Academic literature on the topic 'Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia"
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Ivkina, Liudmila. "In Search of National Identity: Colombia's Constitutional Acts of the Era of Radical Liberalism (1853–1863)." Latin-American Historical Almanac 34, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 45–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-34-1-45-73.
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The middle of the XIX century in Colombia (then New Granada) was marked by radical transformations, which went down in history as the revolutionary events of the 50s. The modernization of Colombian soci-ety affected all aspects of public life: political economic, social and administrative. The younger generation of radical liberals who came to power in search of ways of national identity used two mutually contra-dictory practices in their activities: the development of modern legal norms of national creation (constitutional acts) and the practice of civil wars, a tradition rooted in the era of the War of Independence of 1810–1826. The constitutional acts of this period (1853–1863) and the crea-tion of the foundations of the modern state were based on the recogni-tion of the federal structure of the republican society and the complete eradication of all vestiges of the old colonial regime. The proposed work analyzes the constitutional acts and reforms of this period in the history of Colombia (1853–1863), their role and importance for the subsequent development of the country.
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Richani, Nazih. "The Political Economy of Violence: The War-System in Colombia." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 2 (1997): 37–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166511.
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Violence, in its criminal and political aspects, largely reflects the contradictory impulses set in motion by modernization and serves as an expression of the various dislocations — social, economic, psychological and cultural — which accompany that process. Violence increases when the prevailing institutions fail to mediate among the various antagonistic forces unleashed by socio-economic and political change. Colombia represents a country where violence has risen overwhelmingly in recent years, reaching extremes of both extent and duration. A phenomenon well worth scholarly attention, the subject of violence has given rise to an impressive body of literature concerned with exploring its many aspects: its causes, trajectory, and variety of manifestations (see Sánchez, 1991).
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Espejo, Maria Paula. "Drug-Trafficking in Colombia: The New Civil War Against Democracy and Peacebuilding." Co-herencia 18, no. 34 (June 2, 2021): 157–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/co-herencia.18.34.6.
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Drug-trafficking in Colombia has been a widely researched phenomenon, especially now, as the country undergoes a transition process with its older guerrilla. Now more than ever it is fundamental to examine how drug-trafficking organizations violent activities affect the consolidation of peace. This article considers different approaches to study violence derived from drug-trafficking, in order to advance towards the objectives of transitional justice. For that matter, this work is based on the idea that drug-trafficking directly generates and reproduces violence which is fueled by the structural violence present in the Colombian context. My thesis is that this phenomenon deters non-repetition guarantees and weakens democracy, which is why there will be three main arguments presented that will revolve around the lack of consensus and the implications of considering drug wars as civil wars, how decisions related to the conceptual apprehension limit the competence of international humanitarian law, and the need for holistic strategies capable of facing drug-trafficking’s political and violent power. Later, alternatives will be explored around the possibilities that each argument offers, as well as which aspects could contribute to a more appropriate approach to combat drug-trafficking. Lastly, I will defend why implementing bottom-up oriented actions can advance towards transitional justice’s intermediate and final objectives, as it is the only alternative that escapes fatalist, utopian or interventionist scenarios.
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Pearce, Jenny. "Policy Failure and Petroleum Predation: The Economics of Civil War Debate Viewed ‘From the War-Zone’." Government and Opposition 40, no. 2 (2005): 152–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00148.x.
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AbstractThe analysis of armed conflict in the post Cold War era has been profoundly influenced by neoclassical economists. Statistical approaches have generated important propositions, but there is a danger when these feed into policy prescriptions. This paper first compares the economics of civil war literature with the social movement literature which has also tried to explain collective action problems. It argues that the latter has a much more sophisticated set of conceptual tools, enriched by empirical study. The paper then uses the case of multipolar militarization in oil-rich Casanare, Colombia, to demonstrate complexity and contingency in civil war trajectories. State policy failure and civil actors can be an important source of explanation alongside the economic agendas of armed actors.
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Arjona, Ana. "Wartime Institutions." Journal of Conflict Resolution 58, no. 8 (September 23, 2014): 1360–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002714547904.
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Theories of civil war usually theorize the choices of civilians and combatants without considering the institutional context in which they interact. Despite common depictions of war as chaotic and anarchic, order often emerges locally. Institutions vary greatly over time and space and, as in peacetime, shape behavior. In this article, I propose a research agenda on local wartime institutions. To this end, I present original evidence on conflict areas in Colombia to illustrate the scope of variation, propose the concept of wartime social order and a typology, and discuss several ways in which research on wartime institutions can contribute to our study of civil war both at the micro and macro levels.
