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1
Mills, Jared G. "Social studies and global education: viewing economic, social and political aspects of the civil war through multiple perspectives." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1407404987.
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Estrada, Corpeño Tania Melissa. "Rebel Whispers : An issue-based approach to peace agreement success and civil war resolution." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-413294.
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While issues remain under-researched, peace agreement success has been linked primarily to the proper treatment of the parties’ security-related concerns. This study explores why some peace agreements succeed while others fail by using an issue-based approach arguing that issues are an expression of underlying grievances, which have caused the rebel groups to engage in armed conflict. Therefore, peace agreements that do not address the issues, which reflect grievances, will fail. I tested the hypothesis and the proposed theoretical relationship through the structured focused comparison of three peace agreements: The Lomé Peace Agreement, the Accra Peace Agreement and the Final Agreement National Government – Popular Liberation Army. The method employed in this study comprised first, determining the salience the rebel groups assigned to their issues -for which it was necessary to create a measure for issue salience- and second, examining the peace agreement’s provisions to determine if the rebel group’s issues were addressed. The results show that peace agreements that included the salient issues of the groups failed; however, peace agreements that did not include them, succeeded. Hence, the findings suggest that the inclusion of the rebel group’s issues in the peace agreement cannot account for the agreement’s success or failure.
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Bastow, Sarah L. "Aspects of the history of the Catholic gentry of Yorkshire from the Pilgrimage of Grace to the First Civil War." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2002. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/4675/.
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This study looks at the responses of the Yorkshire Catholic gentry to the immense changes to their religious landscape in the early modem period, between 1536 and 1642. It examines how they continued to adhere to the Catholic religion, despite all attempts first to induce and then compel conformity and highlights the ways in which they managed to survive and prosper throughout the period, demonstrating that previously neglected groups such as women and younger sons had a crucial role to play in this process. The overwhelming theme to their actions was one of pragmatism, rather than the heroic and self-destructive behaviour that was much admired by earlier historians who wanted to identify martyrs to the Catholic cause. The areas that are to be examined reflect both public and private gentry activities. In the public sphere the Yorkshire gentry's part in the rebellions of the Tudor and Stuart eras are studied along with their rejection of plots. The importance of marriage as an early modem tool for building alliances and social advancement is acknowledged and the impact that a continuing adherence to Catholicism had on this is considered. The gentry and the church are examined through a study of the Catholic gentry's involvement with their local parishes, their reaction to the dissolution and their continuing adherence to monasticism, as shown through their devotion to English orders on the continent. To reflect the changes that were occurring in this period Catholic involvement in education, the law and medicine are also explored showing that the Catholic community was not isolated from the wider society. Lastly the role of Catholic women is given specific consideration in order both to redress the imbalance in previous studies and due to the crucial role that women played in the continuation of the Catholic community within Yorkshire.
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Chambers, Paul A. ""Civil war by other means": Conflict, resistance and coexistence in Colombia. Exploring the philosophy and politics of Alasdair MacIntyre in a conflict setting." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5103.
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Colombia's protracted civil war between Marxist insurgencies and the state has
brought grave consequences for the civilian population and the prospects for
constructing a viable political community in the country. With up to 5 million
internally displaced people, rampant impunity for perpetrators of crimes against
humanity and human rights and International Humanitarian Law violations,
dozens of politicians and countless members of the armed forces linked to
paramilitary organizations, along with increasing social injustices and
inequalities, Colombia presents a troubling social-political panorama that has
led to what is often referred to as a profound social and institutional 'moral
crisis'. Much discussion has centred on the question of achieving some degree
of minimal moral and political consensus and 'collective conscience' to
humanize and slowly transform the conflict at local, regional and national levels.
However, the philosophical and political parameters of this discussion have
been and continue to be set firmly within variants of the liberal tradition which, it
is argued, does not provide the necessary resources for adequately
conceptualizing the problem and conceiving the task of addressing conflict,
constructing moral consensus, and seeking social and political coexistence. The
thesis argues that the philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre can provide such
resources. MacIntyre provides a convincing account of the philosophical
problems that underlie ongoing intractable disagreement and the conflicts it
breeds, offering a philosophy that can inform and underpin efforts at social
transformation, resistance, and coexistence as well as aiding the necessary
task of social scientific research and analysis of the conflict. The thesis analyses
the moral dimensions of the conflict in light of MacIntyre's philosophy but also
critically explores the adequacy of his politics of local community for the
Colombian context. MacIntyre argues that a rational political community can
only be constructed through the praxis of local communities engaging in shared
moral-political deliberation. Through an empirical case study of a Constituent
Assembly process in a rural community that has suffered the impacts of armed
conflict for decades, the thesis explores an attempt at constructing peaceful
social and political coexistence in light of MacIntyre's moral-sociological
framework.Economic and Social Research Council
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Chambers, Paul Anthony. ""Civil war by other means" : conflict, resistance and coexistence in Colombia : exploring the philosophy and politics of Alasdair MacIntyre in a conflict setting." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5103.
