. 2 (April 1, 2004): 195–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/58.2.12.

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Pakistan's politics has been shaped by the dynamics of civilian-military relations and Islamism's relation to the state. This has created an ongoing negotiation for power in which the military, civilian politicians, and Islamist forces have individually and in alliance with one another vied for control of Pakistan's politics. General Pervez Musharraf's regime has been no exception to this trend. As its claim to secular military rule proved untenable, it has turned to rely on Islamist forces to manage civilian-military relations.

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7

Khan, Adil, Manzoor Ahmad, and Abdul Waheed. "Pakistan's Journey to Civilian Rule (1958-70): An Analysis of Ayub Era." Global Legal Studies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2016): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glsr.2016(i-i).01.

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Pakistan, since its inception, has passed through several phases of transitions to civilian rule and authoritarian reversals. Similar to the pattern of transition between civilian rule and dictatorship, there is a pattern of change within authoritarian Regimes that could be observed in all the three experiences of transition in Pakistan. This paper identifies the pattern of change from military dictatorship to civilian rule from 1958 to 1970. The key questions addressed in this paper are: firstly, how the military regime consolidated its grip on power after the October 1958 coup? Secondly, how early cracks appeared in the military's control over power and matured with the passage of time, resulting in a national crisis? Thirdly, how failure in crises management led to the transition to civilian rule, as well as, the disintegration of the state.

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8

Moshaver, Ziba. "Pakistan: transition from military to civilian rule." International Affairs 65, no. 4 (1989): 755–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622657.

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9

Zagoria, Donald S., and Golam W. Choudhury. "Pakistan: Transition from Military to Civilian Rule." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 2 (1990): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044382.

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10

Welch, Claude E. "Book Review: From Military to Civilian Rule." Armed Forces & Society 19, no. 3 (April 1993): 471–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9301900318.

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11

Weiss, Anita M., and Golam W. Choudhury. "Pakistan: Transition from Military to Civilian Rule." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 3 (1990): 404. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759546.

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12

Falode, Adewunmi James. "The Military and Nation-Building in Nigeria: The General Ibrahim Babangida Regime, 1985-1993." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 85 (January 2019): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.85.37.

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On August 27, 1985, Major-General Ibrahim Babangida carried-out a coup d’etat against the then military ruler of Nigeria, General Muhammadu Buhari. The main reason for the putsch was the believe that the Buhari regime had no plan to return Nigeria to civilian rule. Apart from this, the country was beset with various nation-building challenges that the junta had no clear-cut answers to. Such challenges include that of corruption, ethnicity, governance and religion. Babangida carried-out his coup ostensibly to return the country to civilian rule, tackle these nation-building challenges and turn Nigeria into a cohesive, functional and viable polity. To achieve these important aims and objectives, Babangida established a transition programme to return Nigeria to civilian rule and used institutional, praetorian and constitutional mechanisms to tackle the country’s nationhood challenges. This work is an analysis of the programmes, measures and initiatives that the Babangida regime used to tackle Nigeria’s nation-building challenges and prepare the country for eventual return to civilian rule.

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13

LOONEY, ROBERT E., and P. C. FREDERIKSEN. "Consequences of Military and Civilian Rule in Argentina." Comparative Political Studies 20, no. 1 (April 1987): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414087020001002.

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This article examines whether budget allocations to nondefense programs in Argentina between 1961 and 1982 are dependent on the share to defense, the political regime, or both. Multiple regression equations are estimated and include the defense share, two control variables, and political dummies to test for changes in the intercept and slope of the equation as the regimes change. Regimes are differentiated between (a) the first civilian and first military (b) the Peronists, and (c) the second military.

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14

Anene, John N. "Military Administrative Behavior and Democratization: Civilian Cabinet Appointments in Military Regimes in Sub-Saharan Africa." Journal of Public Policy 17, no. 1 (January 1997): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00003433.

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ABSTRACTMilitary administrators in sub-Saharan Africa often appoint civilian political elites to cabinet positions for the following reasons: to advance effective governance, as a response to demands for transition to civilian rule, and as a political technique to civilianize the military regime. Empirical patterns of civilian cabinet appointments by the types of post-military political regimes show that the nature of civilian involvement in military administration is a valid predictor of the types of regime likely to follow military rule. Further findings confer some historical insights to the programmed and the national conference models of democratization in the region. In addition, military administrative analysis is a way to gain new insights into military transition in the region.

