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Fildes, Harriet Ann. "Turkey's 'new' foreign policy in the Middle East : the civil society factor." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31449.
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This thesis aims to address a key and understudied element of Turkish foreign-policy under the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP): the civil-society factor. It answers the question: How has foreign-policy and diplomacy changed in this era due to the domestic dynamics, exploring how Turkey's image and global standing is dependent on the legitimacy and activism of non-state actors. The central aim being to understand how the interests, identity and practices of civil-society organizations (CSOs) have changed modes and channels of engagement with the Middle East: with Turkey increasingly deploying economic, humanitarian and cultural diplomacy in their relations with the region. The theoretical focus provides an alternative perspective on foreign-policy from a societal and ideational perspective. The empirical focus examines the development of civil-society in Turkey alongside the trajectory of changing foreign relations with the Middle East. This thesis highlights the variation in CSOs in terms of their relationship with the government: the type of interaction based on a number of variables such as autonomy from the government, the democratization process, the security environment and openings in the political space. By analysing the patterns of interaction and influence of CSOs, this dissertation contributes to the literature on civil-society influence and literature on Turkish foreign-policy (TFP). This thesis aims to contribute to growing research on civil-society's role in Turkey, however within the specific and understudied context of Middle East relations. It choses civil-society as the main unit of analysis in what is acknowledged to be a complex and multifaceted policy environment. However, as will be discussed throughout this thesis in relation to strong elements of continuity in TFP, the emergence of normative discourses, social, economic and political ties at the level of civil-society is one of the most distinct changes of the AKP era. Turkey's engagement with the Middle East has been shaped, and channelled through these actors, legitimized to the public and the international community. This renders the behaviour of Turkish CSOs even more significant to international relations, with Turkey's pre-2013 image as a regional mediator, humanitarian diplomat and soft-power contingent on these actors.
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Senzai, Farid. "U.S. Promotion of Civil Society in the Middle East : The case of Egypt." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508655.
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El, Daoi Racha. "Democratization Process in the Middle East : - The Example of Lebanon." Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15258.
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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the democratization process in the Middle East after 9/11. After 9/11 the US made a drastic change in their foreign policy towards the Middle East aiming on a “Freedom Agenda and fighting the “war on Terrorism” to ensure their national security. Therefore, the main effort of the policy was made on democracy promotion in the Middle East in order for the Bush Administration to achieve their goals. Democracy is a widely used concept in the West describing a ruling system that secures peace and stability since it ensures the citizens all their freedoms and human rights. A definition of democracy and its arenas will be given according to the definition of Linz and Stephan with a main focus on Civil and Political Society. Lebanon will be brought up as an example of a somehow democratic Middle Easter Country. The Lebanese political system is based on confessionalism thus it is important to show how democracy is preserved within Lebanon presenting both the civil and political society within the country. The study in question shows how the US approached the region and which efforts were made in the democratization process in the Arab Middle East and it will also deal with the outcome 9/11 had on the Lebanese-US relation. The conclusion of the thesis showed that the Bush Administrations new foreign Policy faced many backlashes. Even though the US managed to overthrow the Taliban’s and remove Saddam’s Regime, the policy’s main goal of achieving democracy in the Middle East was not successful. In the case of Lebanon the research concludes that to achieve a successful democratic policy the Lebanese strong confessional structures must be combined with the fundamentals of democracy. It further showed that there has not been a drastic change in the Lebanese-US relation due to 9/11.
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Csengeri, Janos. "Civil society as a game changer: a comparative study of political transitions in Eastern Europe and the Middle East." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38911.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.<br>This study examines the role civil society has played in bringing about political change in the totalitarian regimes of the former Communist Bloc in Eastern Europe and the authoritarian states challenged by the Arab Spring. Specifically, this thesis creates a list of criteria for evaluating the presence of a good (meaning vibrant and liberal) or bad (meaning anti-democratic and non-liberal) civil society, and uses these criteria to predict the long term prospects of democratization in the four countries studied: Poland, Russia, Tunisia, and Egypt. The study finds that the presence of a good civil society or the majority of its criteria enhances the prospects of democratization in countries undergoing political transitions, while the lack of all or most of its criteria significantly decreases the likelihood that a democratic system will take root.
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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.
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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Zvan, Elliott Katja. "Women's rights and reform in provincial Morocco : from disenfranchisement to lack of empowerment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d016ef02-51b6-4745-927a-e286608c8a28.
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Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.
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Broidy, Lauren. "“Ni a fuego, ni a pleto” as Jewish Lament: Re-Animating Diversity and Challenging Monolithic Assumptions in the Late Ottoman Empire and Nascent Middle Eastern Nations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2278.
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This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.
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Becker, Jeffrey Marcus. "Armed conflict and border society : the East and Middle Marches, 1536-60." Thesis, Durham University, 2006. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2743/.
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The final phase of the Anglo-Scots Wars (1542-1560) significantly affected Northumberland. The Tudor government attempted to use the militarised society of Northumberland as a means of subduing Scotland. However, the ensuing conflict took a heavy toll on the Marchers. Instability plagued the region, while leading military families feuded with each other. The efforts of the Tudors were not concerted enough to overcome the Marchers' allegiance to kith and kin. March society proved to be remarkably inhospitable for Tudor state building, and in the end, the military community of Northumberland remained just as vulnerable to both internal and external threats as it had been before the wars. This work questions the success of Tudor state building տ the mid-sixteenth century. The analysis employs both State Papers and local documents to illuminate the political dialogue between central government and the peripheral frontier administration. Official correspondences of March officers also highlight the depths to which Tudor policy had taken root in Northumberland. An analysis of muster rolls suggests that Northumbrian society’s involvement in the wars greatly fluctuated over nearly a twenty-year period, only to see the military capacities of Northumbrians significantly wane by 1560. The personal testimonies of officers imply that the Tudors had some initial success in bringing significant military power to their side. However, the same documents also suggest that incoherent policies resulted from the rapid succession of three separate monarchs after the death of Henry VIIL In the end, the Tudor state was unable to instil order in Northumberland, and the military necessities of frontier security remained problematic for the rest of the sixteenth century.
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Al-Mashekhi, Ahmed Ali. "Television in the Sultanate of Oman 1974-1996 : its development, role and functions in the Omani Society." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388622.
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Yazbek, Karim Antoine. "Public-private large-scale downtown redevelopment in the Middle East." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12126.
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Ben, Amira Mustapha. "The concept of interest in the Western and Middle Eastern society." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2351.
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The entire banking systems in the western societies is based on the use of interest. The bank charges the borowers interest on its loans and pays its depositors interest on their deposits. On the other hand, the Middle Eastern banking system is an interest free system that prohibits the use of interest, either in receipt or in payment.
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De, Vergnes Matthieu (Matthieu Arthur). "Impact of Middle East emerging carriers on US and EU legacy airlines." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/111244.
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Thesis: S.M. in Technology and Policy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, Technology and Policy Program, 2017.<br>This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.<br>Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 129-130).<br>Airlines in the Middle East have captured significant attention from governments, media and consumers over the past decade. By building large networks that facilitate international connections at their hubs, Middle East carriers are able to compete in a wide range of origin destination markets around the globe. Three of these carriers stand out with their recent expansion to European, US and Asian destinations: Emirates, Etihad Airways and Qatar Airways, also known as the ME3 carriers. From a capacity perspective, ME3 airlines have grown very rapidly on routes where they compete with US and European airlines. Over the 2010-2015 period, from Europe to the ME, ME3 airlines increased their seat capacity by 97% against a 1% reduction by European legacy carriers. At the same time, ME3 carriers increased the number of seats from the US by 181% while, as of 2017, US carriers have cut all flights to the Middle East, with the exception of Israel. In addition, ME3 capacity to Asia, and in particular to India, grew significantly. From a traffic perspective, ME3 carriers have had a significant impact in markets beyond the Middle East. Passenger traffic in the EU-India and US-India markets grew by 14% and 26% respectively since 2010. Most of the growth was driven by ME3 carriers, allowing them to reach 26% and 37% market share in these markets in 2015. The ME3 capacity growth likely stimulated the overall demand in markets to India but has also caused some diversion of traffic away from nonME3 carriers. In a two-way fixed effect econometric model, we estimated that the presence of ME3 carriers in average EU-India and US-India markets diverted, respectively, 20% and 32% of nonME3 traffic to ME3 carriers. The growing influence of ME3 carriers has led to significant controversy over claims of subsidies and unfair competition from both US and ME3 airlines. Based on a brief review of the various claims, we found that both sides have received government backing. It is difficult to determine whether either of the parties have violated established competition rules while benefiting from this support. Nonetheless, the dispute is likely to continue, if not for legal purposes at least for public relations and political purposes.<br>by Matthieu de Vergnes.<br>S.M. in Technology and Policy
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ROSHEIDAT, AKRAM N. KH. "TRIBAL SYMBOLISM WITHIN THE BUILT FORM IN THE MIDDLE EAST." The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/555407.