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Colombia's protracted civil war between Marxist insurgencies and the state has brought grave consequences for the civilian population and the prospects for constructing a viable political community in the country. With up to 5 million internally displaced people, rampant impunity for perpetrators of crimes against humanity and human rights and International Humanitarian Law violations, dozens of politicians and countless members of the armed forces linked to paramilitary organizations, along with increasing social injustices and inequalities, Colombia presents a troubling social-political panorama that has led to what is often referred to as a profound social and institutional 'moral crisis'. Much discussion has centred on the question of achieving some degree of minimal moral and political consensus and 'collective conscience' to humanize and slowly transform the conflict at local, regional and national levels. However, the philosophical and political parameters of this discussion have been and continue to be set firmly within variants of the liberal tradition which, it is argued, does not provide the necessary resources for adequately conceptualizing the problem and conceiving the task of addressing conflict, constructing moral consensus, and seeking social and political coexistence. The thesis argues that the philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre can provide such resources. MacIntyre provides a convincing account of the philosophical problems that underlie ongoing intractable disagreement and the conflicts it breeds, offering a philosophy that can inform and underpin efforts at social transformation, resistance, and coexistence as well as aiding the necessary task of social scientific research and analysis of the conflict. The thesis analyses the moral dimensions of the conflict in light of MacIntyre's philosophy but also critically explores the adequacy of his politics of local community for the Colombian context. MacIntyre argues that a rational political community can only be constructed through the praxis of local communities engaging in shared moral-political deliberation. Through an empirical case study of a Constituent Assembly process in a rural community that has suffered the impacts of armed conflict for decades, the thesis explores an attempt at constructing peaceful social and political coexistence in light of MacIntyre's moral-sociological framework.
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Lexén, Tove. "How Activist Claims Can Help Explain Intensity of Violence in Environmental Conflicts : Evidence from Colombia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444688.
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Why do activists in some environmental incompatibilities experience a high intensity of violence, while protesters in other environmental conflicts do not? To answer the query, this thesis presents a novel theoretical argument where it is stated that the type of legal claim posed by activists impacts the intensity of violence that they receive. Due to a ‘relational citizenship’-mechanism, activist claims that are similar to secessionist demands are suggested to negatively provoke state elites’ security provision, with the consequence of a higher intensity of violence, ceteris paribus. From the theoretical argument, a hypothesis is derived, predicting that higher intensity of violence is expected for environmental mobilisations that pose identity-territory rights claims, than environmental mobilisations that pose universal rights claims. The hypothesis is tested on two local-level gold mining conflicts in the Colombian departments Tolima and Cauca between 2009-2014. The cases are selected with a most similar case design and are analysed with a structured focus comparison methodology. The analysis of the cases lends tentative support for the prediction that environmental movements that pose identity-territory rights claims experience a higher intensity of violence than environmental movements that instead apply universal rights claims.
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Agbedahin, Komlan. "Young veterans, not always social misfits: a sociological discourse of Liberian transmogrification experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003104.
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This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.
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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Clampitt, Brad R. "Morale in the Western Confederacy, 1864-1865: Home Front and Battlefield." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5231/.
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This dissertation is a study of morale in the western Confederacy from early 1864 until the Civil War's end in spring 1865. It examines when and why Confederate morale, military and civilian, changed in three important western states, Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee. Focusing on that time frame allows a thorough examination of the sources, increases the opportunity to produce representative results, and permits an assessment of the lingering question of when and why most Confederates recognized, or admitted, defeat. Most western Confederate men and women struggled for their ultimate goal of southern independence until Federal armies crushed those aspirations on the battlefield. Until the destruction of the Army of Tennessee at Franklin and Nashville, most western Confederates still hoped for victory and believed it at least possible. Until the end they drew inspiration from battlefield developments, but also from their families, communities, comrades in arms, the sacrifices already endured, simple hatred for northerners, and frequently from anxiety for what a Federal victory might mean to their lives. Wartime diaries and letters of western Confederates serve as the principal sources. The dissertation relies on what those men and women wrote about during the war - military, political, social, or otherwise - and evaluates morale throughout the period in question by following primarily a chronological approach that allows the reader to glimpse the story as it developed.