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15

Kinney, Drew Holland. "Politicians at Arms: Civilian Recruitment of Soldiers for Middle East Coups." Armed Forces & Society 45, no. 4 (June 12, 2018): 681–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x18777983.

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Why would politicians recruit soldiers for military coups d’état? The civil–military relations literature assumes politicians aspire to supremacy over the military; enabling praetorianism would risk their future rule. While civil–military relations widely recognizes the empirical fact of civilian participation in military takeovers, no study specifies or theorizes the topic. This essay examines the conditions in which politicians recruit soldiers to seize power by investigating the understudied processes of military takeovers. Using British Foreign Office documents, Arabic language memoirs, and Polity data, I find that civilian statesmen in Iraq (1936) and Syria (1951) could not tolerate their civilian rivals’ incumbency but were unable to challenge them peacefully, so they recruited like-minded officers for coups. This suggests that while politicians do not necessarily want the army in the chambers, they sometimes favor praetorianism to the continued rule of their civilian opponents.

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16

Koko, Sadiki. "Challenges for a return to civilian rule in Guinea." African Security Review 19, no. 1 (March 2010): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246021003736690.

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17

Gerhart, Gail M., and Samuel Decalo. "The Stable Minority: Civilian Rule in Africa, 1960-1990." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 4 (1999): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049434.

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18

Sarıgöl, Pınar. "Turkey: the pendulum between military rule and civilian authoritarianism." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 48, no. 3 (March 24, 2021): 535–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2021.1900036.

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19

Khan, Adil, Muhammad Imran, and Nazakat. "Pakistan's Transition to Civilian Rule: Analysis of Zia Years." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 138–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).15.

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Existing literature on democratization suggests that societies once exposed to democratic liberties develop a deep spirit of resistance. This spirit of resistance is manifested in various movements for the restoration of democracies whenever democratic liberties are taken away by military dictatorships. This paper investigates this spirit of resistance during General Zia's era. It is argued here that eleven years of the militarys' control was challenged on different fronts by the society and finally compelling it to step back and surrender political space to the political elites. Arguments for this paper are developed by reviewing and critically analyzing the mainstream academic works produced about Zia years.

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20

Kenwick, Michael R. "Self-Reinforcing Civilian Control: A Measurement-Based Analysis of Civil-Military Relations." International Studies Quarterly 64, no. 1 (January 15, 2020): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz092.

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Abstract How does the passage of time contribute to the establishment of civilian control of the State? We argue that civilian dominance of politics is achieved once civilianized institutions are adopted and sufficient time has passed to permit: (1) the development of a shared norm of civilian control within the military and (2) learning among military elites that fosters a belief that civilian rule is robust to military challenges. As a result, civilian control is self-reinforcing. We evaluate these claims by developing and validating a latent variable model of self-reinforcing institutional dynamics. We generate estimates of civilian control for all countries, 1945–2010, and find strong evidence that civilian control self-reinforces, but incrementally and over the course of several decades.

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21

Hanke, Steve. "Money and the rule of law in ecuador." Journal of Policy Reform 6, no. 3 (September 2003): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0951274032000175608.

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22

Méndez Reátegui, Rubén, and Oscar Sumar Albujar. "Rule of Law versus soft Rule of Law." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 109 (December 8, 2020): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.109.2020.29065.

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Este artículo efectúa una revisión teórica del término Rule of Law (que puede entenderse como ‘Gobierno conforme al Derecho’) y el concepto de Soft Rule of Law (‘Estado de Legalidad’). Se centra en los derechos humanos como un elemento esencial del gobierno conforme al derecho; además, la interacción entre la democracia y los desafíos que enfrenta el gobierno conforme al derecho en una democracia consolidada. Finalmente, a modo de ejemplo y con propósito descriptivo, presenta una breve reflexión sobre los problemas institucionales actuales de Perú y Ecuador, relevantes para entender las interacciones el Rule of Law y el Soft Rule of Law.

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23

Koehn, Peter. "Competitive Transition to Civilian Rule: Nigeria's First and Second Experiments." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 3 (September 1989): 401–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0002036x.

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Few Decisions exert a greater impact upon the polity and the pattern of public policy-making than those defining the nature of the political system itself. Transitions from military to civilian rule constitute a dramatic type of institutional change which is encountered with increasing frequency in the Third World. One type of ‘planned withdrawal’ initially involes little alteration in the distribution of power. This approach, which has been employed in Zaïre and Ethiopia, typically yields new nomenclature – for example, the military ruler assumes the title of civilian head of state – and a political structure dominated by a single individual and/or party, closely tied to the same ideology embraced by the military predecessors.

