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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil society – Middle East'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Shlykov, Pavel М. "Non-Western Model of Civil Society in the Middle Eastern Context: Promises and Discontents." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 134–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-134-162.

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The article analyzes the specific experience of civil society development in the Middle East, which remarkably exposes the dilemma underlying the civil society concept as a matrix of working democracy. This concept limits the understanding of the very phenomenon of civil society and peculiarities of its functioning in the region. An analysis of the Middle Eastern specifics requires a functional approach and a hybrid definition of civil society. This approach has a number of heuristic advantages over both liberal and critical theories. The article outlines the Middle Eastern model of civil society and postulates the key characteristic of illiberal civil society—it becomes conducive to the reproduction of authoritarian regimes even despite its institutional diversity. The analysis shows the ambivalence of civil society in the Middle East as a space of limited freedom of political/non-political activity and as a testing ground for the development of various tools designed to curb civic initiative. The liberal model of civil society, directly incorporated in state-building, is turned upside down in the Middle East. Civil society organizations in this region are hardly functional as an outpost for promoting liberal democratic values because they prove to serve the interests of the elite or alternative political forces much more than the interests of ordinary citizens.

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2

Norton, Augustus Richard. "Civil Society, Liberalism and the Corporatist Alternative." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, no. 2 (December 1997): 163–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400035641.

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In His Review essay on “Civil Society, Liberalism and the Corporatist Alternative in the Middle East,” Louis J. Cantori continues his indefatigable promotion of corporatism as a lens for understanding Middle East politics. Lou and I have been friends for many years, and I know that I probably will not be able to shake his deep attachment to corporatism. Nonetheless, since the inspiration for his latest peroration was the two volume collection on civil society in the Middle East that I edited, I thought readers of the Bulletin might be interested in my response to his assertions.

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3

Al-Ali, Nadje. "Gender and Civil Society in the Middle East." International Feminist Journal of Politics 5, no. 2 (January 2003): 216–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461674032000080576.

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4

Quandt, William B., and Augustus Richard Norton. "Civil Society in the Middle East, Vol. 1." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 5 (1995): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047353.

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5

Kayaoglu, Turan. "Civil Society and Women Activists in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 2 (April 1, 2013): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1134.

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While much of the literature related to women and democratization in the MiddleEast neglects the role of women in this process, Wanda Krause persuasivelyargues that the grassroots activism of Middle Eastern women plays a vital rolein democratizing the region. Krause contends that this scholarly neglect is aresult of the literature’s (1) prioritizing the state (over civil society) and secularism(over religious groups), (2) ignoring the feminine (at the expense of thefeminist) and the practical (at the expense of the political), and (3) relegatingwomen’s concerns, like family issues, to “the private sphere and overlookedas having any meaning to the public” (p. 49). She further criticizes this literaturefor what she considers its orientalist attitude, which often manifests itself asexcessive attention to women’s dress, segregation, polygamy, and female genitalmutilation (FGM) and thus constructs a passive and oppressed image ofMuslim women. To fully understand the role of Middle Eastern women, Krauseurges scholars to focus not just on the government’s formal structures, but alsoto pay attention to civil society and investigate how beliefs, values, and everydaypractices both expand it and advance democratic values ...

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6

Ahmida, Ali Abdullatif. "Inventing or recovering “civil society” in the Middle East." Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 6, no. 10 (March 1997): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10669929708720104.

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Wittes, Tamara Cofman, and Sarah E. Yerkes. "The Middle East Freedom Agenda: An Update." Current History 106, no. 696 (January 1, 2007): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.696.31.

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8

Bellin, Eva. "Civil Society: Effective Tool of Analysis for Middle East Politics?" PS: Political Science and Politics 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420214.

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9

Farah, Caesar E. "Civil Society in the Middle East, Augustus Richard Norton, editor." Digest of Middle East Studies 4, no. 4 (October 1995): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1995.tb00586.x.

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10

Bellin, Eva. "Civil Society: Effective Tool of Analysis for Middle East Politics?" PS: Political Science & Politics 27, no. 03 (September 1994): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500041081.

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11

Latief, Hilman. "Islam, Civil Society, and Social Work." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1419.