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Cohen, Emily. "Disciplining Pain." Body & Society 21, no. 3 (June 29, 2015): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1357034x15586241.
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Colombia, a country at civil war for over 50 years, has one of the highest rates of landmine injury in the world. This article is based on ethnographic research conducted at the Amputation and Rehabilitation Unit of Bogota’s Central Military Hospital. Through an ethnographic description of surgical amputation and rehabilitation, I examine medical understandings of vitality and masculinity in respect to the senses – primarily that of pain in the act of amputation.
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Velis, Emilio, Kate Samson, Isaac Robles, and Daniel Rodríguez. "Craft and Artisan Initiatives of the Salvadoran Civil War (1980–1992)." Digital Culture & Society 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/dcs-2020-0103.
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Abstract This article describes the testimonies of two arts and crafts collectives during the Salvadoran Civil War in the 1980s. These collectives, open to victims and refugees of the war, emerged as creative spaces during a time of significant social unrest. As participants learned to make and produce arts and crafts, these activities encouraged individual expression and allowed them to heal traumatic experiences. By describing the aspects that motivated and discouraged the involvement of participants over time, we show how the individual and collective aspects of making are important for the sustained participation of the people who engage in maker culture. We draw comparisons between the struggles of these historical movements and of current embodiments of the maker culture, in order to draw conclusions regarding how making can be a personal catalyst in the face of social hardship, the importance of economic sustainability in maker initiatives and how unjust gender dynamics take place in these spaces. The ability to compare and learn from these historical initiatives serves to unpack maker culture as a social asset that can be described beyond the mere use of digital tools and to repurpose it as a more inclusive concept that takes into account narratives from a broader range of expressions of making.
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Arias, María Alejandra, Ana María Ibáñez, and Pablo Querubin. "The Desire to Return during Civil War: Evidence for Internally Displaced Populations in Colombia." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 209–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2013-0054.
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AbstractArmed conflict in Colombia has forcibly displaced more than 3.6 million people. In a post-conflict scenario, the socioeconomic stabilization of displaced households is crucial, as families must decide whether to stay in the reception place, relocate to a new municipality or return to their site of origin. In this paper we identify the determinants of the desire to return of internally displaced households in Colombia. We find that i) land tenure in the place of origin provides an incentive to return; ii) vulnerable households, in particular female-headed households and those from ethnic minorities seek to establish themselves at the reception site and exhibit a lower desire to return; iii) those who displaced as a consequence of a direct attack are less willing to return; iv) economic opportunities in the place of origin encourage return while economic opportunities at the reception site decrease the willingness to return; and v) social networks, as exemplified by membership in peasant organizations and collective land ownership, increase the desire to return. To be successful, the design of stabilization programs for the displaced population must consider these particularities of the households that are willing to return and those who prefer to stay in the reception site.
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Trapani, James. "Seeing ‘Reds’ in Colombia: Reconsidering the ‘Bogotazo’, 1948." Esboços - Revista do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da UFSC 23, no. 36 (March 2, 2017): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/2175-7976.2016v23n36p352The Latin American Cold War theatre was distinct from the global struggle between American capitalism and Soviet communism. The Soviet Union had very little infuence on the region prior to Fidel Castro’s 1960 declaration of Marxism-Leninism. Despite this, a plethora of social struggles spanning virtually every Latin American republic have been broadly grouped together – defned by this Latin American ‘Cold War’. This paper seeks to determine the origins of this paradoxical defnition. It will argue that the convenient alignment of national and international crises was utilized by US Secretary of State George C Marshall in April 1948. The establishment of the Organization of American States sought to realize the political alignment of the hemisphere against ‘Communism’, both Soviet and internal. This confounded many Latin American leaders as communism, while evident, did not pose any legitimate threat to their nations or the region. Hence, Marshall’s sale of an anti-communist declaration, which would decrease the sovereignty of individual states, was made quite diffcult during initial negotiations. Conveniently, On April 9 Colombia was brought to the brink of Civil War following the assassination of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán. The US State Department knew that the ensuing Colombian Bogotazo was not related to the global Cold War. They had intelligence on the populist liberal Gaitán and the violent response to his assassination. Nevertheless, the opportunity to internationalize the crisis was seized by Marshall. In doing so, the Latin American Cold War emerged with devastating national and regional consequences.