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24

Pierre, Andrew J., and Constantine P. Danopoulos. "Civilian Rule in the Developing World: Democracy on the March?" Foreign Affairs 72, no. 2 (1993): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045539.

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25

Roett, Riordan. "How Reform Has Powered Brazil's Rise." Current History 109, no. 724 (February 1, 2010): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.724.47.

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26

Qian, Run Hua. "Study on Economic Compensation for Owner of the Requisitioned Civilian Transportation in Emergency." Applied Mechanics and Materials 505-506 (January 2014): 955–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.505-506.955.

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This paper explains and demonstrates how to compensate practitioners of the requisitioned civilian transportation for the loss in emergency in accordance with the rule of law, international practices and traffic economics theory. Civilian transportation is important traffic strength in emergency. Transportation impressments are related to various traffic modes including railway, highway, airlift, waterage, and determining how to find a compensatory price method is the main objective. Some foreign cases, related to economic compensation of civilian transportation, were introduced in national emergency impressments. Subsequently. Economic compensation pricing problem was analyzed according to pricing principles of transportation economics.

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27

Worden, Blair. "OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE PROTECTORATE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 20 (November 5, 2010): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440110000058.

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ABSTRACTIt is often said that if Oliver Cromwell had lived longer the Puritan Revolution could have survived. The monarchical component of protectoral rule, and the protector's endeavours to broaden the base of his regime, are taken to have signalled a return towards normality and thus towards stability. That mood has been contrasted with the self-destruction of the revolution in the two years after Cromwell's death, a period of twilit anarchy which only the restoration of the Stuarts could end. That interpretation has its points but is misleadingly one-sided. The protectorate had frailties which it never overcame. It failed to live down its origins in the military coups of 1653. Those episodes affronted principles of civilian rule and parliamentary supremacy which commanded widespread support but which have been obscured by the ‘revisionist’ trend of parliamentary history. Though he aimed at ‘healing and settling’, the protector healed little and settled nothing. His attempts to woo mainstream opinion were unsuccessful. In so far as he won its compliance or tolerance, the achievement was conditional upon his readiness to submit to the principles of rule which his seizure of power had broken. It was a condition he could not or would not meet. By the end of his life, military obstruction to civilian and parliamentary rule had reduced his regime to paralysis, and had deepened the divisions between civilian and military aspirations that would soon bring down his successor and would destroy each of the fleeting regimes that followed.

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28

Munir, Dr Bakht, Ali Nawaz Khan, and Zaheer Iqbal Cheema. "Authoritarianism and Judicial Efforts for Securing Autonomy: A Case Study of Pakistan." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication Volume 4, Issue 3 (December 30, 2020): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v04-i03-15.

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In a democratic system of government, state affairs are divided into legislative, executive, and judiciary. In Pakistan’s democratic transition, military role as an additional unavoidable stakeholder cannot be neglected. Pakistan remained under despotic regime for more than three decades with judicial backing by validating extraconstitutional acts. However, this autocratic rule never remained absolute and unchallenged. With qualitative research methodology this article examined how judiciary validated extraconstitutional acts at the expense of civilian governments and compromised its autonomy. How military role in democratic transition is minimized through parliamentary and judicial efforts. The research at hand aimed to investigate how military and its affiliates entrenched its authority during its direct rule and how it transformed and preserved that authority during civilian rule. How judiciary challenged and circumscribed unbridled military rule while securing its autonomy. This paper also explicated potential risk of confrontation between parliament and judiciary where the latter remained absolute autonomous. In order to overcome prospects of potential confrontation, this research suggested judicial realization of self-restraints so as to avoid unnecessary intrusion that could result into interbranch conflicts.

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29

Pablo, Quishpe Sinailin, Taltavull de La Paz Paloma, and Juárez Tárraga Francisco. "Energy Poverty in Ecuador." Sustainability 11, no. 22 (November 11, 2019): 6320. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11226320.

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This paper aims to identify the presence of energy poverty in Ecuador. Three indicators proposed by the European Union Energy Poverty Observatory (EPOV) are used to construct a multidimensional energy poverty index (MEPI) based on measure conditions associated with energy poverty, in areas related to delays in the payment of electricity bills, disproportionate expenses, hidden energy poverty, and the 10% Boardman (1991) rule. The information comes from the Ecuatorian Life Conditions Survey. The results show that energy poverty is present in Ecuadorian households, at the national level, and just as these indicators have restrictions, advantages and disadvantages, which demand decisions about the choice of their use.