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The practice of charity, which is commonly voluntary by definition, is embeddedwithin religious institutions or communities to support their vision ofsocial welfare. In this book, Egbert Harmsen underlines some improvements,advantages, and weaknesses as well as varieties of the roles played byMuslim-based voluntary organizations in the Middle East in general, and inJordan in particular. He reexamines whether such civic values as voluntary,autonomous, egalitarian, community-based initiatives, self-reliance, and independenceunder which civil society organizations developed can impact Muslimsociety on a larger scope.The author reassesses previous research findings, particularly thosepresented by such observers as Janine Clark and Sami Zubaida. Clark’sobservation of (horizontal) networks embedded among middle-classMuslims reveal that the lower class (the poor) does not benefit very muchfrom the existing social institutions. Meanwhile, Zubaida’s scrutiny of the(vertical) relation between Muslim associations and their needy clientsshows that the resulting relationships are generally paternalistic. In responseto Clark’s argument, Harmsen points out that while the social institutionsset up by the middle class do serve middle-class families, they by no means ...

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12

Antoun, Richard T. "CIVIL SOCIETY, TRIBAL PROCESS, AND CHANGE IN JORDAN: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 441–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021164.

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In the 1990s, the concept of civil society has inspired a variety of publications by Western scholars studying the Middle East and has become the rallying cry for representatives of Western governments interested in promoting democracy in the region. The great majority of such publications and government promotions assume that the Middle East does not have, or has only in very weakly developed forms, the institutions that constitute a civil society. By “civil institutions” they mean such things as labor unions, political parties, independent newspapers and universities, and, most important, voluntary associations—for example, human-rights organizations, professional associations, charitable organizations, and non-governmental organizations.1 Discounted in this discussion is the possibility that the Middle East has its own resilient civil institutions undergoing their own transformations in the global society at the end of the century. In Jordan, this gigantic oversight reflects a misunderstanding of what “tribal” institutions are and do.

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13

Medani, Khalid Mustafa. "Teaching the “New Middle East”: Beyond Authoritarianism." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (March 28, 2013): 222–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000176.

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In 2011 the protests in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) were not only unprecedented in terms of scale and political consequences for the region, they also highlighted a number of long-standing analytical and theoretical misconceptions about Arab politics. In particular, the conventional thesis privileging the idea of a “durable authoritarianism” in the Arab world was partially undermined by a cross-regional civil society that confronted the formidable security and military apparatus of the state. Although in some countries democratic transitions have continued, since they first occurred in Tunisia, other Arab states continue to witness a resilient authoritarianism and strong state repression of civil society activism. These historic events have also set the stage for a new teaching agenda in important ways. Specifically, an agenda for teaching the “new Middle East” must incorporate two important general components: first, a critical review of the influential scholarship on persistent authoritarianism with the objective of addressing past theoretical and methodological misconceptions, and second, the introduction of new conceptual and analytical frameworks relevant to contemporary political developments in the Arab world and the MENA region more generally.

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Doyle, Jessica Leigh. "Civil Society as Ideology in the Middle East: A Critical Perspective." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 43, no. 3 (November 18, 2015): 403–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2015.1102713.

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Cantori, Louis J. "Civil Society, Liberalism and the Corporatist Alternative in the Middle East." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, no. 1 (July 1997): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400034866.

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Democracy has returned to the center stage of American political science. Before World War I, political science assumed the universality of democracy in America. Its educational mission was to inform American citizens of this, its research mission to identify the imperfections of this democracy in order to reform it and to provide academic expertise to strengthen the American state administratively in its democratic mission.’ Post-behavioral political scientists in the 1990s also assume the universality of democracy, now on an international and cross-cultural basis. They also wish to inform the American public of this, and when they uncover it they also wish to reform it through their writings and through the support of indigenous intellectuals and scholars. The incentives, coercion and pressure of the US government assist them in their efforts. They are also engaged in the strengthening of the capabilities of the American state in spreading the democratic message abroad. This collaboration of government and scholar from the 1986 announcement of the Reagan Doctrine and the founding of the National Endowment for Democracy until today has been termed “Operation Democracy.”

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16

Anderson, Jon W. "Transnational Civil Society, Institution‐Building, and IT: Reflections from the Middle East." CyberOrient 2, no. 1 (January 2007): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.cyo2.20070201.0001.

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17

Farah, Caesar E. "Toward Civil Society in the Middle East? A Primer: Jillian Schwedler, editor." Digest of Middle East Studies 6, no. 3 (July 1997): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1997.tb00754.x.

