Relevant bibliographies by topics / Civil society – Middle East

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Civil society – Middle East'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Civil society – Middle East"

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Shlykov, Pavel М. "Non-Western Model of Civil Society in the Middle Eastern Context: Promises and Discontents." Russia in Global Affairs 19, no. 2 (2021): 134–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2021-19-2-134-162.

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The article analyzes the specific experience of civil society development in the Middle East, which remarkably exposes the dilemma underlying the civil society concept as a matrix of working democracy. This concept limits the understanding of the very phenomenon of civil society and peculiarities of its functioning in the region. An analysis of the Middle Eastern specifics requires a functional approach and a hybrid definition of civil society. This approach has a number of heuristic advantages over both liberal and critical theories. The article outlines the Middle Eastern model of civil society and postulates the key characteristic of illiberal civil society—it becomes conducive to the reproduction of authoritarian regimes even despite its institutional diversity. The analysis shows the ambivalence of civil society in the Middle East as a space of limited freedom of political/non-political activity and as a testing ground for the development of various tools designed to curb civic initiative. The liberal model of civil society, directly incorporated in state-building, is turned upside down in the Middle East. Civil society organizations in this region are hardly functional as an outpost for promoting liberal democratic values because they prove to serve the interests of the elite or alternative political forces much more than the interests of ordinary citizens.
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Norton, Augustus Richard. "Civil Society, Liberalism and the Corporatist Alternative." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 31, no. 2 (December 1997): 163–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400035641.

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In His Review essay on “Civil Society, Liberalism and the Corporatist Alternative in the Middle East,” Louis J. Cantori continues his indefatigable promotion of corporatism as a lens for understanding Middle East politics. Lou and I have been friends for many years, and I know that I probably will not be able to shake his deep attachment to corporatism. Nonetheless, since the inspiration for his latest peroration was the two volume collection on civil society in the Middle East that I edited, I thought readers of the Bulletin might be interested in my response to his assertions.
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Al-Ali, Nadje. "Gender and Civil Society in the Middle East." International Feminist Journal of Politics 5, no. 2 (January 2003): 216–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461674032000080576.

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Quandt, William B., and Augustus Richard Norton. "Civil Society in the Middle East, Vol. 1." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 5 (1995): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047353.

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Kayaoglu, Turan. "Civil Society and Women Activists in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 2 (April 1, 2013): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1134.

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While much of the literature related to women and democratization in the MiddleEast neglects the role of women in this process, Wanda Krause persuasivelyargues that the grassroots activism of Middle Eastern women plays a vital rolein democratizing the region. Krause contends that this scholarly neglect is aresult of the literature’s (1) prioritizing the state (over civil society) and secularism(over religious groups), (2) ignoring the feminine (at the expense of thefeminist) and the practical (at the expense of the political), and (3) relegatingwomen’s concerns, like family issues, to “the private sphere and overlookedas having any meaning to the public” (p. 49). She further criticizes this literaturefor what she considers its orientalist attitude, which often manifests itself asexcessive attention to women’s dress, segregation, polygamy, and female genitalmutilation (FGM) and thus constructs a passive and oppressed image ofMuslim women. To fully understand the role of Middle Eastern women, Krauseurges scholars to focus not just on the government’s formal structures, but alsoto pay attention to civil society and investigate how beliefs, values, and everydaypractices both expand it and advance democratic values ...
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Ahmida, Ali Abdullatif. "Inventing or recovering “civil society” in the Middle East." Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 6, no. 10 (March 1997): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10669929708720104.

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Wittes, Tamara Cofman, and Sarah E. Yerkes. "The Middle East Freedom Agenda: An Update." Current History 106, no. 696 (January 1, 2007): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.696.31.

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Bellin, Eva. "Civil Society: Effective Tool of Analysis for Middle East Politics?" PS: Political Science and Politics 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420214.

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Farah, Caesar E. "Civil Society in the Middle East, Augustus Richard Norton, editor." Digest of Middle East Studies 4, no. 4 (October 1995): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1995.tb00586.x.

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Bellin, Eva. "Civil Society: Effective Tool of Analysis for Middle East Politics?" PS: Political Science & Politics 27, no. 03 (September 1994): 509–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500041081.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Civil society – Middle East"

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Fildes, Harriet Ann. "Turkey's 'new' foreign policy in the Middle East : the civil society factor." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31449.