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30

Akhter, Muhammad Yeahia. "Electoral Politics and Corruption Under Civilian Rule in Post-1971 Pakistan." South Asian Survey 11, no. 1 (March 2004): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152310401100106.

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31

Edo, Onome Christopher, Anthony Okafor, and Akhigbodemhe Emmanuel Justice. "Tax Policy and Foreign Direct Investment: A Regime Change Analysis." GATR Journal of Finance and Banking Review VOL. 5 (3) OCT-DEC. 2020 5, no. 3 (December 22, 2020): 84–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/jfbr.2020.5.3(3).

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Objective – Tax policies play significant role in the direction of foreign direct investments. We investigate the proposition that tax policies enacted by military and democratic regimes differ on the influence the foreign direct investments. Methodology/Technique – Our hypotheses are tested using the error correction model as we compare the impact of tax policies on flow foreign direct investments in Nigeria between two dispensations: military rule from 1983 to 1999 and democratic rule from 1999 to 2017. Panel data between 1983 and 2017 were obtained from the databases of the World Bank, Central Bank of Nigeria and the Federal Inland Revenue Services. The explanatory variables include company income tax, value added tax, tertiary education tax and customs and exercise duties. Findings – The study reveals that tax variables during the military regime exerted more explanatory power of 79% compared to the civilian administration of 66% with respect to the impact of corporate taxes on FDI. The effect of company income tax on FDI was more pronounced during the military regime than in the civilian regime. FDI had a higher degree of convergence during the military regime compared to civilian rule, and this is vital for policy assessments and comparison. Novelty – We bring to light new evidences on the effects of taxes polices on FDI. Type of Paper: Empirical Keywords: Corporate taxes; Tax Policies; Foreign Direct Investments; Error Correction Model; Military regime; Civilian regime. Reference to this paper should be made as follows: Edo, O.C; Okafor, A; Emmanuel, A. (2020). Tax Policy and Foreign Direct Investment: A Regime Change Analysis., J. Fin. Bank. Review, 5 (3): 84 – 98 https://doi.org/10.35609/jfbr.2020.5.3(3) JEL Classification: E22, F21, H2, P33.

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32

Paisley, Roderick R. M. "The Roman and Civilian origins of the conditio si testator sine liberis decesserit in Scots Law." Edinburgh Law Review 19, no. 1 (January 2015): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/elr.2015.0249.

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This article examines and evaluates the Roman and Civilian origins of the Scottish rule of succession known as the conditio si testator sine liberis decesserit. The article focuses on the rule that is implied by law where the will itself is silent but, as the legally implied rule probably seeks to emulate the express provision of a testator, the article starts by setting out the position as regards express testamentary provision. The original Roman source of the rule is identified; thereafter the article examines and comments upon the lengthy period of development of the Scottish rule up to its final form at the start of the twentieth century. That latter point in time is when the Scottish rule had received much of its modern form. This article therefore forms a basis for the understanding of modern Scots law.

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33

Smith, William C. "The Travail of Brazilian Democracy in the “New Republic”." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (1986): 39–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165746.

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On March 15,1987, Brazil celebrated the second anniversary of the Nova República, the popular term for the new civilian government headed by José Sarney. While commemoration of the return to more open, competitive politics after 21 years of authoritarian rule is certainly cause for justifiable national pride, a worsening economic crisis combined with escalating domestic social and political conflict leave many Brazilians deeply worried about the future of their incipient democracy.By conventional standards, Brazil has joined the ranks of fullfledged political democracies. Nevertheless, a more stringent view would hold that Brazil has really only entered into a new, more complex phase of political transition in which genuine democracy has yet to become firmly established. The new civilian government must now address fundamental issues of social justice and more balanced, equitable economic growth than was realized under authoritarian rule.

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34

Zobeniak, Marta. "Gwinea – państwo po juncie." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 5 (October 31, 2018): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2012.5.9.

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After decades of inefficient governance and misuse of authority, the Guinean armed forces are a potential source of instability which could still throw the state (and the region) into chaos. If not reformed thoroughly, they will continue to pose a threat to a democratic civilian rule. The establishment of a transitional government and the ongoing electoral process are a significant opportunity. The objective of the reform process is to establish a much smaller force, accountable to civilians and capable of meeting the country’s security needs. The suspension of the second round of the presidential elections has heightened tension. Fears remained that if the election is not completed successfully, it may seize the opportunity to intervene again. This would be a major setback to any prospect of medium-term reform, which requires respect for civilian rule and oversight.