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18

Lindholm, Charles. "Justice and Tyranny, Law and the State in the Middle East." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 9, no. 3 (November 1999): 375–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300011524.

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In his influential work, Max Weber argued that the Middle East was fatally hampered in the development of a modern civil society by the existence of arbitrary Qadi justice, based on the personalized decisions of a judiciary reliant only on case law for precedent and lacking any form of rational organization. This individualistic judicial structure (or lack of structure) allowed authoritarian regimes to subvert the courts for their own purposes, destroying the possibility of the development of an autonomous citizenry; meanwhile, in Europe the evolution of a rationally codified legal system acted as a check on governmental tyranny and provided a space for the evolution of independent civic organizations.

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19

Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Philosophy of the Civil-Military Relations in the Middle East." Oriental Courier, no. 3-4 (2021): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310018024-4.

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The Army has played a significant role in the contemporary history of the Middle Eastern states. This fact was determined not only by the frequency of wars and military crises but mainly by the role of the military in domestic politics. In the past few decades, the army and security apparatus presented a focal point of Arabian countries’ politics. The military was the center of the power and decision-making mechanism in Middle Eastern countries. In the 1980–1990-s Arab rulers managed to curb the appetites of their military for power and military coups. Further developments of “Arab spring” proved this tendency wasn’t irreversible. The author studies universal Russian and Western methodological and theoretical approaches and criteria for examining civil-military relations. Based on the given results the author attempted to work out an original model for studying the civil-military relations in the Middle Eastern countries regards specific of its developments and in view of the special characteristics of the Arabic society. The main attention is paid to historical preconditions for the formatting of the armed forces in Arab countries. The author also examines the interaction between politics and military, military and society and tries to show the main reasons behind the army’s seizure of power in many Arab countries from the social, political, and economic backgrounds of military rule. The criteria of the civil control under the military and different approaches for preventing army’s intervention in politics are in the focus of this article. The author stresses the role of the national and religious factors in the system of civil-military relations. The role of the ruler and ruling élites in determining the behavioral patterns of the military are the subject of the author’s investigation as well.

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20

Salime, Zakia. "Securing the Market, Pacifying Civil Society, Empowering Women: The Middle East Partnership Initiative1." Sociological Forum 25, no. 4 (October 21, 2010): 725–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1573-7861.2010.01209.x.

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21

ROY, OLIVIER. "The predicament of ‘civil society’ in Central Asia and the ‘Greater Middle East’." International Affairs 81, no. 5 (October 2005): 1001–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2005.00499.x.

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22

Mojab, Shahrzad. "The State, university, and the construction of civil society in the Middle East." Futures 30, no. 7 (September 1998): 657–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0016-3287(98)00073-1.

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23

Kamrava, Mehran, and Frank O. Mora. "Civil society and democratisation in comparative perspective: Latin America and the Middle East." Third World Quarterly 19, no. 5 (December 1998): 893–915. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599814082.

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24

García-Rivero, Carlos. "Democratisation, State and Society in the Middle East and North Africa." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 4 (2013): 477–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341273.

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Abstract The so-called “Arab spring” has swept throughout Middle East and North Africa against authoritarian forms of government, overthrowing regimes from West to East. After several aborted and repressed attempts, by Islamic parties, to access the institutions through the elections, mainly in the early 2000, the society rose in arms against the Arab State. In the forms of revolt, anger against the State repression has shaken the whole region. This article analyses the bases of confidence in the State institutions in five Arab countries in an attempt to evaluate if the current events are taking the region in the correct direction for democratic stability, according to citizens expectations about state reforms. The study is a quantitative analysis making extensive use of survey data gathered from the region. Conclusions reached indicate that, more than Islamisation of societies, citizens demand more respect for human rights and a higher participation and development of civil society.

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25

Jahanbegloo, Ramin. "Iran and the Democratic Struggle in the Middle East." Middle East Law and Governance 3, no. 1-2 (March 25, 2011): 126–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633711x591486.

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Many commentators in the West have referred to the uprisings sweeping the Middle East and the Maghreb as the “Arab Spring”. If we take a closer look at the young Middle Easterners who launched these democratic demands, it is clear that the Arab Spring started in Iran back in June 2009. As such, the Arab Uprising had a non-Arab beginning in Iran’s Green Movement, and in what was known as the “Twitter Revolution” of young Iranians. Furthermore, the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt have reenergized Iranian civil society, helping it become fi rmer and more outspoken in its demand for democratization in Iran.