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This thesis aims to address a key and understudied element of Turkish foreign-policy under the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP): the civil-society factor. It answers the question: How has foreign-policy and diplomacy changed in this era due to the domestic dynamics, exploring how Turkey's image and global standing is dependent on the legitimacy and activism of non-state actors. The central aim being to understand how the interests, identity and practices of civil-society organizations (CSOs) have changed modes and channels of engagement with the Middle East: with Turkey increasingly deploying economic, humanitarian and cultural diplomacy in their relations with the region. The theoretical focus provides an alternative perspective on foreign-policy from a societal and ideational perspective. The empirical focus examines the development of civil-society in Turkey alongside the trajectory of changing foreign relations with the Middle East. This thesis highlights the variation in CSOs in terms of their relationship with the government: the type of interaction based on a number of variables such as autonomy from the government, the democratization process, the security environment and openings in the political space. By analysing the patterns of interaction and influence of CSOs, this dissertation contributes to the literature on civil-society influence and literature on Turkish foreign-policy (TFP). This thesis aims to contribute to growing research on civil-society's role in Turkey, however within the specific and understudied context of Middle East relations. It choses civil-society as the main unit of analysis in what is acknowledged to be a complex and multifaceted policy environment. However, as will be discussed throughout this thesis in relation to strong elements of continuity in TFP, the emergence of normative discourses, social, economic and political ties at the level of civil-society is one of the most distinct changes of the AKP era. Turkey's engagement with the Middle East has been shaped, and channelled through these actors, legitimized to the public and the international community. This renders the behaviour of Turkish CSOs even more significant to international relations, with Turkey's pre-2013 image as a regional mediator, humanitarian diplomat and soft-power contingent on these actors.
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Senzai, Farid. "U.S. Promotion of Civil Society in the Middle East : The case of Egypt." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508655.

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El, Daoi Racha. "Democratization Process in the Middle East : - The Example of Lebanon." Thesis, Högskolan i Jönköping, Internationella Handelshögskolan, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-15258.

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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the democratization process in the Middle East after 9/11. After 9/11 the US made a drastic change in their foreign policy towards the Middle East aiming on a “Freedom Agenda and fighting the “war on Terrorism” to ensure their national security.  Therefore, the main effort of the policy was made on democracy promotion in the Middle East in order for the Bush Administration to achieve their goals. Democracy is a widely used concept in the West describing a ruling system that secures peace and stability since it ensures the citizens all their freedoms and human rights. A definition of democracy and its arenas will be given according to the definition of Linz and Stephan with a main focus on Civil and Political Society. Lebanon will be brought up as an example of a somehow democratic Middle Easter Country. The Lebanese political system is based on confessionalism thus it is important to show how democracy is preserved within Lebanon presenting both the civil and political society within the country. The study in question shows how the US approached the region and which efforts were made in the democratization process in the Arab Middle East and it will also deal with the outcome 9/11 had on the Lebanese-US relation. The conclusion of the thesis showed that the Bush Administrations new foreign Policy faced many backlashes. Even though the US managed to overthrow the Taliban’s and remove Saddam’s Regime, the policy’s main goal of achieving democracy in the Middle East was not successful. In the case of Lebanon the research concludes that to achieve a successful democratic policy the Lebanese strong confessional structures must be combined with the fundamentals of democracy. It further showed that there has not been a drastic change in the Lebanese-US relation due to 9/11.
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Csengeri, Janos. "Civil society as a game changer: a comparative study of political transitions in Eastern Europe and the Middle East." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/38911.

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This study examines the role civil society has played in bringing about political change in the totalitarian regimes of the former Communist Bloc in Eastern Europe and the authoritarian states challenged by the Arab Spring. Specifically, this thesis creates a list of criteria for evaluating the presence of a good (meaning vibrant and liberal) or bad (meaning anti-democratic and non-liberal) civil society, and uses these criteria to predict the long term prospects of democratization in the four countries studied: Poland, Russia, Tunisia, and Egypt. The study finds that the presence of a good civil society or the majority of its criteria enhances the prospects of democratization in countries undergoing political transitions, while the lack of all or most of its criteria significantly decreases the likelihood that a democratic system will take root.
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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.

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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Zvan, Elliott Katja. "Women's rights and reform in provincial Morocco : from disenfranchisement to lack of empowerment." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d016ef02-51b6-4745-927a-e286608c8a28.