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Idler, Annette Iris. "Arrangements of convenience : violent non-state actor relationships and citizen security in the shared borderlands of Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5c8e5068-4de8-4a53-bdab-1f847f438f05.
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Borderlands are critical security zones but remain poorly understood. In regions plagued by drug violence and conflict, violent groups compete for territorial control, cooperate in illegal cross-border activities, and substitute for the functions of the state in these areas. Despite undermining physical security, fuelling fear, and challenging the state’s sovereignty, the exact modi operandi of these groups are little known. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores how different interactions among violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the Colombian-Ecuadorian and Colombian-Venezuelan borderlands impact on citizen security. These border areas attract rebels, paramilitaries and criminal organisations alike: they constitute geo-strategic corridors for the global cocaine industry and are sites of supply and operation for the major actors involved in Colombia’s decades-long armed internal conflict. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this thesis consolidates the literature on conflict, security and organised crime, borders and borderlands, and anthropological approaches to fear and violence. It integrates theories of cooperation among social actors with original empirical research. It is based on a comparative, multi-sited case-study design, using ethnographic methods complemented by quantitative data. The research involved over twelve months of fieldwork with 433 interviews and participant observation on both sides of the crisis-affected Colombia-Ecuador and Colombia-Venezuela borders, and in Bogotá, Caracas and Quito. Developing a typology of VNSA interactions, I argue that these create not only physical violence but also less visible types of insecurity: when VNSAs fight each other, citizens are exposed to violence but follow the rules imposed by the opposing parties. Fragile alliances produce uncertainty among communities and erode the social fabric by fuelling interpersonal mistrust. Where VNSAs provide security and are socially recognised, "shadow citizen security" arises: security based on undemocratic means. I show that the geography of borderlands reinforces the distinct impacts of VNSA arrangements on citizen security yet renders them less visible.
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Al-Aulaqi, Nader. "Arab-Muslim views, images and stereotypes in United States." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2275.
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Stanley, Richard. "Micro-macro paradoxes : the effects of war and aid on child survival." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669843.
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Aleu-Baak, Machar Wek. "Perceptions and Voices of South Sudanese About the North-South Sudan Conflict." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/184.
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The conflict in Sudan reflects historic hatred and ethnic discrimination between Northern Arab Muslims and Southern African Christians and Animists. The longest and worst conflict began in 1983 and ended in 2005, when African Christians and Animists struggled to form an interim autonomous government. This conflict claimed 2 million lives from both sides and displaced almost 4 million people from the South. This thesis attempts to understand how people from Southern Sudan perceive the root causes and sustaining factors of the Sudanese conflict between Arab Muslims and African Christians. This research looks specifically into the roles of ethnic differences and religion. In this study, 10 emigrants from South Sudan were chosen to present their perceptions and views about the conflict, in the form of written responses to 22 questions. Analysis of their responses in light of conflict resolution literature suggests that the North-South Sudan conflict involves complex issues primarily fueled by ethnic and religious differences. This research reveals that South Sudanese refugees from varying backgrounds and professions expressed similar experiences of racial, religious discrimination and political and economic marginalization, and suggests that Sudan's July, 2011 declaration of independence, creating two separate nations, North and South Sudan, was a positive solution to achieving a just peace.
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Manrique, Ana Katherine Rodríguez. "Diretrizes para a sustentabilidade de uma minirrede de sistemas solares fotovoltaicos em uma região isolada da Colômbia." Universidade Tecnológica Federal do Paraná, 2015. http://repositorio.utfpr.edu.br/jspui/handle/1/1377.