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Sanandres Campis, Eliana Sanandres, Ivonne Molinares-Guerrero, Roberto González González Arana, and Melissa Martínez Martínez Pérez. "A Quantitative Exploration of Reconciliation: Evidence from Colombia." Social Sciences 11, no. 10 (October 9, 2022): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11100456.
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The reconciliation of societies in negotiated transitions from civil war to peace represents a practical challenge. While the political dimension concerns the construction of socio-political relations, the interpersonal dimension focuses on intergroup relationships. Empirical evidence shows that reconciliation should not assign primacy to one dimension over another; rather, it should address the interaction between them. However, research on this topic is scarce. There is a need to develop an instrument to assess the political and interpersonal dimensions of reconciliation in peacebuilding contexts. This study developed the Political and Interpersonal Reconciliation Scale (PIRS) and assessed its psychometric properties based on a sample of Colombian population after the peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla group. The results show the validity of a factorial structure for two components as well as an acceptable Cronbach’s alpha. Concerning external validity, in line with the existing literature, the scale under study was positively related to confidence in the peace agreement, trust in the ex-combatants, willingness to share with the adversary and community identification. This study provides evidence that the Political and Interpersonal Reconciliation Scale is a valid and reliable instrument for evaluating reconciliation in peacebuilding contexts.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia"
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Mills, Jared G. "Social studies and global education: viewing economic, social and political aspects of the civil war through multiple perspectives." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1407404987.
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Estrada, Corpeño Tania Melissa. "Rebel Whispers : An issue-based approach to peace agreement success and civil war resolution." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-413294.
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While issues remain under-researched, peace agreement success has been linked primarily to the proper treatment of the parties’ security-related concerns. This study explores why some peace agreements succeed while others fail by using an issue-based approach arguing that issues are an expression of underlying grievances, which have caused the rebel groups to engage in armed conflict. Therefore, peace agreements that do not address the issues, which reflect grievances, will fail. I tested the hypothesis and the proposed theoretical relationship through the structured focused comparison of three peace agreements: The Lomé Peace Agreement, the Accra Peace Agreement and the Final Agreement National Government – Popular Liberation Army. The method employed in this study comprised first, determining the salience the rebel groups assigned to their issues -for which it was necessary to create a measure for issue salience- and second, examining the peace agreement’s provisions to determine if the rebel group’s issues were addressed. The results show that peace agreements that included the salient issues of the groups failed; however, peace agreements that did not include them, succeeded. Hence, the findings suggest that the inclusion of the rebel group’s issues in the peace agreement cannot account for the agreement’s success or failure.
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Bastow, Sarah L. "Aspects of the history of the Catholic gentry of Yorkshire from the Pilgrimage of Grace to the First Civil War." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2002. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/4675/.
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This study looks at the responses of the Yorkshire Catholic gentry to the immense changes to their religious landscape in the early modem period, between 1536 and 1642. It examines how they continued to adhere to the Catholic religion, despite all attempts first to induce and then compel conformity and highlights the ways in which they managed to survive and prosper throughout the period, demonstrating that previously neglected groups such as women and younger sons had a crucial role to play in this process. The overwhelming theme to their actions was one of pragmatism, rather than the heroic and self-destructive behaviour that was much admired by earlier historians who wanted to identify martyrs to the Catholic cause. The areas that are to be examined reflect both public and private gentry activities. In the public sphere the Yorkshire gentry's part in the rebellions of the Tudor and Stuart eras are studied along with their rejection of plots. The importance of marriage as an early modem tool for building alliances and social advancement is acknowledged and the impact that a continuing adherence to Catholicism had on this is considered. The gentry and the church are examined through a study of the Catholic gentry's involvement with their local parishes, their reaction to the dissolution and their continuing adherence to monasticism, as shown through their devotion to English orders on the continent. To reflect the changes that were occurring in this period Catholic involvement in education, the law and medicine are also explored showing that the Catholic community was not isolated from the wider society. Lastly the role of Catholic women is given specific consideration in order both to redress the imbalance in previous studies and due to the crucial role that women played in the continuation of the Catholic community within Yorkshire.
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Chambers, Paul A. ""Civil war by other means": Conflict, resistance and coexistence in Colombia. Exploring the philosophy and politics of Alasdair MacIntyre in a conflict setting." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5103.