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35

Johnson, Tim, and Dalton Conley. "Civilian public sector employment as a long-run outcome of military conscription." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 116, no. 43 (October 8, 2019): 21456–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1908983116.

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Since at least T. H. Marshall, scholars have recognized military service as a form of sacrifice that warrants compensation from the state. War-widow pensions, expansion of the franchise, and subsidized higher education are all examples of rights and benefits “bestowed” in return for wartime mobilization. Similarly, in the United States, governments have hired veterans preferentially for civilian public jobs as recompense for active military service. Although oft overlooked, those policies seem influential: the percentage of job holders identifying as veterans in the civilian US executive branch exceeds the proportion in the wider population by several multiples. This century-old pattern suggests another way that wartime mobilization has influenced the state. Yet, efforts to understand it have struggled to rule out the possibility that those who serve in the armed forces are predisposed to work for the state in both military and civilian capacities. Here, we rule out this possibility by examining whether birthdates randomly called for induction in the Vietnam-Era Selective Service Lotteries (VSSL) appear disproportionately in the population of nonsensitive personnel records of the civilian US executive branch. We find that birthdates called for induction appear with unusually high frequency among employees who were draft eligible and at risk for induction but not among other employees. This finding suggests a treatment effect from military service, thus dovetailing with the hypothesis that wartime mobilization has substantially and continually influenced who works in the contemporary administrative state.

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36

Tartakoff, Laura Y. "Ecuador, Argentina, and Paraguay: At Last Immunity to Authoritarian Rule?" Society 56, no. 1 (January 9, 2019): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-018-00319-4.

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37

Wiley, Stephen B. Crofts. "Assembled agency: media and hegemony in the Chilean transition to civilian rule." Media, Culture & Society 28, no. 5 (September 2006): 671–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443706067021.

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38

Brown, James. "From military to civilian rule: A comparative study of Greece and Turkey." Defense Analysis 2, no. 3 (September 1986): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07430178608405251.

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39

Watson, Cynthia. "Book Review: Civilian Rule in the Developing World: Democracy on the March?" Armed Forces & Society 21, no. 2 (January 1995): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9502100218.

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40

Frasch, Tilman. "The collapse of British rule in Burma. The civilian evacuation and independence." South East Asia Research 27, no. 3 (July 3, 2019): 317–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0967828x.2019.1657334.

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41

Decalo, Samuel. "Towards understanding the sources of stable civilian rule in Africa: 1960 ‐1990." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 10, no. 1 (January 1991): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589009108729505.

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42

Pacheco, Orlando. "Military disengagement in Nigeria: The planned transition to civilian rule in 1993." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 10, no. 2 (January 1991): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589009108729513.

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43

Norden, Deborah L. "Democratic Consolidation and Military Professionalism: Argentina in the 1980s." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 3 (1990): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166091.

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The 1980s Witnessed a series of halting, tenuous but, nonetheless, widely—hailed transitions from military regimes to constitutional democracies throughout South America. Yet, despite the initial optimism, the political newcomers faced formidable tasks. Not only had memories of democratic rule and practices grown dim in the years of disuse, but, with few exceptions, new governments found themselves threatened by a deteriorating economy with bleak prospects for the future. Equally — perhaps even more — threatening was the fact that though the military regimes may have relinquished their position, they had not necessarily relinquished their power, which raised the possibility that their civilian successors might not be able to stay in office long enough to confront their multifarious problems.In Argentina, the risk of a return to military rule was perhaps even greater than in some of its neighbors as the country had experienced a mosaic of alternating military and civilian governments ever since 1930.

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Croissant, Aurel, and David Kuehn. "Patterns of Civilian Control of the Military in East Asia's New Democracies." Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 2 (August 2009): 187–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002988.

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Successful institutionalization of civilian control of the military is a necessary condition for the consolidation of democracy. This is particularly relevant for East Asia, where the military used to be a key player in the previous authoritarian regimes. This article analyzes the changes, advances, and setbacks in achieving civilian control in five countries that have made the transition from authoritarian to democratic rule: Indonesia, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. The empirical analysis is built on a conception of civilian control that distinguishes three areas of political decisionmaking: political recruitment and overall public policymaking, national defense, and internal security. The study shows that only in Taiwan and South Korea have civilians succeeded in curtailing military influence in politics. In contrast, in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand, the military has shown itself more or less resilient in guarding its prerogatives in the postauthoritarian era. This seriously impedes the democratically elected authorities' effective power to govern in these countries and has led to democratic deterioration in Thailand and the Philippines. The article highlights three arguments to account for the profound difference between the cases: historical legacies of authoritarian rule and the path of democratic transition, the internal security role of the military, and the relationship between development and democratic consolidation.