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CAPESEste trabalho apresenta o desenvolvimento de um estudo técnico social para definir as diretrizes que garantam a sustentabilidade de uma minirrede baseada em sistemas solares fotovoltaicos, localizados nas Zonas Não Interconectadas (ZNI) da Colômbia. A literatura da pesquisa está baseada na importância da energia elétrica e das construções sustentáveis para o homem e nos princípios de energia solar e de minirredes baseadas em sistemas solares fotovoltaicos. Após este levantamento, aplicou-se o método de pesquisa documental para contextualizar o leitor com os aspectos mais importantes sobre a Colômbia e sua realidade hoje. A partir destes aspectos foi possível concentrar a pesquisa em uma região, selecionada a partir de critérios de recurso solar disponível, economia, segurança, saúde e educação. Uma vez escolhida a região, foi feita uma pesquisa de campo em que foram entrevistados os agentes que podem influenciar no funcionamento de uma minirrede. Também foram observados os aspectos técnicos relacionados com as construções e a eficiência energética desta região, constatando que a mesma já contou, em alguma ocasião, com sistemas solares fotovoltaicos, mas estes foram vendidos pela própria comunidade por não encontrarem utilidade nenhuma neles. A partir das respostas encontradas nas entrevistas foi feita uma proposta de gestão da minirrede baseada em sistemas solares fotovoltaicos. Concluiu-se que é primordial que os agentes técnicos e administrativos do sistema como um todo tenham contato contínuo com o usuário para entender as suas necessidades e conseguir satisfazê-las com a instalação da minirrede. Também se observou que é importante criar no usuário um sentido de posse pela minirrede, identificando os benefícios educativos, de saúde e econômicos que esta nova tecnologia traz para ele. Este estudo abre as portas para novas pesquisas de avaliação e descrição das diretrizes propostas.
This research presents the development of a social-technical study to define guidelines to ensure the sustainability of a mini-grid based on solar photovoltaic systems located in Non Interconnected Areas (NIA) of Colombia. The literature of this research is based on the importance of energy and sustainable buildings to people, the principles of solar PV, and mini-grid based on solar photovoltaic systems. After this firt part, was applied the method of documentary research to contextualize the reader with the main relevant aspects of Colombia related to the research. From these aspects, it was possible to focus the research to a region, which was chosen by criterias such as: solar resource, economy, security, health and education. When the area was chosen, it was made a field survey. In this survey the agents that influence the operation of a mini network were interviwed. Also, it was observed the technical aspects of buildings, and the energy efficiency in this region. As a result it was observed that in the past there were PV solar systems, but these were sold by the community because they did not find them useful. From the interview answers, it was made a proposal about the management of the mini-grid based on solar photovoltaic systems. In conclusion, it is essential that the technical and administrative agents that make part of this system have continuous contact with the user to understand their needs and satisfy them with the installation of mini-grid. It is also important to create a sense of belonging from the user to the mini-grid, identifying the benefits, educational, health and economic that this new technology brings to him. This study opens the door to new research about evaluations and descriptions about the proposed guidelines.
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Dirickson, Perry. "School Spirit or School Hate: The Confederate Battle Flag, Texas High Schools, and Memory, 1953-2002." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5467/.
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The debate over the display of the Confederate battle flag in public places throughout the South focus on the flag's display by state governments such South Carolina and Mississippi. The state of Texas is rarely placed in this debate, and neither has the debate adequately explore the role of high schools' use of Confederate symbols. Schools represent the community and serve as a symbol of its values. A school represented by Confederate symbols can communicate a message of intolerance to a rival community or opposing school during sports contests. Within the community, conflict arose when an opposition group to the symbols formed and asked for the symbols' removal in favor of symbols that were seen more acceptable by outside observers. Many times, an outside party needed to step in to resolve the conflict. In Texas, the conflict between those in favor and those oppose centered on the Confederate battle flag, and the memory each side associated with the flag. Anglos saw the flag as their school spirit. African Americans saw hatred.
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MASULLO, JIMENEZ Juan. "A theory of civilian noncooperation with armed groups : civilian agency and self-protection in the Colombian civil war." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/48724.
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Defence date: 24 October 2017Examining Board: Donatella della Porta, SNS/EUI (Supervisor); Sidney Tarrow, Cornell University; Jennifer Welsh, EUI; Elisabeth Wood, Yale University.