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Jang, Hyein. "Civil society formation in East European countries and its policy implication for unified Korea." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2010. http://worldcat.org/oclc/647959605/viewonline.
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Majumder, Maimuna S. (Maimuna Shahnaz). "Middle East respiratory syndrome in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia : insights from publicly available data." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/103565.
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Thesis: S.M. in Engineering Systems, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, 2015.<br>"September 2015." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 18-22).<br>Since 2012, more than 1300 cases of Middle East respiratory syndrome (MERS) have been diagnosed worldwide, the vast majority of which have occurred in Saudi Arabia and over 40% of which have ended in death. In Spring 2014, a large outbreak of MERS originated in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia - concentrated in nosocomial settings in Riyadh and Jeddah - resulting in over 300 infections. We used publicly available data from the Saudi Ministry of Health and World Health Organization to examine the outbreak potential of MERS-Coronavirus and to explore possible risk factors for MERS-related mortality within the context of Saudi Arabia. We also investigated how differential case characteristics between patients reported during the Spring 2014 Saudi MERS outbreak and those reported during non-outbreak periods may provide insight into the propagation of future outbreaks. We found that the Spring 2014 Saudi MERS outbreak was likely due to a super-spreading event, in which a small fraction of cases caused the vast majority of secondary transmissions. Though most cases infected 1 or fewer other individuals, propensity for super-spreading suggests that the outbreak potential of MERS-Coronavirus is significant and that future outbreaks of similar size are expected to occur. Furthermore, we found that early administration of supportive care may be essential to survival once an individual is infected with MERS-Coronavirus; this is especially true for the elderly, who are at increased risk of death. Thus, surveillance - especially among the elderly, who are at increased risk for MERS-related death - is key to reducing fatality. Surveillance is also integral to detecting zoonotic introduction (i.e. host-to-human transmission) events that may trigger future outbreaks if left uncontained. Finally, we found that female and non-comorbid individuals were preferentially infected during the Spring 2014 outbreak, which may lend insight into the enabling conditions that are necessary for MERS outbreaks to emerge and propagate. Further exploration of the mechanisms that result in the zoonotic introduction of MERS-Coronavirus into the human population - as well as the emergence and propagation of MERS outbreaks - is crucial. As demonstrated by the steady stream of sporadic cases that have been reported since the Spring 2014 outbreak, MERS has already gained a firm foothold in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Given that Saudi Arabia is a universal religious travel destination, localized outbreaks may have massive global implications. Because of this, we conclude with the recommendation that the Saudi government should immediately prioritize systematic outbreak planning, preparedness, and prevention. Developing an early warning system (EWS) for MERS in Saudi Arabia using engineering systems modeling methods - namely, system dynamics - may help achieve these ends. If successfully within the context of MERS-Coronavirus in Saudi Arabia, such a modeling framework may also be generalized to other zoonotic pathogens with similar emergent properties and global ramifications.<br>by Maimuna S. Majumder.<br>S.M. in Engineering Systems
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Al-Sayeh, Karim Marwan. "The rise of the emerging Middle East carriers : outlook and implications for the global airline industry." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/89852.
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Thesis: S.M. in Transportation, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, 2014.<br>This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.<br>Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 160-167).<br>The development of the aviation industry in the Middle East over the past decade has captivated both industry watchers and passengers alike. The interest in the Middle East aviation industry is due to the fact that it has produced a new type of airline - the Emerging Carrier, specifically Emirates, Etihad Airways, Qatar Airways and Turkish Airlines. These Emerging Carriers have expanded rapidly over the past decade, frequently disrupting the status quo in aviation markets. This thesis analyzes the growth of the Emerging Carriers over the past 10 years, across major inter-regional travel markets. Airline schedule data is used to determine how these markets have grown during that time, as well as how the Emerging Carriers have contributed to that growth. A forecast of the potential deployable capacity of each of the Emerging Carriers in 2020 is developed, in order to evaluate the implications of their continued rapid growth. This forecast is evaluated against industry forecasts in order to assess the viability of their growth plans through the end of the decade. By 2013, the four Emerging Carriers collectively accounted for over 50% of the available capacity from the Middle East to Europe, Asia, North America and Africa. They currently have over 600 aircraft on order, the majority of which are widebody aircraft. By the end of the decade their fleets are forecasted to double in size, which would rank all four of them among the world's 20 largest airlines. The forecast developed in the thesis projects that they will account for over 90% of the capacity in several major inter-regional travel markets to and from the Middle East. Their rapid expansion over the past decade was due to both an increase in demand for air travel, and a diversion of passengers from other carriers. Our projections indicate that their planned growth through the end of this decade may outpace the increase in demand, thereby resulting in an overabundance of capacity.<br>by Karim Al-Sayeh.<br>S.M. in Transportation
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Spencer, David K. "Enhancing the European Union's development strategy in Afghanistan." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FSpencer.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Spencer, David K.; Siegel, Scott N. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, Afghanistan, regional development strategy, sustainable economic growth, development coordination, private sector, European Commission, European Council, EU member states, value chain, ANDS, Afghanistan National Development Strategy, UNAMA, JCMB, Nangarhar Inc, Provincial Development Plan, PDP, Lisbon Treaty, NGO, super envoy, donors, mineral, natural resources. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-158). Also available in print.
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Davidson, Ruth. "Citizens at last : Women's political culture and civil society, Croydon and East Surrey, 1914-39." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530795.
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Clary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
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In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
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De, Monts de Savasse Alix M. A. H. (Alix Marie A. H. ). "Power shifts : a techno-economic analysis of multinational electricity market development in the Middle East." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/117916.
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Thesis: S.M. in Technology and Policy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, School of Engineering, Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, 2018.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 103-107).<br>Electricity demand has been rising rapidly in the six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). As a result, the diversification and sustainable transition of their electricity sectors has been a priority. As part of these efforts, the GCC countries interconnected their electricity grids in 2011, with the aim of sharing reserve capacity, thus enhancing system reliability. The GCC has sought to further utilize this interconnection by developing a regional market in order to exchange power real-time across borders and reap the economic efficiencies of regional trade. However, the utilization rate of the interconnector remains low (around 8%) due to fuel subsidies, different stages of national electricity market development, and the lack of clear trading rules. This thesis analyzed how the interconnector could be better utilized. A network constrained multi-period economic dispatch with optimal DC power flow and uniform loss representation model was developed in order to assess the economic benefits of cross-border trade within the GCC. It covered fifteen years of planned capacity expansions, from 2016 to 2030, resulting in a model that incorporates 428 power plants across the six GCC countries and a high-level network representation with 26 nodes and 68 high-voltage transmission lines. Analysis specifically focused on how operational costs (fuel and variable operation & maintenance costs) and electricity prices could be reduced by trading power across borders on current and planned GCC infrastructure. Based on the data available, our model revealed that about USD $1 Billion could be saved in annual operational costs (about 2% when using international fuel prices) from this regional electricity trade. The model also revealed the overwhelming impact of fuel subsidies, calculating that the GCC would spend more on fuel subsidies for electricity production annually (around USD $60 Billion) than the complete yearly operational costs of the six countries combined without. Removal of subsidies would significantly affect the volume and direction of exports across the network, flipping some countries from net importers to exporters, as well as impacting the utilization rate of transmission lines.<br>by Alix M.A.H. de Monts de Savasse.<br>S.M. in Technology and Policy
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Ruhlen, Rebecca N. "South Korean feminist activism : gender, middle-classness, and public/private discourse in 1990s civil society /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6531.
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Schriwer, Charlotte. ""From water every living thing" : water mills, irrigation and agriculture in the Bilād al-Shām : perspectives on history, architecture, landscape and society, 1100-1850 AD." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7080.