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26

Abu-Nimer, Mohammed. "Building Peace In the Middle East: Challenges for States and Civil Society: Elise Boulding." Digest of Middle East Studies 3, no. 2 (April 1994): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1994.tb00520.x.

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27

Altan-Olcay, Ozlem, and Ahmet Icduygu. "Mapping Civil Society in the Middle East: The Cases of Egypt, Lebanon and Turkey." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 39, no. 2 (August 2012): 157–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2012.709699.

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28

Moghadam, Valentine. "Engendering citizenship, feminizing civil society: The case of the middle east and north Africa." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 25, no. 1 (2003): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2003.9971010.

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29

McGrattan, Cillian. "Civil society, post-colonialism and transnational solidarity: the Irish and the Middle-East conflict." Irish Political Studies 33, no. 1 (August 17, 2017): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2017.1365409.

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30

Härdig, Anders C. "Beyond the Arab revolts: conceptualizing civil society in the Middle East and North Africa." Democratization 22, no. 6 (July 21, 2014): 1131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2014.917626.

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31

Volpi, Frédéric. "Framing Civility in the Middle East: alternative perspectives on the state and civil society." Third World Quarterly 32, no. 5 (June 2011): 827–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2011.578954.

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32

Gallagher, Nancy. "MEDICINE AND MODERNITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 799–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000931.

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In recent decades historians specializing in the Middle East and North Africa have studied endemic and epidemic diseases as well as evolving medical and public health knowledge and policy to better understand major historical transformations. The study of gender and empire, class and ethnicity, and civil society and government in the determination of medical and public health policy has yielded new insights into questions of state power, colonialism, imperialism, nationalism, modernity, and globalization. Historians have asked why, when, and how Western medicine took root in Muslim societies, which had their own complex and longstanding medical traditions.

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Sika, Nadine. "Civil Society and the Rise of Unconventional Modes of Youth Participation in the MENA." Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 3 (October 23, 2018): 237–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01003002.

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Why are there variances in young people’s civic and political participation in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings, and what are the implications of these types of participatory modes on authoritarian rule in the region? Based on quantitative and qualitative fieldwork from five countries in the Middle East – Egypt, Palestine, Morocco, Tunisia and Lebanon – this paper demonstrates that young people in the region are increasingly drawn to independent and unconventional forms of participation to varying degrees, depending on each country’s authoritarian structure and institutional arrangements. Though the rise of unconventional participation is a manifestation of the presence of a vibrant Arab street, these participatory modes lead to civil society’s weakness and fragmentation. This adds to the volatility of new civic and political actors and provides the regimes with more authoritarian strategies for resilience.

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Kazemi, Farhad, and Augustus Richard Norton. "Authoritarianism, Civil Society and Democracy in the Middle East: Mass Media in the Persian Gulf." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 40, no. 2 (December 2006): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400049865.

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The published literature on the topic of “Authoritarianism, Civil Society, and Democracy in the Middle East” is extensive and unwieldy. Partly due to space constraints, we propose to review the topic under six framing questions and then provide a selected and representative bibliography at the end.The ideas of political reform and democracy are often the mainstay of debates within Middle Eastern polities. In general, there is ample awareness of democracy deficit and poor governance in the region. Democracy refers most basically to the ability of citizens to hold their governments accountable, and to change their political leaders at regular intervals. Instead, accountability to the public is generally weak in the region, and rulers are more likely to change as a result of actuarial realities than a withdrawal of public confidence.

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von-Amann-de-Campos, Nuno. "Television and viewers: civil society´s mobilization." Comunicar 13, no. 25 (October 1, 2005): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c25-2005-016.