The thesis was awarded the Linz-Rokkan Prize in Political Sociology 2018
This study deals with the collective roles that civilians come to play in the context of civil war. Concretely, it documents and analyzes a little studied pattern of civilian agency: civilian noncooperation with armed groups. It develops a theory that specifies where and when civilians are more likely to organize themselves to refuse non-violently to cooperate with armed organizations. Where territorial control is shifting, where violence against civilians has recently spiked, and where targeting is perceived as unavoidable, a desire for noncooperation is likely to evolve. However, this desire is not enough for us to observe organized noncooperation. Campaigns of noncooperation are likely to emerge when desire meets capacity for collective action. Localities with a prior history of mobilization and/or with the support of external actors are more likely to count on the leadership and the associational space needed for organizing action. These conditions are found to be individually necessary and jointly sufficient across three different ideal types of noncooperation: oblique, pacted and unilateral. Complementing this set of expectations, the study specifies a limited number of cognitive and relational mechanisms that explain the pathway towards noncooperation. Civilian noncooperation is proposed both as a strategy of community self-protection and a form of contentious politics. In this sense, the study bridges scholarship on the micro-dynamics of civil war, civil resistance, social movements/collective action and civilian protection. The analysis is embedded in a three-stage research design that combines within-case analysis, cross-case structured and focused comparisons, and paired comparisons of positive and control observations. The empirical data, both qualitative and quantitative, was gathered during two separate waves of field research in warzones using different techniques of data collection. These included over 150 individual and group interviews with civilians and (ex)combatants, memory workshops, collective map-drawing and timeline-building exercises, and direct observation. The goal of this study is accomplished to the extent that it succeeds in the art of combining parsimonious theorization of an outcome with the smells and sounds of the complex processes that give life to that outcome. In other words, providing sensitive simplification and empirically falsifiable claims is as important as offering a realistic and fair account of the lives of the communities I lived and worked with over the past years. Ultimately, it is for the reader to judge.
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Cardenas, David Rivera. "Transformational mission as a catalyst to build sustainable peace in Colombia." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22664.
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Since the time of colonialism the Colombian territory has experienced many problems, which brought a lot of instability in society throughout its history. Colombia has been bleeding all these years, but especially in the time known as “The Violence”. With the creation of the Guerrilla group FARC, of Paramilitary organisations, and Drug Cartels, the problems were intensified. Different attempts to find a solution have unfortunately failed, as is shown over a period of history.
This paper argues that to deal with such conflicts there is need for an alternative concept for building sustainable peace. The model of John Paul Lederach, “Professor of International Peacebuilding at the University of Notre Dame“, is described as a possible solution that goes beyond what has been achieved by the peace efforts of President Andrés Pastrana. The Churches, both Catholic and Evangelical, have a role to play in building peace as part of a Transformational Mission effort.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
M.Th. (Missiology)
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BOLSINGER, Eckard. "State and Civil War: A comparative analysis of the political thought of Carl Schmitt and Vladimir I Lenin." Doctoral thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5185.
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Defence date: 25 June 1999Examining board: Prof. Paolo Q. Hirst (Birkbeck College, London) ; Prof. Pasquale Pasquino (CNRS, Paris) ; Prof. Gianfranco Poggi (EUI-Supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Wagner (EUI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
The end of the Cold War has seen the resurgence of old patterns of internal and external armed conflicts. War and civil war as factors in the process of the dissolution and formation of political structures have reappeared even within Europe. In the post-Cold War world politics appears less to be ordered by clear principles. Instead, it is insecure and undermined by violence and instability) It would, however, be misleading to assume that the contemporary experience of eruptive violence simply signifies an aberration from a peaceful path of social and political development. Against the identification of modernization and the gradual decline of (civil) wars, Hans Joas (1996), in close reference to current historical sociology, has emphasized that external and internal forms of armed struggle cannot be seen as deviations, anomalies, or interruptions in the development of modern social and political structures. Rather, they represent their inherent feature.2 According to his view, (civil) war and violence are constitutive parts of mRdernity and not its prehistory; the ongoing military and armed conflicts are thus only a reminder of this close connection. How should political theory react to the central role of (civil) war and armed violence in shaping modern political structures? If current historical sociology is right that (civil) war and armed conflicts lie at the foundations of modern politics, political theory would find its overriding field of interest in the conceptual analysis of politics and violence.
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BANNISTER, Christopher. "Crusaders and commissars : a comparative study of the motivation of volunteers in the popular and national armies in the Spanish civil war, 1936-1939." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/35099.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 9 September 2014Examining Board: Professor Heinz Gerhard Haupt, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Xosé-Manoel Núñez Seixas, LMU München (Supervisor); Professor Lucy Riall, EUI; Professor Mary Vincent, University of Sheffield.