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This work explores the role of the watermill in the history and society of Jordan, Syria and Cyprus from the 12th to the 19th century. Previous studies in this area have been limited, and have usually assumed the watermills in the Levant to date from the Ottoman period. This work aims to suggest that many of the mills still extant today in fact date from an earlier period. A review of the historical documentation and archaeological material is the main background of this study, while an examination of the watermills themselves aims to provide a permanent record of these before they disappear due to rural and urban development. A review of available reference material regarding the role of the mill in Levantine economy and society from the medieval to late Ottoman periods emphasises the importance of the watermill in rural and urban areas of the Levant in a historical period of fluctuating economic stability. The reference material consists mainly of historical accounts by travellers and chroniclers, legal documents such as treaties, charters and waqf documents, as well as archaeological, environmental and socioeconomic studies of the Levant from the medieval to the early modem period. The broad nature of this study aims to form a basis for future research with a more detailed focus in these disciplines.
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Kissoon, Feriel Nissa. "The 'Creole Indian' : the emergence of East Indian civil society in Trinidad and Tobago, c.1897-1945." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2014. http://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-creole-indian(1292fa00-9882-4798-a2b2-8e5b7c5a6d59).html.
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Between 1838 when slavery ended, and 1917, some 143,939 Indians came to Trinidad as indentured labourers. This thesis examines how these migrants pulled from all over the subcontinent, first organised themselves as ‘East Indians’, and then came to demand civic and political rights as Trinidadians from 1897 to1945. Central to this process was the emergence of the ‘Creole Indian’. This group stood distinct both from those who understood themselves as Indian sojourners in the West Indies, and from the African and European elements of the population. This dissertation explores how Indians responded to the plantation experience, the demands and pressures of British planters and colonial administrators, Canadian Presbyterian missionaries and educators, Afro-Trinidadian trade unionism and political nationalism, nationalists in India, and the wider transnational anti-colonial networks which spanned the British Empire. The school, the trade union, temple and mosque were spaces where immigrants and their descendants negotiated new ways of imagining their status as Indians abroad, as subjects of the British Empire, as Indians and West Indians. These negotiations did not move in a homogenous or linear way, but their consequence was to constitute new kinds of identities, embodied in a variety of kinds of political claims, some for special spaces in the society, but more generally for a fuller enjoyment of membership in civic and political rights. There were many competing interests, and there was no single Indian interest or movement. One of the aims of the thesis is to trace the variety of groups, interests, and perspectives which emerged among migrants. To map this complex field of sentiment and organisation helps us to understand better where the ethnic and religious political cleavages which have characterised Trinidad politics since the 1950s have some of their origins. But it is also perhaps, to explore paths not taken, and alternative negotiations of the civic identity of people of East Indian descent as Trinidadians and West Indian. In general, this dissertation is a contribution to the cultural history of politics in twentieth-century Trinidad.
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Dacrema, Eugenio. "Modeling Contentious Politics: The case of civil strife and radicalization in the Middle East and North Africa." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/242093.
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This dissertation introduces instruments of agent-based modeling into the literature of contentious politics and broadens the application of game theory and quantitative analytical tools in this field. This work is composed of three working papers that focus specifically on the following topics:
• In the first paper, I present a dynamic agent-based model encompassing the most important and up-to-date findings in the field of contentious politics and synthesize them within one homogeneous theoretical framework. After providing the theoretical description of the model, I run computer simulations to test the concrete functioning of the theoretical dynamics within it and find consistent analogies with real-world events.
• In the second paper, I analyze the influence of socioeconomic inequality on individuals’ participation in contentious episodes. I do so by analyzing the socioeconomic trends that characterized three Arab countries – Tunisia, Egypt, and Jordan – during the decade that preceded the 2011 uprisings and the social characteristics of those who participated in the subsequent protests, as they emerged in the 2011 wave of the Arab Barometer surveys.
• In the third paper, I provide an overview of the relatively limited literature that applies the principles of game theory to the study of political or religious radicalization. After describing its main findings, I suggest how Rapoport’s seminal work on the historical “waves of terrorism” can be treated dynamically through some fundamental game-theoretic principles such as coordination problems, Thomas Shelling’s focal points and in the solutions proposed by the literature on correlated equilibria.
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Jones, Patrick 1982. "Lebanonizing the State: NGOs in a Confessional Society." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/11987.
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ix, 179 p.<br>This thesis, based on field research in Lebanon, explores how the confessional nature of the Lebanese state affects the construction of civil society. It elaborates on the state's role as a social service provider and its legal and bureaucratic relationship with the Lebanese NGO community while also exploring how the state's role as a service provider is perceived in the Lebanese media.
Pulling from a variety of archival sources in Lebanon, this thesis surveys 26 Arabic language newspaper articles published between 2006 and 2008. It also utilizes a myriad of primary sources including government and donor documents, unpublished NGO studies and statistical data.
This thesis argues that confessionalism inhibits the state's capacity to provide social services efficiently. The politicization of these services conditions the relationship between the state, sectarian political parties and the NGO community. This phenomenon is reproduced in the Lebanese media and allows confessional relationships to infect civil society.<br>Committee in charge: Dr. Anita M. Weiss, Chairperson;
Dr. Alexander B. Murphy, Member;
Dr. Frederick S. Colby, Member
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Galler, Samuel. "Meeting in the middle : a multi-level analysis of Chinese HIV civil organisations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6bc52448-aa42-4549-b879-a58be57a2239.
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Civil organisations play a key intermediary role in the middle layer between high- level policies and individual-level outcomes in international development. By triangulating among seven Chinese HIV civil organisations with varying organisational models, I examine intermediary activity that illuminates the mechanisms by which civil organisations operate and extends theory about organisations and civil society. Development studies research can benefit from multi-level analyses of organisational processes, which provide insight into how civil organisations shape institutions and networks. My case studies show several new mechanisms that enable organisations to survive and operate in politically fraught conditions, and they offer insight into the complex interactions that allow civil organisations to operate in such contexts. First, HIV civil organisations manage associative stigma resultant from their core activities. I observe that market relationships can buffer against associative stigma transfer for organisations, with many leaders re-positioning their organisations relative to stigmatised individuals, recasting them as employees, customers, and users rather than constituents. Second, these groups use hybrid organising to better manage political risks and build partnerships through selective coupling of organisational components. Hybrid strategies can provide resilience to threats and improve resource management in institutionally plural environments. Third, HIV civil organisations engage in detached, informal, and interactive collaboration with state actors, enabling greater autonomy and innovation among civil actors and reducing risk for state actors. I trace interactions between these strategic activities at the levels of organisational activities, structures, and networks, finding that reproducing ambiguity can sustain new types of collaborations. These findings suggest a need to reconsider the role civil organisations play in society, calling attention to organisational processes that allow these actors agency in brokering flows of information and shaping formation of networks. By viewing civil organisations as intermediaries, new directions can be identified for development policy and practice.
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Hameed, Maysoun Ayad. "From Drought to Food-Energy-Water-Security Nexus: an Assessment of Food Insecurity in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4682.
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Drought is an extreme climate phenomenon that happens slowly and periodically threatens the environmental and socio-economic sectors. Developing countries have experienced crucial conditions in meeting the needs for food, energy, and water security. Natural disasters contribute as risky sources of food insecurity and vulnerability in the Middle East. This dissertation presents a country-level review and quantitative assessment of the current issues associated with the Food-Energy-Water-Security (FEWS) Nexus in the Middle East. In this study, sixteen countries in the Middle East are chosen, namely, Arabian Peninsula, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Egypt, and Turkey. The most recent datasets are used to study and analyze the factors that have increased the demand to understand and manage the linkage of FEW systems in the region. Water scarcity, extreme events, population growth, urbanization, economic growth, poverty, and political stability are found to be the key drivers of the current challenges in the Middle East. The results suggest that these factors have created a subsequent stress on FEW resources specifically on the water sector in the region. Therefore, more attention is required to sustain the FEW resources and cope with the socio-economic development.
Moreover, this study presented a comprehensive assessment of drought and food-water-energy-security nexus across the Middle East using rigorous frameworks. Meteorological, agricultural, and hydrological droughts are analyzed using different drought indices at multiple timescales over the region for seven decades for the period of 1948-2017. The study further analyzes food insecurity in the Middle East through the exploration of drought (as a water stress factor), energy, and other socio-economic factors in the region. A Bayesian approach is conducted to link all the factors that best predict food insecurity in Middle East pooled from 16 countries in the region. Results reveal that the intensity of agricultural drought are the most aggravated over the region in all cases. Moreover, the results demonstrated the significant impacts of drought (as a water stress factor), agricultural land availability, population growth, livestock, and cereal production on food insecurity in the Middle East.