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Colombia's protracted civil war between Marxist insurgencies and the state has
brought grave consequences for the civilian population and the prospects for
constructing a viable political community in the country. With up to 5 million
internally displaced people, rampant impunity for perpetrators of crimes against
humanity and human rights and International Humanitarian Law violations,
dozens of politicians and countless members of the armed forces linked to
paramilitary organizations, along with increasing social injustices and
inequalities, Colombia presents a troubling social-political panorama that has
led to what is often referred to as a profound social and institutional 'moral
crisis'. Much discussion has centred on the question of achieving some degree
of minimal moral and political consensus and 'collective conscience' to
humanize and slowly transform the conflict at local, regional and national levels.
However, the philosophical and political parameters of this discussion have
been and continue to be set firmly within variants of the liberal tradition which, it
is argued, does not provide the necessary resources for adequately
conceptualizing the problem and conceiving the task of addressing conflict,
constructing moral consensus, and seeking social and political coexistence. The
thesis argues that the philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre can provide such
resources. MacIntyre provides a convincing account of the philosophical
problems that underlie ongoing intractable disagreement and the conflicts it
breeds, offering a philosophy that can inform and underpin efforts at social
transformation, resistance, and coexistence as well as aiding the necessary
task of social scientific research and analysis of the conflict. The thesis analyses
the moral dimensions of the conflict in light of MacIntyre's philosophy but also
critically explores the adequacy of his politics of local community for the
Colombian context. MacIntyre argues that a rational political community can
only be constructed through the praxis of local communities engaging in shared
moral-political deliberation. Through an empirical case study of a Constituent
Assembly process in a rural community that has suffered the impacts of armed
conflict for decades, the thesis explores an attempt at constructing peaceful
social and political coexistence in light of MacIntyre's moral-sociological
framework.Economic and Social Research Council
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Chambers, Paul Anthony. ""Civil war by other means" : conflict, resistance and coexistence in Colombia : exploring the philosophy and politics of Alasdair MacIntyre in a conflict setting." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5103.
Full textAbstract:
Colombia's protracted civil war between Marxist insurgencies and the state has brought grave consequences for the civilian population and the prospects for constructing a viable political community in the country. With up to 5 million internally displaced people, rampant impunity for perpetrators of crimes against humanity and human rights and International Humanitarian Law violations, dozens of politicians and countless members of the armed forces linked to paramilitary organizations, along with increasing social injustices and inequalities, Colombia presents a troubling social-political panorama that has led to what is often referred to as a profound social and institutional 'moral crisis'. Much discussion has centred on the question of achieving some degree of minimal moral and political consensus and 'collective conscience' to humanize and slowly transform the conflict at local, regional and national levels. However, the philosophical and political parameters of this discussion have been and continue to be set firmly within variants of the liberal tradition which, it is argued, does not provide the necessary resources for adequately conceptualizing the problem and conceiving the task of addressing conflict, constructing moral consensus, and seeking social and political coexistence. The thesis argues that the philosophy of Alasdair MacIntyre can provide such resources. MacIntyre provides a convincing account of the philosophical problems that underlie ongoing intractable disagreement and the conflicts it breeds, offering a philosophy that can inform and underpin efforts at social transformation, resistance, and coexistence as well as aiding the necessary task of social scientific research and analysis of the conflict. The thesis analyses the moral dimensions of the conflict in light of MacIntyre's philosophy but also critically explores the adequacy of his politics of local community for the Colombian context. MacIntyre argues that a rational political community can only be constructed through the praxis of local communities engaging in shared moral-political deliberation. Through an empirical case study of a Constituent Assembly process in a rural community that has suffered the impacts of armed conflict for decades, the thesis explores an attempt at constructing peaceful social and political coexistence in light of MacIntyre's moral-sociological framework.
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Lexén, Tove. "How Activist Claims Can Help Explain Intensity of Violence in Environmental Conflicts : Evidence from Colombia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444688.
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Why do activists in some environmental incompatibilities experience a high intensity of violence, while protesters in other environmental conflicts do not? To answer the query, this thesis presents a novel theoretical argument where it is stated that the type of legal claim posed by activists impacts the intensity of violence that they receive. Due to a ‘relational citizenship’-mechanism, activist claims that are similar to secessionist demands are suggested to negatively provoke state elites’ security provision, with the consequence of a higher intensity of violence, ceteris paribus. From the theoretical argument, a hypothesis is derived, predicting that higher intensity of violence is expected for environmental mobilisations that pose identity-territory rights claims, than environmental mobilisations that pose universal rights claims. The hypothesis is tested on two local-level gold mining conflicts in the Colombian departments Tolima and Cauca between 2009-2014. The cases are selected with a most similar case design and are analysed with a structured focus comparison methodology. The analysis of the cases lends tentative support for the prediction that environmental movements that pose identity-territory rights claims experience a higher intensity of violence than environmental movements that instead apply universal rights claims.