This thesis is a comparative analysis of the propaganda programmes employed in the motivation of volunteer soldiers in the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939. It focuses on the successes and failures of each programme in convincing volunteers from various political backgrounds to fight for values that differed from those for which they took up arms. The programme of the Francoist National Army, known as 'the Crusade', presented the war as a conflict between the true, Christian Spain and a Muscovite invader, intent of destroying the nation and enslaving its people. The Popular Army's programme was neither as singular nor as emotive and the message that was presented was a diffuse one. Evoking Spanish nationalism, proletarianism and antifascism, 'Republicanism', as this thesis shall refer to it, was designed to broadly appeal to all groups within the disparate Republic polity. The thesis first establishes the content of both programmes clearly and the means by which they were disseminated, with special attention paid to the Political Commissariat of the Popular Army. Attention then turns to how each programme was presented to the volunteer soldiers of four distinct political affiliations across four case study chapters. On the Republican side the case studies chosen are those of the anarchist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo and the Basque nationalist Partido Nacionalista Vasco, while the Francoist case studies are the fascist Falange Española de las JONS and the reactionary, parochial and Catholic Comunión Tradicionalista. Each case study examines how each programme was presented to politically motivated soldiers and what ideological questions were emphasised, answered, altered or ignored in order to ensure volunteers' continued bellicosity. The thesis will highlight the innate advantages of having a coherent, singular motivational programme such as the Crusade over a more diffuse, all-encompassing programme, such as the one presented to the soldiery of the Popular Army. However, it will also highlight that, with a propaganda service as dedicated as the Republic's Political Commissariat, the Republic was able to overcome some (although not all) of its inherent disadvantages.
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Bleuer, Christian Mark. "The fault lines of violent conflict in Tajikistan." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148259.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the outbreak, spread, and eventual subsidence of violence in Tajikistan during the first phase of the Tajik Civil War (1992-1997). The violent conflict in southern Tajikistan lasted roughly from spring 1992 until the war's official end in June 1997 with the signing of a broad peace agreement and power-sharing arrangement. As noted above, I will concentrate my analysis on the first phase of conflict that finished at the end of 1992. During this early period the vast majority of fatalities occurred - including both civilians and armed combatants. The myriad social and political divisions of this era necessitate an in-depth historical and social analysis of ethnicity, religion, social organisation, migration, state-building, politics and economics in Tajikistan (especially during the Soviet era). All of these factors - to varying degrees - affected the loyalties and actions of individuals and groups during the pre-war era though the outbreak of conflict. The 'security dilemma' and 'credible commitment problem' will be demonstrated to be effective tools for analysing the logic behind the outbreak and continuation of conflict in Tajikistan. The analysis of the distinct regional and, in some cases ethnic, characteristics of the opposing armed groups will show how the 'mobilising structures' were limited, or even captured, by the pre-existing networks and politically and economically relevant regional and ethnic identities in Tajikistan. The process whereby national-level political competition was intimately attached to local conflicts - resulting in the rapid spread of violence in rural areas - will be clearly illustrated using the concept of 'alliance', a process whereby seemingly unrelated local agendas quickly attach to broader cleavages at the national level. And finally, explaining why indiscriminate violence was used against civilian populations and why it was eventually abandoned as a tactic, an adaption of the theory of 'indiscriminate violence' will be used as an analytical tool. The resulting analysis, combined with a complete narrative of 1992, fills a gap in the literature on the Tajik Civil War as other accounts focus primarily on the variables that resulted in the outbreak of conflict or on the peace process and post-conflict era. -- provided by Candidate.
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Allen, Matthew G. "Greed and grievance in the conflict in Solomon Islands, 1998-2003." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150055.
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McGinn, Therese J. "The Effects of Conflict on Fertility Desires and Behavior in Rwanda." Thesis, 2004. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8571NQN.
Full textAbstract:
Rwanda experienced genocide from April to July 1994 during which over 800,000 people were murdered. Among the far-reaching changes that followed this event among individuals and in society overall, the Rwandan Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) showed that contraceptive prevalence declined from 13% in 1992 to 4% in 2000 among married women of reproductive age.
This dissertation has two hypotheses concerning Rwandan women's fertility preferences and behavior following the genocide. It is hypothesized that, first, high levels of conflict reduced women's desire for a child or for additional children and second, that women who experienced relatively high levels of conflict were more likely to act on their wish to not have a child or another child by using modern contraceptives than were women who experienced relatively low levels of conflict.
The study's logistic regression dependent (outcome) variables were desire for a or another child and the use of modern contraceptives; the source for these data was the 2000 DHS. Three groups of independent variables were included: socio-demographic variables, also from the 2000 DHS, included age, number of living children, education level, urban/rural residence and socio-economic status; availability of family planning services, assessed using women's perception of distance as a barrier to obtaining health care for themselves, from the 2000 DHS, and quality of health services, assessed with data from the 2001 Service Provision Assessment; and experience of conflict, measured as the percentage of the 1994 commune populations that resided in refugee camps in 1995. Communes were considered `high migration' if 10 percent or more of their populations migrated to camps and `low migration' if less than 10 percent of their populations migrated to camps. Women who lived in high migration communes were considered to have relatively high experience of conflict and those who lived in low migration communes were consider dot have relatively low experience of conflict.