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Hunt, Janet, and janethunt@homemail com au. "Local NGOs in national development: The case of East Timor." RMIT University. School of Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2008. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20081202.155254.
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This thesis explores the roles and experiences of local East Timorese non-government organisations through the multiple transitions which accompanied East Timor's process of independence in the period 1999-2004. It explores how NGOs attempted to influence the changing environment in which they were operating, particularly in the development of the new nation. In doing so, it examines how the actual experience of these local NGOs relates to theories of civil society and NGOs in the various phases of transition to democracy, state and nation building and post-conflict peacebuilding. After reviewing literature relating to the role of civil society and NGOs in democratisation, development and peacebuilding, and identifying some key issues to explore, the study turns to the particular context of East Timor. It summarizes the colonial history, with a particular focus on governance, development and the emergence of civil society and NGOs in that territory, and the phases of the transition. It then focuses closely on six leading East Timorese NGOs, which between them reflect different organisational origins and sectoral interests and which were perceived to be playing significant roles within the NGO community. The case study chapters describe briefly the history of each NGO, then trace their stories over an approximately five year period. They explore how the visions, strategies, programs and organisational systems of these NGOs changed as the context changed. The case studies show how adaptive these NGOs were, how excluded some of them were by the huge influx of international players after the ballot, but how, in the absence of a legitimate government, they were included in various processes in a number of important ways during the UNTAET period. These studies also reveal some of the challenges the NGOs faced as the new government took over in May 2002. The study concludes by summarising the changing roles and capacities of the NGOs, highlighting the many roles which local NGOs played throughout the study period, and the way in which they met new demands placed upon them. It identifies capacities critical for these NGOs' survival and development, and identifies some strategies which the NGOs themselves identified as useful in helping them attain these. It also identifies some areas which they found challenging and where more capacity development may have been valuable. Finally the study reflects on the actual experiences of Timorese NGOs compared to theory and experiences elsewhere relating to democracy, development and peacebuilding. The findings, which emphasise the changing relationship of the new state to its citizens, suggest that the civil society and development practice, which has been strongly based on de Tocqueville's approach to civil society, is not particularly helpful in a post-conflict setting. Instead, an adapted Gramscian approach, viewing civil and political society as interrelated sites in which a struggle to embed non-violent means of apportioning power are being waged, could be of greater analytic and practical value.
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Jafary, Maziar. "Étude du livre de Daniel Lerner "The passing of traditional society : modernizing the Middle East" et de sa réception par la communauté scientifique." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/26883.
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Cette étude a pour but de mettre en contexte la thèse de la modernisation psychique de Daniel Lerner, de faire une analyse interne de l'ouvrage et d'étudier sa réception par les sociologues de l'époque. Comme démarche de recherche, dans un premier temps, nous replacerons l'ouvrage dans la situation historique des deux premières décennies de la guerre froide (les années 50 et 60). Ce faisant, nous tenterons de comprendre la logique de la politique de développement des États-Unis à l'endroit des pays en voie de développement et la place des recherches universitaires dans la politique coloniale américaine. L'approche du développement exogène a largement inspiré les politiques étrangères des pays occidentaux et leurs efforts pour lancer le développement des pays plus nécessiteux. C'est pour cela que Lerner se concentre sur l'effet des médias américains, et surtout du Voice of America, pour analyser le rôle que ceux-ci jouent dans le processus de transformation de la personnalité. Pour aborder cette étape de la recherche, nous devrons comprendre davantage le contexte de l'ouvrage et mieux analyser la relation entre les facteurs externes et les éléments internes qui ont influencé la formation de l'ouvrage. Dans un deuxième temps, nous étudierons l'ouvrage de Lerner et nous discuterons des différents aspects relatifs aux changements sociaux que l'ouvrage a examinés. Dans notre analyse de l'ouvrage, nous critiquerons divers aspects de la pensée sociologique de Lerner et sa manière d'interpréter les faits sociaux et les statistiques. Dans un troisième temps, nous réviserons la réception de l'ouvrage par la communauté scientifique de son époque pour obtenir une large vision de la place de l'oeuvre dans l'histoire de la pensée sociologique américaine du développement. Nous établirons une catégorisation des recensions de l'ouvrage portant sur l'approche sociologique de Lerner et nous mettrons ces recensions dans l'éclairage des champs de recherches universitaires américaines. Nous nous concentrerons sur la réception de cette théorie chez les sociologues de l'époque pour comprendre la dialectique entre la thèse qui y est défendue et la société. Ce faisant, nous éviterons de nous éloigner de la sociologie comme étant la discipline de l'étude des liens sociaux et des interactions symboliques et nous éviterons de réduire notre démarche sociologique à une simple étude historique des idées. En gros, nous discuterons de la vision sociologique de l'auteur, de la façon dont son ouvrage a été formé au fil du temps et comment il a été influencé par l'esprit de son époque. De plus, nous verrons comment l'écrivain s'est nourri des théories sociologiques et à quel point il a influencé la pensée sociologique de son temps. Tout cela, en parallèle à l'analyse interne de l'ouvrage, nous permettra de saisir la place de «The Passing of Traditional Society» dans la pensée sociologique américaine. Cette recherche nous aidera à mieux comprendre la vision américaine de l'empathie en tant qu'un élément modernisateur, par rapport à la question du développement dans le contexte historique de l'époque. Cette compréhension nous mènera à approfondir notre analyse des programmes de développement des États-Unis dans le monde en voie du développement. Cette étude nous amènera aussi à élargir notre vision quant aux idées construites et formées dans leur contexte historique (en général) et à découvrir comment la communauté scientifique reste toujours en parti prisonnière de son contexte historique. Cette étude nous permettra de mieux voir les idées (le texte) en relation avec la société, ce qui est vital pour ne pas tomber dans la réduction des idées seulement au texte ou seulement au contexte. En outre, elle nous aidera à comprendre davantage la façon dont la société intervient dans la formation des idées et comment en retour les idées influencent la société.
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De, Villiers Shirley. "Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
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The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
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Rhodes, Quinn J. "Limited war under the nuclear umbrella an analysis of India's Cold Start doctrine and its implications for stability on the subcontinent /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FRhodes.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Kapur, Paul S. ; Second Reader: Porch, Douglas. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Cold Start, principal-agent problem, compellence, civil-military relations, inter-service rivalry, escalation, deliberate and inadvertent, limited war, nuclear weapons. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-108). Also available in print.
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Yumurtaci, Egemen Nilufer. "Social Political Discourse Of The Surveillance Society A Thesis Submitted To The Graduate School Of Social Sciences Of Middle East Technical University By Egemen Nilufer Yumurtaci In Partial Fulfillment Of The Re." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/1001312/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to discuss the Surveillance Society discourse, especially in relation with political analysis in a historical framework by means of new technologies. This study also analyzes the use of so-called revolutionary information and telecommunication technologies for data recording and tracking is analyzed, which is used to regulate the order of the system by the power holders. The limits of thought are traced to Foucault and Lyon. To this context an attempt is made to show that surveillance/ monitoring is growing as a result of the developments in information and communication technologies. Dataveillance is being carried out by Internet, ID cards, and bank credit cards. Focus is on awareness as a midway between paranoia and utopic futurism against surveillance suppression.
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Al-Araimi, Mohammed Fayal. "The relationship between the full range of leadership styles and employees' creative performance in Civil Service organizations : a field study of Omani Civil Service managers." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-relationship-between-the-full-range-of-leadership-styles-and-employees-creative-performance-in-civil-service-organizationsa-field-study-of-omani-civil-service-managers(cb8a3ecd-a005-4fbc-bf9e-270610e5e32b).html.