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Agbedahin, Komlan. "Young veterans, not always social misfits: a sociological discourse of Liberian transmogrification experiences." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003104.
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This thesis examines the phenomenon of child-soldiering from a different perspective. It seeks to challenge, using a novel approach, earlier studies on the roles of former child-soldiers in post-war societies. It focuses on the subjectivity of young veterans, that is war veterans formerly associated with armed forces and groups as children during the 14-year gruesome civil war which bedevilled Liberia between 1989 and 2003. This civil war claimed roughly 250,000 lives, and saw the active participation of approximately 21,000 child-soldiers. This thesis departs from previous works which mostly painted an apocalyptic picture of young veterans, and explores the nexus between their self-agency, Foucauldian technologies of the self and their transformation in the post-war society. The majority of previous scholarly works which have dominated the field of child-soldiering dwelt on the impact of armed conflict on the child-soldiers, the negative consequences, the causes of child-soldiering, and the rehabilitation and reintegration of the young veterans after their disarmament and demobilization. What this thesis seeks to do however, is to establish that, rather than considering the young veterans simply as social misfits, distraught and dispirited human beings, it should be noted that young veterans through their agency, are capable of ensuring their reintegration into their war-ravaged societies. Sadly, these young former fighters’ self-agency and technologies of the self in defining their civilian trajectories have often been overshadowed by vaunted humanitarian aid and multilayered war-profiteering. This study is underpinned by interpretive constructivism, symbolic interactionism, social identity theory, sociometer theory and expectancy theory, and sheds light on how young veterans’ self-agency, instrumental coalitions, and decision-making processes, synergistically shifted the negative identities foisted on them as a result of their participation in the war.
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Coetzee, Wayne Stephen. "The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war Nigeria." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20013.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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Clampitt, Brad R. "Morale in the Western Confederacy, 1864-1865: Home Front and Battlefield." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5231/.
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This dissertation is a study of morale in the western Confederacy from early 1864 until the Civil War's end in spring 1865. It examines when and why Confederate morale, military and civilian, changed in three important western states, Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee. Focusing on that time frame allows a thorough examination of the sources, increases the opportunity to produce representative results, and permits an assessment of the lingering question of when and why most Confederates recognized, or admitted, defeat. Most western Confederate men and women struggled for their ultimate goal of southern independence until Federal armies crushed those aspirations on the battlefield. Until the destruction of the Army of Tennessee at Franklin and Nashville, most western Confederates still hoped for victory and believed it at least possible. Until the end they drew inspiration from battlefield developments, but also from their families, communities, comrades in arms, the sacrifices already endured, simple hatred for northerners, and frequently from anxiety for what a Federal victory might mean to their lives. Wartime diaries and letters of western Confederates serve as the principal sources. The dissertation relies on what those men and women wrote about during the war - military, political, social, or otherwise - and evaluates morale throughout the period in question by following primarily a chronological approach that allows the reader to glimpse the story as it developed.
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Idler, Annette Iris. "Arrangements of convenience : violent non-state actor relationships and citizen security in the shared borderlands of Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5c8e5068-4de8-4a53-bdab-1f847f438f05.