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Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.
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Broidy, Lauren. "“Ni a fuego, ni a pleto” as Jewish Lament: Re-Animating Diversity and Challenging Monolithic Assumptions in the Late Ottoman Empire and Nascent Middle Eastern Nations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2278.

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This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.
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Becker, Jeffrey Marcus. "Armed conflict and border society : the East and Middle Marches, 1536-60." Thesis, Durham University, 2006. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2743/.

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The final phase of the Anglo-Scots Wars (1542-1560) significantly affected Northumberland. The Tudor government attempted to use the militarised society of Northumberland as a means of subduing Scotland. However, the ensuing conflict took a heavy toll on the Marchers. Instability plagued the region, while leading military families feuded with each other. The efforts of the Tudors were not concerted enough to overcome the Marchers' allegiance to kith and kin. March society proved to be remarkably inhospitable for Tudor state building, and in the end, the military community of Northumberland remained just as vulnerable to both internal and external threats as it had been before the wars. This work questions the success of Tudor state building տ the mid-sixteenth century. The analysis employs both State Papers and local documents to illuminate the political dialogue between central government and the peripheral frontier administration. Official correspondences of March officers also highlight the depths to which Tudor policy had taken root in Northumberland. An analysis of muster rolls suggests that Northumbrian society’s involvement in the wars greatly fluctuated over nearly a twenty-year period, only to see the military capacities of Northumbrians significantly wane by 1560. The personal testimonies of officers imply that the Tudors had some initial success in bringing significant military power to their side. However, the same documents also suggest that incoherent policies resulted from the rapid succession of three separate monarchs after the death of Henry VIIL In the end, the Tudor state was unable to instil order in Northumberland, and the military necessities of frontier security remained problematic for the rest of the sixteenth century.
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Al-Mashekhi, Ahmed Ali. "Television in the Sultanate of Oman 1974-1996 : its development, role and functions in the Omani Society." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388622.

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Yazbek, Karim Antoine. "Public-private large-scale downtown redevelopment in the Middle East." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/12126.

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Books on the topic "Civil society – Middle East"

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R, Norton Augustus, ed. Civil society in the Middle East. Leiden: Brill, 1995.

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R, Norton Augustus, ed. Civil society in the Middle East. Boston: Brill, 2005.

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Amr, Hamzawy, ed. Civil society in the Middle East. Berlin: Schiler, 2003.

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Jillian, Schwedler, ed. Toward civil society in the Middle East?: A primer. Boulder, CO: L. Rienner, 1995.

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Harman, Dorothy. The Middle East study missions for foundations: Report. Jerusalem: Van Leer Jerusalem Institute, 2002.

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West Asia: Civil society, democracy, and state. New Delhi: New Century Publications, 2010.

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Ellis, Goldberg, Kasaba Reşat 1954-, and Migdal Joel S, eds. Rules and rights in the Middle East: Democracy, law, and society. Seattle: University of Washington, 1993.

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Elise, Boulding, ed. Building peace in the Middle East: Challenges for states and civil society. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1994.

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France) United Nations International Conference of Civil Society in Support of Middle East Peace (2005 Paris. United Nations International Conference of Civil Society in Support of Middle East Peace. New York, N.Y.]: United Nations, Division for Palestinian Rights, 2005.

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Watenpaugh, Keith David. Being modern in the Middle East: Revolution, nationalism, colonialism, and the Arab middle class. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Civil society – Middle East"

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Ghanem, Dalia. "Divide and Conquer: The Atomization of Civil Society." In Middle East Today, 65–102. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05102-9_4.

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Howard, David B., Eva Didion, David B. Howard, Ranjita Mohanty, Rajesh Tandon, Richard D. Waters, Jennifer M. Brinkerhoff, et al. "Philanthropy in the Middle East." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 1226–30. New York, NY: Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-93996-4_589.

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Niblock, Tim. "Civil Society in the Middle East." In A Companion to the History of the Middle East, 486–503. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996423.ch26.

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Durac, Vincent, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Civil Society and Political Change." In Politics and Governance in the Middle East, 160–87. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-52127-9_8.

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Pierobon, Chiara. "Introducing civil society." In The Power of Civil Society in the Middle East and North Africa, 13–23. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge explorations in development studies: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429265006-2.