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The study’s primary research interest is in the area of leadership and creativity. Investigating the literature indicates that there is a gap in knowledge regarding the effect of the Full Range of Leadership styles, especially the influence of transformational leadership on employees’ creative performance. Examining this relationship in different sectors (for example: public government sector); in different cultures (for example: Arab Islamic culture); and from multi-perspectives (for example: leaders and employees) is strongly encouraged by research. The Omani civil service sector was used as a case study, thus the aim of the study was to investigate the degree to which Omani civil service managers practised the Full Range of Leadership styles to influence employees’ creative performance. The study set six objectives which provided the foundation for the structure of the study and the way its research questions were formulated. Accordingly, the study methodology was designed in a way that points towards the achievement of the study objectives. The study adopted a mixed-methods research approach by combining survey questionnaires with semi-structured interviews. This triangulation technique was utilized to enable more accurate investigation and allow in-depth coverage of the issues examined. The probability sampling method as represented by the random sampling technique was adopted for this study and applied to the two groups of managers and employees. The total size of the managers’ sample was 269 participants, while the employees’ sample was 371 participants. In addition, 15 semi-structured interviews were conducted to supplement the quantitative results. The results of this study show that the Omani managers are performing both transformational and transactional leadership styles. Examining the relationship, the study confirms that there is an overall statistically significant relationship between managers’ use of transformational and transactional leadership styles and employees’ creative performance from both managers’ and employees’ perspectives. The results also reveal that Omani managers are infrequently practicing passive/avoidant leadership style and that this style does not contribute to the employees’ creative performance. Further, the study demonstrate that Omani managers’ personal characteristics have a slight effect on managers’ perceptions towards transformational leadership styles and do not have any impact on their perceptions toward employees’ creative performance. Finally, this study contributed to knowledge in several areas where scholars who are interested in investigating the relationship between leadership and creativity will find it valuable.
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Lewis, Kevin James. "Rule and identity in a diverse Mediterranean society : aspects of the county of Tripoli during the twelfth century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4c3eef19-7dcf-450c-97dc-7c9b2780a916.
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The county of Tripoli (Lebanon) was one of four “crusader states” established in the Levant after the First Crusade (1095-99). Compared to the other states, the county of Tripoli has suffered from a disproportionate level of historiographical neglect. What has been produced has taken an institutional and Eurocentric approach to the subject and its sources. The present thesis jettisons this in favour of a post-institutional methodology, approaching the county from the perspectives of geography and demographics, which together ensure that it is treated within its proper Syro-Lebanese context. Chapter one looks at the role of local geography in shaping the political frontiers of the county of Tripoli and its neighbours, arguing that topography was more important than the agency of the European settlers. Chapter two continues to challenge traditional assumptions regarding European influence, arguing that the specifically southern French origins of many of the county’s settlers were of little significance. Chapter three analyses the use of Arabic by the Frankish government of the county, informed by an awareness of diglossia. It argues that the Franks were more likely to know spoken Arabic than written, but remained reliant upon local intermediaries when ruling over Arabophones. Chapter four looks at popular religion, arguing that the cross-fertilisation of religious beliefs and practices was widespread but poorly understood by the contemporary intelligentsia, upon whose sources historians rely. As a whole, the thesis argues that the county’s inhabitants lacked a distinctive culture, identity, religion or language. The sole justification for viewing the county as an integrated unit is geographical.
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Kopke, Christoph (Hrsg ). "Die Grenzen der Toleranz : rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg ; Bilanz und Perspektiven." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/4084/.
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Die Beiträge des vorliegenden Sammelbandes gehen auf die wissenschaftliche Fachtagung „Grenzen der Toleranz. Rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg - Bilanz und Perspektiven" zurück, die im Mai 2009 in Potsdam stattfand. Auf der Tagung hielten verschiedene Wissenschaftler Vorträge, die ihrerseits durch Praktiker/innen mittels „Kommentaren aus der Praxis“ gespiegelt wurden. Die meisten Vorträge der Tagung finden sich in diesem Band nun in überarbeiteter, in der Regel erweiterter und aktualisierter Form wieder. In einem Fall wurde ein Text aufgenommen, der aus einem längeren „Kommentar aus der Praxis“ entstanden ist.
Die Beiträge kreisen um das Problem des Rechtsextremismus, seinen Erscheinungsformen und Praktiken in Brandenburg und darüber hinaus, und beleuchten die staatlichen und zivilgesellschaftlichen Gegenmaßnahmen und –strategien. Dabei wird deutlich: Brandenburg hat zwar noch ein Rechtsextremismusproblem - aber auch vielfältige Strategien und Erfahrungen in der erfolgreichen Auseinandersetzung mit diesem Phänomen.<br>This volume combines contributions to a conference Grenzen der Toleranz. Rechtsextremes Milieu und demokratische Gesellschaft in Brandenburg – Bilanz und Perspektiven („The Limits of Tolerance. Far Right Milieus and Democratic Society in Brandenburg – Results and Perspectives“) held in Potsdam in May 2009. At this conference, several scholars held lectures and were commented by practitioners.
The contributions to the book discuss different aspects of the far right movements and its praxis in Brandenburg and beyond, and they introduce and analyze the reactions and counter-activities of the state as well as the civil society. Thus, it becomes obvious: Right wing extremism is still a challenge for democratic society in Brandenburg, but this society has also developed multiple and effective strategies to react.
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Dator, Jessica Asne. "The state, market and civil society in the growth areas of Mindanao, Philippines approaches to development governance in the Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia and Philippines East ASEAN growth area (BIMP-EAGA) sub-region /." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ57279.pdf.
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Esra, Kazem. "BEYOND THE STATED FUNCTION: Showcasing, through everyday objects, social obstacles imposed on Qatari female youth." VCU Scholars Compass, 2013. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/3141.
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This critical design project showcases obstacles that the Qatari culture and society impose on their female youth, hindering them from becoming independent individuals. It critiques the society and its social pressures. The project stimulates people to think by challenging their assumptions and perceptions, specifically social perception and judgment, family authority, and gender favoritism. This is achieved through hybridized accessories that are embedded with a meta-meaning that arouses curiosity, invites questions, and stimulates thoughts. Through the design of these appealing, high quality, and functionally viable everyday accessories, the project aims to communicate the social and cultural forces which impede Qatari female youths’ becoming individuals who dream, achieve, and thrive.
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Zakka, Antoine. "La Turquie face à l'Europe et au Moyen-Orient. Les mutations de l'islamisme turc depuis 2002 : émergence, conséquences et perspectives." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016INAL0003/document.
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Les rapports turco-européens et turco-moyen-orientaux sont essentiellement influencés par les actions du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP) à partir de son arrivée au pouvoir en 2002 jusqu’à nos jours. Cette thèse cherche à démontrer comment les changements réalisés par l’islamisme turc durant cette période ont impacté la politique étrangère du pays. D’une part, la recherche analyse le renouveau du courant conservateur en Turquie et son emprise progressive sur la société, jusque-là dominée par l’establishment kémaliste. L’application de la doctrine Davutoğlu privilégie une vision multidimensionnelle et civilisationnelle des relations internationales, et réconforte les tenants d’une conception novatrice de l’islamisme turc et la visibilité accrue des facteurs religieux dans la société. D’autre part, les années 2007-2010 sont marquées par la consolidation de l’AKP et l’accentuation des valeurs de l’islam qui aboutissent à une division de la société turque et une désillusion de l’Europe. Enfin, le déclenchement des révoltes populaires du Printemps arabe en 2011 annonce aussi un tournant majeur dans la gestion des relations extérieures turques avec le monde arabe. Cette période est également caractérisée par le début du renforcement d’un autoritarisme provoquant l’accroissement de la polarisation de la société. Le quatrième mandat gouvernemental de l’AKP, débuté en 2015, se trouve dès lors confronté à la multiplication de défis intérieurs et extérieurs pour le mouvement islamique turc<br>The relationship of Turkey with Europe and the Middle East is greatly influenced by the actions of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) from coming to power in 2002 until nowadays. This thesis tries to make clear how the changes realized by the Turkish Islam during this period impacted on the foreign policy of the country. On the one hand, the research analyzes the revival of the conservative movement in Turkey and its progressive influence on the society, up to there dominated by the kemalist establishment. The application of the Davutoğlu’s doctrine favors a multidimensional and civilizational vision of the international relations, and comforts the upholders of an innovative design of the Turkish Islam and the greater visibility of the religious factors in the society. On the other hand, the years 2007-2010 are marked by the consolidation of the AKP and the accentuation of the Islamic values, ending in a division of the Turkish society and a disappointment of Europe. Finally the outbreak of popular uprisings of the Arab Spring in 2011 also announces a major turning point in the management of the Turkish external relations with the Arab World. This period is also characterized by the beginning of the strengthening of authoritarianism leading to the increase of the polarization in the society. The fourth term of the AKP’s government, begun in 2015, becomes thereby characterized by the increase of internal and external challenges for the Turkish Islamic movement
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Lindeby, Susanna. "Processes of feelings in a society with a violent past : A qualitative study of the communication for Societal healing in the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Sri Lanka and Ghana between 2002-2011." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-13006.