Analysis showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to want a or another child as compared to residents of low migration communes (OR = .74); it appeared that the social environment of high migration had a dampening effect on desire for children. The analysis also showed that residents of high migration communes were significantly less likely to use a modern contraceptive method than were those of low migration communes (OR = .57), even though they were less likely to want a or another child and even when family planning services were reasonably available.
The reasons for these results are unclear, and many factors may contribute. The generalized trauma experienced by the population may have had a numbing effect, in which taking action in any domain was difficult. Women may have felt pressured by society to have children as the society emerged from war, despite their own preferences. The population may also have distrusted government health facilities - the only source of services for most - in light of the interactions with officials during and after the genocide. However, another set of reasons specific to women and women's health may also have influenced the findings. There is a pervasive social stigma around reproductive health; these services have generally lagged behind other primary health care components. Moreover, rape was used as a weapon of war in the genocide; these experiences may have reduced women's willingness to seek reproductive health services specifically. Finally, the Rwandan genocide and its preparation were decidedly misogynistic; this pervasive dehumanization may have made it particularly difficult for women to seek care for their sexual and reproductive health needs and desires. This complex personal, social, physical and political context may explain why Rwandan women who may not have wanted a child or additional children nonetheless did not consistently act on their desires in the years following the 1994 genocide.
The dissertation includes a series of essays providing the author's personal perspective on working in Rwanda in the 1980s and 1990s and being present in the country at the start of the genocide in April 1994.
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Rainesalo, Timothy C. "Senator Oliver P. Morton and Historical Memory of the Civil War and Reconstruction in Indiana." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/10859.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)After governing Indiana during the Civil War, Oliver P. Morton acquired great national influence as a Senator from 1867 to 1877 during Reconstruction. He advocated for African American suffrage and proper remembrance of the Union cause. When he died in 1877, political colleagues, family members, and many Union veterans recalled Morton’s messages and used the occasion to reflect on the nation’s memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction. This thesis examines Indiana’s Governor and Senator Oliver P. Morton, using his postwar speeches, public commentary during and after his life, and the public testimonials and monuments erected in his memory to analyze his role in defining Indiana’s historical memories of the Civil War and Reconstruction from 1865 to 1907. The eulogies and monument commemoration ceremonies reveal the important reciprocal relationship between Morton and Union veterans, especially Indiana members of the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR). As the GAR’s influence increased during the nineteenth century, Indiana members used Morton’s legacy and image to promote messages of patriotism, national unity, and Union pride. The monuments erected in Indianapolis and Washington, D. C., reflect Indiana funders’ desire to remember Morton as a Civil War Governor and to use his image to reinforce viewers’ awareness of the sacrifices and results of the war. This thesis explores how Morton’s friends, family, political colleagues, and influential members of the GAR emphasized Morton’s governorship to use his legacy as a rallying point for curating and promoting partisan memories of the Civil War and, to a lesser extent, Reconstruction, in Indiana.
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Herczeg-Konecny, Jessica. ""We will be prepared" : scouting and civil defense in the early Cold War, 1949-1963." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4033.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)During the early Cold War, 1949 through 1963, the federal government, through such agencies as the Federal Civil Defense Administration (FCDA) (1950-1957), the Office of Civil and Defense Mobilization (OCDM) (1958-1960), and the Office of Civil Defense (OCD) (1961-1963), regarded children and young adults as essential to American civil defense. Youth-oriented, voluntary organizations, including the Boy Scouts of America (BSA) and the Girl Scouts of the United States of America (GSUSA), assisted the federal civil defense programs by promoting civil defense messages and agendas. In this thesis, I will explore how the GSUSA and BSA translated federal civil defense policies for their Scouts. What were the civil defense messages transmitted to Scouts during the early Cold War? How were those messages disseminated? Why? What was the social impact of BSA and GSUSA involvement with civil defense on America’s evolving national ideals?