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Borderlands are critical security zones but remain poorly understood. In regions plagued by drug violence and conflict, violent groups compete for territorial control, cooperate in illegal cross-border activities, and substitute for the functions of the state in these areas. Despite undermining physical security, fuelling fear, and challenging the state’s sovereignty, the exact modi operandi of these groups are little known. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores how different interactions among violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in the Colombian-Ecuadorian and Colombian-Venezuelan borderlands impact on citizen security. These border areas attract rebels, paramilitaries and criminal organisations alike: they constitute geo-strategic corridors for the global cocaine industry and are sites of supply and operation for the major actors involved in Colombia’s decades-long armed internal conflict. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this thesis consolidates the literature on conflict, security and organised crime, borders and borderlands, and anthropological approaches to fear and violence. It integrates theories of cooperation among social actors with original empirical research. It is based on a comparative, multi-sited case-study design, using ethnographic methods complemented by quantitative data. The research involved over twelve months of fieldwork with 433 interviews and participant observation on both sides of the crisis-affected Colombia-Ecuador and Colombia-Venezuela borders, and in Bogotá, Caracas and Quito. Developing a typology of VNSA interactions, I argue that these create not only physical violence but also less visible types of insecurity: when VNSAs fight each other, citizens are exposed to violence but follow the rules imposed by the opposing parties. Fragile alliances produce uncertainty among communities and erode the social fabric by fuelling interpersonal mistrust. Where VNSAs provide security and are socially recognised, "shadow citizen security" arises: security based on undemocratic means. I show that the geography of borderlands reinforces the distinct impacts of VNSA arrangements on citizen security yet renders them less visible.
Books on the topic "Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia"
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E, Woodworth Steven, ed. American Civil War. Detroit: Gale, Cengage Learning, 2008.
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Alfredo, Rangel Suárez, Borrero Mansilla Armando, Ramírez Tobón W, Jaramillo Ayerbe Lucía, Escuela Superior de Administración Pública (Colombia). Facultad de Investigaciones., and Fundación Buen Gobierno (Colombia), eds. Conflictividad territorial en Colombia. Bogotá: ESAP, 2004.
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Life in Civil War America. 2nd ed. Cincinnati, Ohio: Family Tree Books, 2011.
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1958-, Streissguth Thomas, ed. The Civil War--the South. San Diego, Calif: Greenhaven Press, 2001.
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Country of bullets: Chronicles of war. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2009.
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Gallman, J. Matthew. Northerners at war: Reflections on the Civil War home front. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2010.
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Northerners at war: Reflections on the Civil War home front. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 2010.
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Myers, Marshall. Great Civil War stories of Kentucky. Morley, MO: Acclaim Press, 2011.
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Great Civil War stories of Kentucky. Morley, MO: Acclaim Press, 2011.
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Hudgins, Merle Reue. War between the states changed Texas forever: A study of pre-Civil War, Civil War & post Civil war. Houston, Texas: Kemp & Company, 2017.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Civil war – Social aspects – Colombia"
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Vorozheikin, Ye P. "SOCIAL NETWORKS AND MESSENGERS AS MEANS OF CIVIL SELF ORGANIZATION DURING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR." In THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022): HISTORICAL, POLITICAL, CULTURAL-EDUCATIONAL, RELIGIOUS, ECONOMIC, AND LEGAL ASPECTS, 1341–44. Izdevnieciba “Baltija Publishing”, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-223-4-169.
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Nepstad, Sharon Erickson. "Peace, Nonviolence, and Disarmament." In Catholic Social Activism, 47–73. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479885480.003.0003.
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This chapter explores the pacifism of the early Christian church and how the conversion of Constantine in the fourth century led to the development of the just war doctrine. At the conclusion of World War II, the advent of the nuclear arms race rendered some aspects of the just war doctrine obsolete. Pope John XXIII addressed these concerns in his encyclical Pacem in Terris, released in 1963. Numerous Catholic peace groups thought that the Vatican did not take a strong enough stance on war, militarism, and nuclear weapons. The Catholic Worker movement called for a return to pacifism and introduced the techniques of nonviolent noncooperation with civil defense drills in the 1950s. The chapter covers other Catholic peace movements and organizations, including Pax Christi, the Catholic Left that opposed the Vietnam War through draft card burnings and draft board raids, and the Plowshares movement, whose members damaged nuclear weapons to obstruct the nuclear arms race. Eventually, the US Catholic Bishops released the pastoral letter The Challenge of Peace, which condemned nuclear weapons and called for disarmament.
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Jaskoski, Maiah. "Extraction and Conflict in Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru." In The Politics of Extraction, 27–45. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197568927.003.0002.
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Abstract Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru are exceptional cases for a comparative study on social conflict over new extraction. During the 1990s–2010s, governments in all three countries encouraged private investment in hydrocarbons and mining that supported the growth of these already important sectors, and the expansion brought social conflict. Cross-country variation in national political dynamics and in dominant forms of extractive conflict facilitate the book’s most different systems design. Peru exhibited a pattern of major, violent protests set loose by redemocratization. In Colombia, armed actors on all sides of a civil war held interests in extractives. After the height of the armed conflict, movement activists objected to the environmental and social impacts of mining and hydrocarbons, frequently by turning to the courts. Finally, Bolivia is a case of direct action by indigenous groups that wavered in their relationship to a leftist national government.