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The aims of this paper are: to awake the public to their responsibility for contributing to a better media services, to give protection from the consequences of an excessive concentration of media organisations in a few economic groups and to monitor the work of the media regulator, to organise educational sessions for children, teenagers, their parents and other educators with the main purpose of promoting a more conscious and critical use of media, to recommend improvement programmes and classes for media students stressing the importance of ethics in communication, to renounce shocking and harmful images, texts or programmes as well as dishonest and excessive publicity, to promote the use of self-regulation codes by the media and the mobilization of civil society through the «International Universities Forum», the project «Education for media», the web site www.acmedia.pt, the «Media Observatories» set up in Europe and Middle East and the platform «I want to intervene». As associações membros da FIATYR desenvolvem iniciativas de acção pedagógica tendentes a compensar o alheamento existente. A ACMedia responde com o projecto europeu «Educar para os media» visando incutir nas crianças e nos jovens uma atitude responsável e crítica relativamente aos meios de comunicação social, ao mesmo tempo que sensibiliza os pais, os educadores e demais técnicos de ensino, para um desempenho concertado com tais propósitos; incentiva o interesse pela aprendizagem das novas tecnologias e para o seu uso adequado; promove a necessidade de um acompanhamento familiar afectivo e estável para a obtenção de um desenvolvimento emocional equilibrado. A mobilização da sociedade civil é ainda promovida pelo Fórum Internacional da Universidades, estimulada pelo site www.acmedia.pt e dinamizada pela plataforma de intervenção cívica «Quero intervir».

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Cavatorta, Francesco. "Civil society, Islamism and democratisation: the case of Morocco." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 2 (June 2006): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001601.

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The positive role that an active civil society plays in processes of democratisation is often highlighted in the literature. However, when it comes to the Middle East and North Africa, such activism is considered to be detrimental to democratisation because the predominant role is played by Islamist groups. The explanation for this rests with the perceived ‘uncivil’ and undemocratic Islamist ethos of such groups. This paper challenges this assumption and argues that Islamist associations can be a potential force for democratisation for three reasons. First, they are capable of political learning; secondly, they generate secular civil society activism as a response to their activities, increasing the number of actors in the political and social system; and finally, they can cooperate with other civil society groups on a number of issues, given that they are all subject to the same authoritarian constraints. The paper focuses in particular on the case of Morocco and the Islamist group Jamiat al-Adl wal-Ihsan.

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Larise, Dunja. "Civil Society in the Political Thinking of European Muslim Brothers." Journal of Religion in Europe 5, no. 2 (2012): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489212x639217.

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It is generally assumed that the European Muslim brothers derive their concepts of state and society primarily from the traditional Islamic political theory that originated in the historical context of the Muslim Middle East. In contrast, this article asserts the hitherto scantily analyzed influence of liberal political theory, especially its idea of civil society, in the evolution of the political and social theory of the European Muslim Brotherhood within the context of the Muslim minority position in Europe. The article identifies the tendency of the European Muslim brotherhood towards the multiculturalist communitarian model of political and social accommodation, and does this by tracing the history of the conceptual interconnectedness between modern Islamic and liberal concepts of civil society as a privileged space of political action in the absence of realistic prospects for the seizure of state power.

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Waśko-Owsiejczuk, Ewelina. "American Plans to Build Democracy in the Middle East After 9/11: the Case of Iraq." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 21, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.21.02.

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The “Freedom Agenda” of President George W. Bush for the Middle East assumed that the liberation of Iraq from the dictatorship of Saddam Hussein and the start of political change would trigger the process of democratization of the entire region. Encouraged by financial and economic support, Arab countries should have been willing to implement political and educational support, which would lead to the creation of civil society and grass-roots political changes initiated by society itself. A number of mistakes made by the Bush administration in Iraq has not only caused the mission of the democratization of Iraq to be a failure, but also influenced the situation that today Iraq is closer to being a failed state than a democracy.

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Taylor, N. A. J., Joseph A. Camilleri, and Michael Hamel-Green. "Dialogue on Middle East Biological, Nuclear, and Chemical Weapons Disarmament." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 38, no. 1 (January 23, 2013): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375412470776.

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Negotiations on the establishment of a Middle East zone free of biological, nuclear, and chemical weapons and their means of delivery are now at a critical phase after more than three decades of prenegotiations. This article examines the factors that have impeded negotiations in order to identify the key actors whose mutually reinforcing efforts are essential to its establishment. We argue that current efforts to negotiate a zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems (WMDFZ) in the Middle East can learn much from the successful negotiation of other nuclear weapons free zones (NWFZs). Nevertheless, the circumstances in the Middle East are unique and require a more holistic approach. Success here will depend largely on a multidimensional perspective that brings together the energies and insights of a range of state and nonstate actors, not least civil society in the Middle East, where confidence and trust building is too complex and demanding a task to be seen as the preserve of political and geostrategic calculation. Enabling the societies and polities of the region to identify areas of mistrust and misunderstanding across strategic, political, but also cultural and religious divides in order to open up possibilities for dialogue and mutual respect holds the key to creating a favorable negotiating environment.