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S. BARRETT, PATRICK. "Labour Policy, Labour–Business Relations and the Transition to Democracy in Chile." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 3 (August 2001): 561–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006162.

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Chile's new civilian government, the centre-left Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia, has been strongly praised for its efforts to strengthen the rights of labour and correct Chile's severe social inequalities. After nearly a decade of civilian rule, however, it has become increasingly clear that these efforts have not succeeded. Indeed, one of the defining features of Chile's new democracy is the profound inequality and imbalance of power between capital and labour upon which it has been constructed. This article seeks to explain this outcome and examine its implications for Chile's post-military political and economic order.

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Dill, Janina. "Distinction, Necessity, and Proportionality: Afghan Civilians’ Attitudes toward Wartime Harm." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 3 (2019): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000376.

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AbstractHow do civilians react to being harmed in war? Existing studies argue that civilian casualties are strategically costly because civilian populations punish a belligerent who kills civilians and support the latter's opponent. Relying on eighty-seven semi-structured interviews with victims of coalition attacks in Afghanistan, this article shows that moral principles inform civilians’ attitudes toward their own harming. Their attitudes may therefore vary with the perceived circumstances of an attack. Civilians’ perception of harm as unintended and necessary, in accordance with the moral principles of distinction and necessity, was associated with narratives that cast an attack as relatively more legitimate and with a partial or full release of the coalition from blame. The principle of proportionality, which requires that civilian casualties are caused in pursuit of a legitimate war aim, informed their abstract attitudes toward civilian casualties in Afghanistan. Two rules of international law, which accord with the moral principles of distinction and necessity, were reflected in the civilians’ attitudes. The legal rule of proportionality, which diverges from the namesake moral principle, failed to resonate with the civilians. The article explores whether compliance with the legal rules of distinction and necessity can contribute to mitigating the strategic costs of civilian casualties.

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Madley, Benjamin. "“Unholy Traffic in Human Blood and Souls”." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 4 (2014): 626–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.4.626.

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From 1846 onward, at least 20,000 California Indians worked in varied forms of bondage under U.S. rule. This essay provides the first article-length survey of the statewide rise and fall of California’s systems of Indian servitude under U.S. rule, including their Russo-Hispanic antecedents, establishment under martial law, expansion under civilian rule, and dismantling by state and federal authorities. Further, this article proposes the first taxonomy of these systems and, in conclusion, discusses how California Indian servitude illuminates the histories of California, the western United States, the nation as a whole, and the western hemisphere while suggesting new analytical methods and research directions.

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Pion-Berlin, David. "Between Confrontation and Accommodation: Military and Government Policy in Democratic Argentina." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1991): 543–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00015844.

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After a prolonged period of authoritarian rule, the rebirth of democracy in Latin America has prompted a resurgent interest in civilian control of the armed forces. Few disagree that political leaders will be unable to consolidate their democratic gains without resolving ‘la cuestión militar’. Given the history of military political intervention in the region, scholars have long expressed scepticism over whether governments can ever fully subject the armed forces to their political will. Recently, the terms on which power has been transferred from military to civilian hands and developments subsequent to the transfer have prompted an even greater anxiety about the future of some of these new and fragile democracies.

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Obiyan, A. Sat. "Political Parties Under the Abubakar Transition Program and Democratic Stability in Nigeria." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27, no. 1 (1999): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500005898.

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Nigeria has witnessed civilian rule for just over eight of nearly 39 years of self-rule. Incessant military incursions into the political terrain have led to several transition programs aimed at instituting democracy. This article focuses on the nature and operations of political parties in the recent transition and their implications for a stable democratic polity. The purpose of this focus is to recognize the enormous potential with which political parties are endowed for fostering or impeding the creation and sustenance of a cohesive, stable democratic system.

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Obiyan, A. Sat. "Political Parties Under the Abubakar Transition Program and Democratic Stability in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 41–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503114.

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Nigeria has witnessed civilian rule for just over eight of nearly 39 years of self-rule. Incessant military incursions into the political terrain have led to several transition programs aimed at instituting democracy. This article focuses on the nature and operations of political parties in the recent transition and their implications for a stable democratic polity. The purpose of this focus is to recognize the enormous potential with which political parties are endowed for fostering or impeding the creation and sustenance of a cohesive, stable democratic system.

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