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Rush, Rebecca M. "Rhyme Oft Times Overreaches Reason." In The Fetters of Rhyme, 119–59. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691212555.003.0005.
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This chapter looks at royalist lyric poets, who celebrated the affective power of rhyme's chime. In the decades that followed the outbreak of the Civil War, royalist poets played up the charming, mystical aspects of the rhyming couplet. Rhyme, therefore, became an emblem of the grounded sublimity that poets like Robert Herrick, Katherine Philips, and Abraham Cowley pursued in their verse. They endeavored to make the case that the form and matter of their verse were linked, on the one hand, to the most deep-rooted, primitive desires of the heart and, on the other, to the higher harmony of the cosmos. If the Civil War was, as Cowley suggested, a crisis of unleashed passion, embracing the charming, prerational nature of rhyme seemed like one way to reconnect those passions to forces of political, social, and cosmic order.
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Żądło, Łukasz. "Wpływ stosunków z państwami ościennymi oraz wybranymi organizacjami międzynarodowymi na kształt systemu politycznego Angoli w latach 1975–2002." In Jedność z różnorodności. Zbiór studiów nad różnymi aspektami dziejów Afryki, 235–62. University of Warsaw Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.9788323556565.pp.235-262.
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The main goal of this paper is to present the relationships between Angola and neighbouring states and show how those relationships influenced the development of Angolan state structure. This will allow for presenting a set of political, social, and economic interdependencies between Angola and its neighbours. This, in turn, will serve to verify the hypothesis that Angola as a state has become a stabilizer of security in the region. An important aspect that also influenced the shape of the political system, and was therefore also taken into account, is Angola’s relations with international organizations such as the United Nations, Comecon, and the Organization of African Unity. The period that has been analyzed is 1975–2002, that is, from the regaining of independence to the end of the civil war in Angola. This period was chosen because of its crucial nature for the history of modern Angola: it was then that the foundations for the present Angolan state were shaped in practice, and the process itself also influenced all the states of the region. The political system of Angola formed under the influence of wars, including civil wars, which also determined the relationship that Angola has today with its neighbours, who took an active part in those wars. The paper also considers the relationship that Angola’s major political parties of the period had with neighbouring states and the political groupings that were active there, and the involvement of those states in the events of Angola’s civil war. Aspects of the Cold War are also covered, in particular the division of influence between the USSR, Cuba, China, and the USA. The methodology that was used in the creation of the paper is the analysis of historical written sources and newspaper and scientific articles.
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Balcerski, Thomas J. "Presiding, 1853–1868." In Bosom Friends, 169–98. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190914592.003.0008.
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Chapter 7 considers select aspects of Buchanan’s life after King’s death: his time as American minister to England, presidential nomination and election, presidency, retirement years, and the legacy of his friendship with King. In the election of 1856, the Democrats promoted Buchanan’s friendship with King and other Southerners to suggest his pro-southern principles as president. Buchanan was the last presidential candidate elected to run as a “northern man with southern principles.” As president Buchanan sustained pro-southern policies, administered an active social calendar aided by First Lady Harriet Lane, attended a commencement address at the University of North Carolina (the alma mater of William Rufus King), and failed to keep together the Union through the secession winter of 1860 to 1861. During the Civil War and into Reconstruction, Buchanan continued to invoke King and took special care to reconnect with Catherine Margaret Ellis.
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Smith, Craig Bruce. "Maintaining Moral Superiority." In American Honor, 98–126. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469638836.003.0005.
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This section analyzes the early years of the Revolution, including the ethics of the war and Americans’ attention to maintaining moral superiority. It shows that the patriots wanted to win, but win well. They wanted the new country to succeed, but not at the cost of honor or virtue. Thus, this chapter shows attempts to discourage the old European notions of honor that still existed in favor of the democratized version. It shows how ethical ideals played a role in all aspects of military establishment from battlefield tactics, to the treatment of prisoners, to the recruitment of soldiers. It also presents an expansion of honor and a broadening of ethics as part of a wider social revolution that included those of different genders, races, and classes as equal participants and claimants to honor. It looks at martial and civil policies that enforced conduct and recognized women’s and African Americans’ contributions. All people could claim their share of honor and virtue through proper conduct, duty to the nation, and, above all, ethical behavior.