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The research investigates in what extent and how communication for meeting feelings is provided in Truth Commission work. It examines if and in what way feelings are addressed in the communication officially published by the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Ghana and Sri Lanka, occurring between 2002-2011. The research is also looking at the healing processes in a time perspective to find out if there is a communication for Societal healing to be continued in a longer term. My conclusion is that two cases of three in my research, the TRCs in Ghana and East Timor, have communication clearly directed to meet feelings caused by the war. One of the three cases (East Timor) has a communication with a clear ambition to heal over a longer period, to continue after the existence of the Truth Commission. The research suggests that communication with a clear ambition to reach out widely in the society, a communication directed to meet and process feelings over a longer period, can make Societal healing more effective. It also concludes that, in the future, Societal healing, as a field in conflict resolution, will be more based on representational media than today, provided through web communication.
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Al-Obaidli, Jassim Mohammed A. A. "Arbitration law in Qatar : the way forward." Thesis, Robert Gordon University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10059/1564.
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Qatar is among the fastest growing developing countries in all fields. Since the State of Qatar gained independence from the United Kingdom, the Qatari government has been focusing on the formation of state institutions to keep pace with global development. In 1971, Qatar released the first civil and commercial law. The country established the first step towards the separation of civil and commercial transactions of Islamic law. However, the ever-changing nature of business and global economy requires significant economic and societal changes. With the increase of foreign investors in Qatar, there had to be a law governing arbitration in contracts. Therefore, the government promulgated the arbitration clause in commercial contracts; the first code of civil and commercial procedure contains a chapter of the arbitration. However, the provisions of arbitration included in this law are not compatible with the UNCITRAL Model Law. Although there is a shortage in literature regarding arbitration in Qatar, several studies discussed issues related to arbitration in Qatar and called for the adoption of a new separate arbitration law in Qatar compatible with the UNCITRAL one. This prompted Qatar to work on a new draft law of arbitration, especially after the ratification of the New York Convention 1985 by Qatar. However, these studies did not cover other factors which affect arbitration; such as cultural attitude towards arbitration and issues affecting the practice of arbitration in Qatar. Unlike previous studies regarding arbitration in Qatar, this thesis uses multi-methods to get an answer of the main question of the research, which is: “Will the new Arbitration Draft Law solve all the issues related to arbitration in Qatar, thereby attracting international companies to Qatar and its law for their arbitration?” The thesis reviews the related literature in the first stage. Then it analyses interviews which were held with a number of arbitration stakeholders, the recent Qatari draft law of arbitration, the GCC unified arbitration draft law and the Qatar Financial Centre (QFC) draft law. After that it conducts a comparison between the current provisions of arbitration, the Qatari arbitration draft law and the GCC unified arbitration draft law in light of the UNCITRAL Model Law and the Egyptian Arbitration Law. This multi-methods study results in recommendations which are listed in its conclusion. It is worth mentioning that both the Qatari arbitration draft law and the QFC draft law are considered for the first time in a research study. Also, the interviews which were held for the purpose of this research enrich the outcome as the participants were chosen from various categories of arbitration stakeholder, where some of them represent official entities; such as the Legislation Department of the Ministries Council and some of them are high ranking officials of these entities; such as the Minister of Justice.
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Jones, Lee C. "ASEAN, social conflict and intervention in Southeast Asia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c17c8000-e2f2-46c2-a421-5a94a94bea0d.
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This thesis challenges the prevailing academic and journalistic consensus that ASEAN states, bound by a cast-iron norm of non-interference, do not intervene in other states’ internal affairs. It argues that ASEAN states have frequently engaged in acts of intervention, often with very serious, negative consequences. Using methods of critical historical sociology, the thesis reconstructs the history of ASEAN’s non-interference principle and interventions from ASEAN’s inception onwards, drawing on sources including ASEAN and UN documents, US and UK archives, and policymaker interviews. It focuses especially on three case studies: East Timor, Cambodia, and Myanmar. The thesis argues that both the emergence of ideologies of non-intervention and their violation can be explained by the social conflicts animating state policies. Non-interference was developed by embattled, authoritarian, capitalist elites in an attempt to bolster their defence of capitalist social order from radical challenges. Where adherence to non-intervention failed to serve this purpose, it was discarded or manipulated to permit cross-border ‘containment’ operations. After communism was defeated in the ASEAN states, foreign policy continued to promote the interests of dominant, state-linked business groups and oligarchic factions. Non-interference shifted to defend domestic power structures from the West’s liberalising agenda. However, ASEAN elites continued meddling in neighbouring states even as containment operations were discarded. This contributed to the collapse of Cambodia’s ruling coalition in 1997, and ASEAN subsequently intervened to restore it. The 1997 Asian financial crisis dealt a crippling blow to ASEAN. To contain domestic unrest in Indonesia, core ASEAN states joined a humanitarian intervention in East Timor in 1999. In the decade since, non-interference has been progressively weakened as the core members struggle to regain domestic legitimacy and lost international political and economic space. This is expressed most clearly in ASEAN’s attempts to insert itself into Myanmar’s democratisation process after decades of failed ‘constructive engagement’.
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Cruz, Neto Tiago Leandro da. "Planejamento educacional e participação democrática: um estudo sobre a rede pública estadual de ensino em Alagoas (1999-2004)." Universidade Federal de Alagoas, 2008. http://repositorio.ufal.br/handle/riufal/294.
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This study aimed at investigating the educational planning from 1999
to 2004 under the perspective of the school participation accomplished by the State
bureaucratic apparatus, the Executive Secretary of Education of the State of Alagoas
(SEE/AL), in the north-east of Brazil, since the setting up of the democratic education
management model in the system in1999. This research was a case study where the
qualitative approach was considered under the dialectical social-historical
conception, using qualitative techniques: documentary primary and secondary
documents, questionnaires and semi-structured interviews with the technicians from
the Executive Secretary of Education members of the school community - students,
teachers, staff and parents. The accomplished study reveals that, during the setting
up period of the democratic educational management in 1999, the restricted State of
Alagoas, tried to get to know the community s demands so as to plan some actions
intended to fulfill a participation culture through mechanisms established throughout
the whole public system where there weren t any previously. However, it is inferred
that most of the times the planned actions became exhausted as institutionalization
and orientation for the teaching units, of a political and pedagogical content, being
much more restricted to bureaucratic guidance of the working of the established
mechanisms, such as filling in reports, receipts, and so on. Therefore, it was planned
a few actions which promoted a more committed basis participation from segments
such as the parents and students , through school societies and parents
associations in the schools, thus weakening the democratic quality. The planning
process itself inserted within a little participative environment with traditional type
characteristics within the SEE s bureaucratic apparatus, the lack of a accomplishing
a shared planning, and the constant changing of SEE managers resulted in
consequences in the planned actions. Therein, the SEEL s discourse of building up a
citizen school collided with the limitation of the State bureaucratic apparatus which
has circumscribed itself to the planning of a relative participative culture, planning
which widened participation to a determined extent, but intended a few learning
actions of an active kind of participation.<br>Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas<br>Este estudo teve o objetivo de investigar, no período de 1999-2004, o
planejamento educacional, sob a perspectiva da participação escolar, realizado pelo
aparelho burocrático estatal Secretaria Executiva de Educação de Alagoas (SEE/AL)
a partir da implantação na rede do modelo de gestão educacional democrático em
1999. Esta pesquisa foi um estudo de caso onde consideramos a abordagem
qualitativa sob a concepção sócio-histórica e dialética, utilizando técnicas
qualitativas documentais documentos primários e secundários , bem como
entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os técnicos da Secretaria Executiva de Educação
e membros da comunidade escolar alunos, professores, funcionários e pais e
questionários. O estudo realizado revela que no período de implantação do modelo
de gestão educacional democrática, em 1999, o estado restrito alagoano procurou
conhecer as demandas da comunidade para que fossem planejadas ações na
intenção de concretizar uma cultura de participação, antes inexistente, através de
mecanismos implantados em toda a rede pública de educação. No entanto,
constata-se que as ações planejadas muitas vezes se esvaziaram, enquanto
institucionalização e orientação para as unidades de ensino, de um conteúdo
político-pedagógico, estando muito mais restritas às orientações burocráticas do
funcionamento dos mecanismos implantados, como o preenchimento de relatórios,
notas fiscais etc. Nesse sentido, foram planejadas poucas ações que fomentassem
uma participação de base mais engajada de segmentos como os dos pais e
alunos, através dos grêmios estudantis e associações de pais nas escolas,
fragilizando, portanto, a qualidade democrática. O processo de planejamento
inserido numa cultura pouco participativa apresentou ainda características
consideradas tradicionais, constituindo-se num processo de planejamento
descompartilhado no aparelho burocrático, pela ausência de ações focalizadas em
uma participação de base e pelas sucessivas trocas dos gestores da Secretaria
Executiva de Educação. Assim, o discurso de formar uma escola cidadã da
burocracia estatal esbarrou na limitação do aparelho burocrático de Estado, que se
limitou ao planejamento de uma cultura participativa relativa , planejamento que
alargou a participação até determinado ponto, mas que resultou em poucas ações
de aprendizado de uma participação ativa.