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Aaraj, Elie, and Micheline Jreij Abou Chrouch. "Drug policy and harm reduction in the Middle East and North Africa: The role of civil society." International Journal of Drug Policy 31 (May 2016): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.drugpo.2016.03.002.

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41

Najjar, Maria. "Reviving Pan-Arabism in Feminist Activism in the Middle East." Kohl: A Journal for Body and Gender Research 6, Summer (June 1, 2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36583/2020060113.

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This essay is a preliminary attempt to explore the potential of a feminist, Pan-Arab ideology in relieving some of the tensions in feminist movement building in the Middle East and North Africa region. In its current formulation, regional feminisms suffer from compounded inefficiencies due to fragmentations in grassroots, civil society organizing; an overreliance on the state and state actors including NGOs and discourses of neoliberal development; and a narrow focus on a human rights approach for feminist action. Nonetheless, the present also offers a number of opportunities that are often omitted in our analysis of these disabling tensions. These include women’s growing salience and their increasing presence in public, political spaces of mobilizing, organizing and resistance, which has facilitated communication and negotiation with and within state apparatuses. Opportunities also exist thanks to the enabling and connective nature of the Internet for the purpose of transnational feminist organizing. Crucially, it is the idea that a single, organized and unified movement will gather more support, and collect greater influence than would be the case if these movements remained in their divided and atomized states. Ultimately, this piece is an exercise of feminist imagination – one that envisions the ways in which a regional feminism can emerge based on an active struggle against patriarchy in all its manifestations.

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Benthall, Jonathan. "A COMMENT ON RICHARD T. ANTOUN, “CIVIL SOCIETY, TRIBAL PROCESS, AND CHANGE IN JORDAN: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW”." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 668–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801224088.

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The nub of Richard J. Antoun's interesting article (IJMES 32:441–63) is that the scholarly attention given to formal associations and institutions in the Middle East has overshadowed those implicit or vernacular processes of cooperation and reconciliation that actually constitute the core of “civil society,” and that are adapting to such changes as transnational migration and telecommunications. This warning against ethnocentrism from such a distinguished ethnographer of Jordan is timely and valuable. However, some dimensions are missing from Antoun's analysis, and maybe his case is overstated.

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Kuran, Timur. "Why the Middle East is Economically Underdeveloped: Historical Mechanisms of Institutional Stagnation." Journal of Economic Perspectives 18, no. 3 (August 1, 2004): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/0895330042162421.

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Although a millennium ago the Middle East was not an economic laggard, by the 18th century it exhibited clear signs of economic backwardness. The reason for this transformation is that certain components of the region's legal infrastructure stagnated as their Western counterparts gave way to the modern economy. Among the institutions that generated evolutionary bottlenecks are the Islamic law of inheritance, which inhibited capital accumulation; the absence in Islamic law of the concept of a corporation and the consequent weaknesses of civil society; and the waqf, which locked vast resources into unproductive organizations for the delivery of social services. All of these obstacles to economic development were largely overcome through radical reforms initiated in the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, traditional Islamic law remains a factor in the Middle East's ongoing economic disappointments. The weakness of the region's private economic sectors and its human capital deficiency stand among the lasting consequences of traditional Islamic law.

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Takian, Amirhossein, and Golnaz Rajaeieh. "Peace, Health, and Sustainable Development in the Middle East." Archives of Iranian Medicine 23, no. 4Suppl1 (April 1, 2020): S23—S26. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2020.s5.

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Background: As two essential human rights, as well as pillars of sustainable development, health and peace are closely interrelated. Further, health and well-being are the focus of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 3, while peace lies at the heart of SDG 16. This paper investigates the relationship between the three concepts of health, peace and sustainable development in the relevant literature. Methods: This is a qualitative study. Following the establishment of the construct of peace and health through consultation with three key informants (one health sociologists, one high-ranking diplomat, and one health policy maker), we conducted a scoping review of the literature, followed by purposefully obtained grey literature, i.e. UN and country reports. As a result, 30 documents, including journal articles, were identified. We used content analysis to extract themes and categorize them in line with the relevant SDGs. Results: Lack of peace has direct and indirect impact on health, as well as health workers, the civil society, and the whole community who have in turn a critical role in creating peace. Strong and resilient health systems are essential in reaching out to citizens during war, while achieving SDGs would be impossible if SDG 16 is compromised. Health and peace are interchangeable, and achieving either is impossible without the other. Conclusion: Physicians and other human resources for health are the key actors in peaceful environment to attain health for all. In the absence of peace, the resilience of health system will be threatened and the hope for sustainable development may fade.