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Schuster, Casey Elizabeth. "The War in the Classroom: The Work of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense during World War I." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3223.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)When the United States entered World War I in April 1917, many Americans quickly rallied to support the nation. Among the numerous committees, organizations, and individuals that became active in the mobilization process were the forty-eight state councils of defense. Encouraged to form by President Wilson and his administration in the days and weeks following U.S entry in the war, the state councils grew as offshoots of the Council of National Defense and assisted in bringing every section of the country into a single scheme of work. Everyone was expected to do their part in WWI, whether they were fighting overseas or helping on the home front. The state councils, broken down into various sections and county, township, and high-school level councils, made sure that this was the case by reaching down into local communities and encouraging individuals to become involved in the war effort. Their work represented the embodiment of a “total war” philosophy and, yet, studies on these organizations are surprisingly scarce, giving readers an inadequate understanding of the American home front during the conflict. This thesis therefore places the focus directly on the state councils and examines the work they undertook to make the United States ready for, and most effective in wartime service. In particular, it explores the efforts of the Educational Section of the Indiana State Council of Defense. By concentrating on this one section, readers may gain a better understanding of the lengths that the state councils went to in order to put every person – teachers and students included – on a wartime footing.
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Matsinhe, David Mário. "Pitfalls of national development and reconstruction : an ethical appraisal of socio-economic transformation in post-war Mozambique." Diss., 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18173.
Full textAbstract:
Mozambique is undergoing intensive socio-economic reforms to reconstruct war
damages and develop the nation. The reforms consist of economic liberalisation through structural
adjustment and monetarist economic stabilisation, e.g. government withdrawal from economic
activities, privatisation, deregulation, reduction of tariff levels on imports and tax on
investments, cuts of expenditure on social services, restrictive credit system, focus on
monetarism, increased taxation on individual income, etc. The nature of these reforms, on the
surface, leads to morally questionable conditions. There is social chaos and disintegration, high
indices of corruption, subtle recolonisation, decline of civil services, etc. At the
bottom lie the market ethics and fundamentalist theological discourse by dint of which the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund deny historical consciousness, lack institutional
memory, vest themselves with unquestionable international authority, dictate and impose policies
without accountability for the social consequences. If there is any hope for Mozambicans, it lies
in development ethics which relies heavily on the liberation motif, historical consciousness, and
African Heritage.Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology
M. Th. (Theological Ethics)
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Poletika, Nicole Marie. ""Wake up! Sign up! Look up!" : organizing and redefining civil defense through the Ground Observer Corps, 1949-1959." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4081.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.
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Sacco, Nicholas W. "Kindling the Fires of Patriotism: The Grand Army of the Republic, Department of Indiana, 1866-1949." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5518.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Following the end of the American Civil War in 1865, thousands of Union veterans joined the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), the largest Union veterans' fraternal organization in the United States. Upwards of 25,000 Hoosier veterans were members in the Department of Indiana by 1890, including President Benjamin Harrison and General Lew Wallace. This thesis argues that Indiana GAR members met in fraternity to share and construct memories of the Civil War that helped make sense of the past and the present. Indiana GAR members took it upon themselves after the war to act as gatekeepers of Civil War memory in the Hoosier state, publicly arguing that important values they acquired through armed conflict—obedience to authority, duty, selflessness, honor, and love of country—were losing relevance in an increasingly industrialized society that seemingly valued selfishness, materialism, and political radicalism. This thesis explores the creation of Civil War memories and GAR identity, the historical origins of Memorial Day in Indiana, and the Indiana GAR's struggle to incorporate ideals of "patriotic instruction" in public school history classrooms throughout the state.
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Wilson, Carol Marie. "The arsenal of democracy drops a stitch : WWII industrial mobilization and the Real Silk Hosiery Mills of Indianapolis, Indiana." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4664.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Conventional interpretations of WWII hold that the war brought the United States out of the Great Depression and laid the path for future economic prosperity. However, this was not the case for all businesses and industries. During WWII, unprecedented production output was required of U.S. industries to supply the great “Arsenal of Democracy.” Industrial mobilization required the creation of new agencies and commissions to manage the nation’s resources. These organizations created policies that deeply impacted U.S. industries involved in war production. Policies governing such areas as the allocation of raw materials, transportation of finished goods, and distribution of war contracts created challenges for businesses that often resulted in lost productivity and in some cases, loss of profitability. Government regulation of the labor force and labor problems such as labor shortages, high absenteeism and turnover rates, and labor disputes presented further challenges for businesses navigating the wartime economy. Most studies of WWII industrial mobilization have focused on large corporations in high priority industries, such as the aircraft, petroleum, or steel industries, which achieved great success during the war. This thesis presents a case study of The Real Silk Hosiery Mills of Indianapolis, Indiana, a company that is representative of small and mid-sized companies that produced lower priority goods. The study demonstrates that the policies created by the military and civilian wartime agencies favored large corporations and had a negative affect on some businesses like Real Silk. As such,the economic boost associated with the war did not occur across the board.