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Benussi, Matteo. "Aspiring Muslims in Russia : form-of-life and political economy of virtue in Povolzhye's 'halal movement'." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276156.
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This thesis is concerned with the ways in which Muslims in Russia’s Povolzhye region define, and strive towards, spiritual and material well-being. It explores how pious subjectivities are cultivated in a secular and often politically hostile environment. In addition, it deals with Povolzhye Muslims’s pursuit of worldly success in the context of social change brought about by Russia’s transition to a market economy. Povolzhye is a prosperous, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional historical region, home to Russia’s second largest ethnic group, the Volga Tatars. Although the Tatars have been Sunni Muslims for centuries, the post-Soviet emergence of cosmopolitan, scripturalist piety trends – which I collectively refer to as Povolzhye’s ‘halal movement’ – has raised unprecedented concerns and disputes about the meaning of Muslimness and the place of Muslims in Russian society. Scripturalist virtue-ethics projects have been underrepresented within the expanding body of anthropological literature concerning Islam in the former USSR, and particularly in the Russian Federation. With its explicit ethnographic focus on Povolzhye’s halal movement, this work aims at filling this gap. The halal movement is characterised by its hypermodern transnational imagery as well as significant discursive overlapping with the realms of business and economy. The pursuit of a virtuous existence is particularly appealing to those ascending sectors of society that most successfully engage with Russia’s post-socialist free-market environment, while the idiom of piety both communicates and dissimulates novel forms of stratification and exclusion. This project brings together anthropological theories of ethical self-cultivation with approaches that focus on power, social change, and political economy. In order to explore the political life of the halal movement vis-à-vis both state institutions and the market, I employ Giorgio Agamben’s notions of ‘form-of-life’ and ‘rule/law’, which shed light on the relationship between power and virtue in original ways. In addition, particular attention is given to the social distribution of virtue and the role it plays in reproducing distinction, status, and a ‘capitalist spirit’.
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Alabsi, Mohamad Moustafa. "Exception, normativité et unité politique : l’Etat et son ennemi au Moyen-Orient,entre le démembrement l'empire ottoman et l'apparition de l’Etat islamique." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALP002.
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A la lumière de la guerre civile en Irak et en Syrie, la réflexion de ce travail de thèse s’interroge sur la question de "légitimité" et tourne autour le rapport entre l’ordre et le droit et la crise théorique et pratique de la normativité au sein du système étatique et constitutionnel des Etats du Moyen-Orient. Cette thèse se situe donc aux frontières indéterminées et incertaines de la logique du droit et de sa fonction organisatrice, car elle oscille entre le champ méthodologique de l’ordre et le champ expérimental de l’observation de l’exception et de l’indétermination. En effet, l’étude d’un contexte post-étatique -ou pré-étatique- nécessite la mobilisation de théories et de concepts issus du territoire de l’exception, ceci rend inévitable de se trouver au carrefour de plusieurs disciplines et de plusieurs domaines académiques.La rupture territoriale en Irak et en Syrie et la disponibilité spatiale pour la rébellion imposent une visibilité et une historicité de l’état de nature que traduit cette guerre civile et transfrontalière. Devant ces événements, les présupposées juridiques du caractère finalisé de l’Etat et de la continuité de l’ordre constitutionnel en sortent profondément ébranlées, ce qui rappelle, surtout sur le plan méthodologique et doctrinaire, les deux conceptions de l’ordre, celle du temps normal attribué à Hans Kelsen et celle du temps d’exception attribuée à Carl Schmitt.Ainsi notre texte de thèse se divise-t-il en trois parties :La première porte sur le statut juridique de l’Etat à partir de la norme internationale de la reconnaissance interétatique. Ceci nous a permis de décrire la fragilité de l’ordre spatial lorsque s’opposent diverses conceptions de la légalité et de la norme. Avec Hans Kelsen, chez qui se dessine une conception interne et externe de la norme pure et de la fonction nomologique du droit, nous avons voulu mettre en lumières les contradictions profondes de l’ordre concret au levant avec les présupposées théoriques et abstraites de l’Etat constitutionnel.Dans notre deuxième partie, où il s’agit de ‘rupture métaphysique et spatiale’, nous avons fait recours à la pensée de Carl Schmitt, chez qui la légitimité ne se réduit pas à la légalité ni l’Etat à la constitution. Le Moyen-Orient moderne offre une illustration concrète des concepts schmittiens. D’abord par la contradiction des données de cet ordre interétatique avec celui du Jus publicum europaeum, produit de l’ordre spatial et physique européen, puis en raison de la rupture totalitaire durant laquelle l’Etat se réduit au Parti et le politique à la religiosité et à l’unicité. Le destin de l’Etat post-totalitaire, tel celui de l’Irak et de la Syrie, invoque également les travaux d’Arendt sur le totalitarisme et ceux de Gauchet sur la métaphysique de l’unité et l’expression politique du phénomène religieux. En fait, la Potestas indirecta, notion hobbesienne et schmittienne, pourrait expliquer à l’occasion de cette crise de l’unité les logiques de continuité et de rupture dont il est question chez ces trois auteurs. A la lumière de cette association théorique, nous définissons l’Exception comme la crise de la Décision et non comme l’appel de recouvrement sollicitant la Décision.Notre troisième partie porte sur le Katechon, le principe théologico-politique de la continuité et de la conservation. Nous définissons d’abord la valeur conceptuelle de cette notion chez Hobbes et chez Schmitt, puis nous la prolongeons à la condition hégélienne de la société civile et aux aspirations actuelles des sociétés arabes au sujet du changement politique. Cette partie revient d’abord sur la crise de légalité, plutôt que de légitimité, qui caractérise le projet politique islamiste (surtout l’islamisme modéré). Puis elle évoque le nominalisme politique et le rapport dialectique qu’il définit entre idées et action d’une part et projet de changement de l’autre<br>The reflection of this thesis work questions the idea of 'legitimacy', in the light of the civil war, and revolves around the relationship between order and law and the theoretical and practical crisis of normativity within the state and constitutional system of the Middle East.This thesis therefore lies at the indeterminate and uncertain boundaries of the logic of the law and its organising function, as it oscillates between the methodological field of order and the experimental field of observation of exception and indeterminacy. . Indeed, the study of a post-State context - or pre-State - requires the mobilization of theories and concepts originating from the territory of the exception, this makes it inevitable to be at the crossroads of several disciplines and several academic fields.The territorial rupture in Iraq and Syria and the spatial availability for the rebellion impose a visibility and historicity of the state of nature reflected in this civil and cross-border war. In the face of these events, the legal présupposées of the finalised character of the State and the legal continuity of the constitutional order come out deeply shaken, which reminds, especially from doctrinal perspective, of both conceptions of the order, that of the ‘normal and legal time’ attributed to Hans Kelsen and that of the ‘exceptional moment” attributed to Carl Schmitt.Thus our thesis text is divided into three parts:The first is the legal status of the State based on the international standard of interstate recognition. This allowed us to describe the fragility of the spatial order when various conceptions of legality and norm are opposed. With Hans Kelsen, in whom an internal and external conception of the pure norm and the nomological function of law is emerging, we wanted to highlight the profound contradictions of the concrete order in the rising with the theoretical hypotheses and abstract conception of the constitutional State.In our second part, which is about 'metaphysical and spatial rupture', we have resorted to the thought of Carl Schmitt, for whom legitimacy is not limited to legality nor the State to the constitution. The modern Middle East offers a concrete illustration of Schmittian concepts. Firstly by the contradiction between this interstate order with that of the Jus publicum europaeum, a product of the European spatial and physical order. Then because of the totalitarian rupture during which the State is reduced to the Party and politics to religiosity and uniqueness. The fate of the post-totalitarian State, such as that of Iraq and Syria, also invokes Arendt's work on totalitarianism and Gauchet's work on the metaphysics of unity and political expression of the religious phenomenon. In fact, the Potestas indirecta, a Hobbesian and Schmittian notion, could explain on the occasion of this crisis of unity and religion the logics of continuity and rupture that are discussed by these three authors. In the light of this theoretical association, we define the Exception as the crisis of the Decision and not as the appeal for recovery requesting the Decision.Our third part deals with the Katechon, the theological-political principle of continuity and conservation. We first define the conceptual value of this concept at Hobbes and Schmitt thoughts, and then extend it to the Hegelian condition of civil society and the current aspirations of Arab societies about political change. This part returns first to the crisis of legality, rather than legitimacy, that characterizes the Islamist political project (especially moderate Islamism). Then it evokes political nominalism and the dialectical relationship it defines between ideas and action on the one hand and the project of change on the other
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Abu, Zayed Ahmed. "Reform of higher education within the context of the knowledge economy and societal change in Egypt." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/25179.