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Yashlavskii, A. "The Jihadists from Europe in the Middle East: Phantom and Real Menace." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-18-29.

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The issue of foreign fighters from Europe who travel to fight on the side of radical jihadist groups in the Middle East (primarily in Syria and Iraq) is growing in importance in view of the threat those militants who return home present for their countries. On the other hand, although almost every armed conflict in the countries with predominantly Muslim population attracts foreign volunteers. In particular, the Syrian civil war became the main point of attraction of jihadists from all over the world. Syria is considered by some experts as an “incubator” for Islamist militants. According to some estimates, dozens of thousands of foreigners from about 100 countries participate in Syrian war, including several thousands of citizens of Western nations (Europe and Northern America). Most of foreigners join to the most infamous extremist groups like Islamic State (aka ISIL, or ISIS) and Front al-Nusra (Jabhat al-Nusra). The phenomenon of European Jihadists is connected to a broad range of objective and subjective problems. At this time, the information technologies – particularly, social Internet-media – play a huge role for recruiting young European Muslims by extremists. Together with the battles on Syrian or Iraqi grounds the struggle for minds and souls of people goes in the Internet. At the moment, the extremists generally win this battle. It is necessary for the governments and the civil society of the European countries work out a strategy and effective measures for struggling against a potential menace from the militants returning home from Jihad. No less important is to take preventive actions against the recruiting of young Europeans into the militant groupings.

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Reinkowski, Maurus. "Constitutional Patriotism in Lebanon." New Perspectives on Turkey 16 (1997): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002648.

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In this paper I will discuss the options of political identity the Lebanese have at their disposal against the background of the German experience. Germany and Lebanon, states at first glance completely different from each other, show some similarity in their historical experience. In the context of this comparison I will discuss constitutional patriotism, a political concept in circulation in Germany over the last fifteen years or so, and its potential application in the Lebanese case. Constitutional patriotism, unlike many other concepts originating in the West, has yet not entered the political vocabulary of the Middle East. The debate on democracy and the civil society is widespread in the whole of the Middle East, including Lebanon. Lebanon's political culture, polity and national identity, however, show some peculiar traits that might justify the introduction of the term constitutional patriotism into the Lebanese political debate.

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Bardhan, Soumia, and Richard L. Wood. "The Role of Culture and Technology in Civil Society Promotion in the Middle East: A Case Study Approach." Digest of Middle East Studies 24, no. 1 (May 2015): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dome.12061.

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Henry, Clement M. "Augustus Richard Norton, Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996). Pp. 369." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 4 (November 1997): 623–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800065235.

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Wiest, Dawn. "A Story of Two Transnationalisms: Global Salafi Jihad and Transnational Human Rights Mobilization in the Middle East and North Africa." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.2.d415836827r2851u.

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Into the 1990s, Arab countries witnessed a rise in the number of terrorist attacks perpetrated by Islamist militants against governments, foreign targets, and citizens. In response to terrorism, governments throughout the Middle East and North Africa suppressed the civil and political rights of all citizens. This clampdown on civil society transpired on the heels of political reforms in several countries and coincided with the increasing integration of these states into international treaty regimes, signaling a willingness to comply with world standards on human rights. Engaging the literatures on terrorism, world polity, and social movements, I first analyze the relationship between political regime type and movement mobilization. Next I examine the impact of transnational terrorism on human rights mobilization. I use network analysis to show that, contrary to expectations of world polity theory and the boomerang hypothesis, activists' ties to the transnational rights network thinned over the same time period (1980-2000) that these states became more integrated into international society through treaty ratification and memberships in intergovernmental organizations. The findings indicate that while the globalization of human rights has empowered human rights movements in nondemocratic societies, state power continues to set limits on mobilizing capacities.

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Sullivan, Denis J. "Augustus Richard Norton, ed., Civil Society in the Middle East, vol. 1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995). Pp. 303." International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1997): 124–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800064254.

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