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This study explores models for the reform of higher education in Egypt, and warns of potential consequences arising from the adoption of models based exclusively on the requirements of the knowledge economy and which fail to take account of the public role of national universities, socio-cultural realities and local as well as global pressures. The overall aim of the research is to identify the prerequisites for higher education reform in Egypt and the characteristics of a tailor-made reform model. It explores the role of higher education in Egypt, within the context of international organisations’ reform models for less-developed countries, and identifies the remits of the knowledge economy and knowledge society as frameworks for reforming higher education. This research has sought to answer questions on current conceptions of the role of higher education in Egypt and how these are being challenged by stakeholders. An exploratory study was designed using mixed methods. The research aim and objectives are achieved through a five-stage research process. The findings showed a general discontent among students and academics with higher education, and a near unanimity on the need for reform, particularly in the areas of teaching methods, curricula and university staff. The findings demonstrated that cultural issues deeply rooted in Egyptian society are preventing reform from being effective. The reform of higher education in Egypt should not only be part of an economic development vision, but a wider strategic vision for societal and cultural reform too. Reforming higher education in Egypt is a challenge, which will require consistent methodological rigour and a transformation of the current corrupted education culture prior to implementing the proposed OECD recommendations, or at the very least concurrent with any implementation.
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Roberto, Willian Moraes. "As mudanças na política externa contemporânea da Turquia : as respostas diante das revoltas árabes pós-2011 /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154215.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser<br>Resumo: A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além di... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Abstract: Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turki... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)<br>Mestre
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Howayek, Hayat. "Géopolitique et discours des télévisions d'information arabe par satellite de la 1ère guerre du Golfe à l'occupation de l'Irak (1991-2003)." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020033/document.
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Le phénomène des télévisions satellitaires a fait son apparition dans le monde arabe en 1990-1991. Date de l’instauration du Nouvel Ordre Mondial. Une progression foisonnante s’est produite, par la suite, profitant d’un espace géolinguistique étendu, d’une ouverture sans précédent et d’un financement généreux. Sont-elles l’expression d’un changement ou bien celle d’une adaptation ? Et au service de qui ? L’étude des chaines d’information en continu Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya ou « flexibles », Abou Dhabi et Al Manar est particulièrement intéressante pour répondre à cette question. Comprendre le fond de ce phénomène, les intérêts qu’il représente, qu’il sert, et les limites du changement qu’il est capable de produire, exige de dresser un état des lieux panoramique, une étude de la géopolitique qui a donné lieu à la naissance de ces télévisions, et qui a dicté les évolutions qu’elles ont subit. L’analyse du contenu et du discours vient repérer les expressions d’une culture démocratique, ou anti démocratique, dont dépend la nature du changement<br>Since 1990-1991, the number of satellite channels and viewers has grown exponentially in the Arab world, taking advantage of a geolinguistic space that afforded unprecedented degree of openness in a field previously dominated by t ightly-controlled state-owned television stations. The date also coincides with the inception of the New World Order, the waging of the first Gulf War which established a new regional order, and the stirrings of the society of communication. This study of news channels (Al Jazeera, Al Arabiya) and “flexible” channels such as (Abu Dhabi and Al Manar), aims to examine whether they are an expression of change or adaption and whether they serve to perpetuate the status quo of the powers that fund them
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Awad, Samir. "Persistence of authoritarianism in the Middle East : international politics, civil society, and democracy in Palestine /." 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3088292.
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CHALLAND, Benoît. "The power to promote and to exclude : external support for Palestinian civil society." Doctoral thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4226.
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Defence date: 15 July 2005<br>Examining Board: Prof. Rema HAMMAMI (Bir Zeit University, Bir Zeit) ; Prof. Riccardo BOCCO (Institut Universitaire d’Etudes du Développement, Genève) ; Prof. Peter WAGNER (EUI, Florence) ; Prof. Philippe C. SCHMITTER (EUI, Florence) (Supervisor).<br>First made available online 29 August 2016<br>The dissertation explores international aid given by western donor agencies to Palestinian NGOs earmarked as civil society promotion. It aims to study the discourse of civil society at work, and the impact of die use of the concept of civil society both by donor agencies and recipient Palestinian organizations. The research is based on a variety of interviews with about 40 donor agencies (governmental, multilateral or non-governmental) and as many Palestinian NGOs. It explores the conditions under which NGOs have been seen as decisive actors for the support and the fostering of a stronger civil society. It analyses the (funding) mechanisms that bring donors and NGOs to work together, their interplay, and the ideational impact that the production of knowledge around ‘civil society’ has on both actors. The first part of the dissertation consists in a theoretical discussion as to why should international actors support civil society abroad, and explores the potential tension between external aid and civil society as one of the domestic venues for the definition o f autonomy. It explores various explanations of the alleged difficulties of Arab societies to develop their own civil society. It will contrast three ideal-typical conceptions of civil society in the Arab worlds - those of Sa’ad Eddin Ibrahim, Burhan Ghalioum and Azmi Bishara. The second part is a study of the historical evolutions of the categories ‘donors' and ‘NGOs'. Some emerging trends in providing funds to NGOs abroad and to civil society support will be matched with a study of associational life in Palestine since the beginning of the 20th century. The third part analyses the products of ‘civil society at work* in the past ten years. Since there has been historically a rich civil society in Palestine, it is interesting to explore the transformations caused by the massive influx of aid for civil society promotion. The two contrasting cases consist of service-oriented NGOs (active in the field o f health — older NGOs) and of value-oriented NGOs (active in the field of human rights and democracy — younger NGOs). We will look at the evolution of the interplay between international donors and these two sets of NGOs, which are increasingly dependent on agenda and funds coming from abroad. The final chapter argues that the discourse o f ‘civil society’, as promoted by international donors, as articulated and re-appropriated by local NGOs, has a triple exclusionary power. First, in political terms because of the various interpretations o f civil society in terms of political engagement; second, in sociological terms, because of the formation of a privileged middle-class; and third, in philosophical terms because o f the re-enforcement of artificial divisions such as the 'West' and the ‘Arabs' and between civil(ised) and non-civil societies.
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Ahmed, Sarah Saad Mohmed. "Aktivity organizací podporujících občanskou společnost na Blízkém východě: Případ Egypta a Turecka." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-387357.
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CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations Master's Thesis 2018 Sarah Ahmed CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East: The Cases of Egypt and Turkey Master's thesis Author: Sarah Ahmed Study programme: International Relations Supervisor: PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Year of the defence: 2018 Declaration 1. I hereby declare that I have compiled this thesis using the listed literature and resources only. 2. I hereby declare that my thesis has not been used to gain any other academic title. 3. I fully agree to my work being used for study and scientific purposes. In Prague on 31.07.2018 Sarah Ahmed References AHMED, Sarah. The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East. Praha, 2018. 106 pages. Master's thesis (Mgr.). Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Relations. Department of International Relations. Supervisor PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Length of the thesis: 198,979 Characters. Abstract First, this thesis will be focused on democracy promotion and civil society as concepts that emerged and occupied a large scholarly literature. I deem...