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Alshawi, Ali A. Hadi. "Investigating tribalism and civil society in Qatar." In Routledge Handbook of Middle East Politics, 580–91. New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170688-48.

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Krause, Wanda. "Women in Civil Society: Key Issues in the Middle East." In Women in Civil Society, 1–26. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230615755_1.

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Saber, Alaa. "Civil Society and Social Capital in the Middle East." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99675-2_728-1.

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Franco, Raquel Campos, Lili Wang, Pauric O’Rourke, Beth Breeze, Jan Künzl, Chris Govekar, Chris Govekar, et al. "Civil Society and Social Capital in the Middle East." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 306–13. New York, NY: Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-93996-4_728.

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Natil, Ibrahim. "The power of civil society." In The Power of Civil Society in the Middle East and North Africa, 24–38. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge explorations in development studies: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429265006-3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Civil society – Middle East"

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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.

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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Uzra, Mehbuba Tune, and Peter Scrivener. "Designing Post-colonial Domesticity: Positions and Polarities in the Feminine Reception of New Residential Patterns in Modernising East Pakistan and Bangladesh." In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a4027pcwf6.

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When Paul Rudolph was commissioned to design a new university campus for East Pakistan in the mid-1960s, the project was among the first to introduce the expressionist brutalist lexicon of late-modernism into the changing architectural language of postcolonial South and Southeast Asia. Beyond the formal and tectonic ruptures with established colonial-modern norms that these designs represented, they also introduced equally radical challenges to established patterns of domestic space-use. Principles of open-planning and functional zoning employed by Rudolf in the design of academic staff accommodation, for example, evidently reflected a socially progressive approach – in light of the contemporary civil rights movement back in America – to the accommodation of domestic servants within the household of the modern nuclear family. As subsequent residents would recount, however, these same planning principles could have very different and even opposite implications for the privacy and sense of security of Bangladeshi academics and their families. The paper explores and interprets the post-occupancy experience of living in such novel ‘ultra-modern’ patterns of a new domesticity in postcolonial Bangladesh, and their reception and adaptation into the evolving norms of everyday residential development over the decades since. Specifically, it examines the reception of and responses to these radically new residential patterns by female members of the evolving modern Bengali Muslim middle class who were becoming progressively more liberal in their outlook and lifestyles, whilst retaining consciousness and respect for the abiding significance in their personal and family lives of traditional cultural practices and religious affinities. Drawing from the case material and methods of an on-going PhD study, the paper will offer a contrapuntal analysis of architectural and ethnological evidence of how the modern Bengali woman negotiates, adapts to and calibrates these received architectural patterns of domesticity whilst simultaneously crafting a reembraced cultural concept of femininity, in a fluid dialogical process of refashioning both space and self.
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Butler, Joe. "Corroboration in Middle East missile defense." In AIAA Defense and Civil Space Programs Conference and Exhibit. Reston, Virigina: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.1998-5241.

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"Middle East Molecular Biology Society 2nd Annual Conference." In Middle East Molecular Biology Society 2nd Annual Conference. Frontiers Media SA, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/978-2-88919-666-1.

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ZHANG, Jun, and Shanshan LIU. "A Research Analysis of the Non-use Value of the Industrial Heritage of the Middle East Railway." In 2016 International Conference on Architectural Engineering and Civil Engineering. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aece-16.2017.77.

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Serafino, Loris, and Sadeq Damrah. "Rethinking Quantitative Skills inaData-Driven Society: AView from the Middle East." In 2020 IEEE Global Engineering Education Conference (EDUCON). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/educon45650.2020.9125362.

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Kuras, L. V. ""The Great Mongolian State" of Ataman G.M. Semenov and the Middle State of Baron R.F. Ungern von Sternberg." In Civil War in the East of Russia (November 1917 – December 1922). FUE «Publishing House SB RAS», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31518/978-5-7692-1664-0-401-408.

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Simons, Robert, and Aly Karam. "Comparison of Residential Investment Potential between Cities of the Middle East and Africa." In 11th African Real Estate Society Conference. African Real Estate Society, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/afres2011_117.

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Ali El Khayat, Khaled Salaheldin. "Infrastructure and its Impacts on the High-Rise Buildings Study to Achieve the Safety from the Earthquakes in Middle East." In Annual International Conference on Architecture and Civil Engineering. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2301-394x_ace15.15.

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Al-Mohaisen, Adnan, Luc Chausse, and Satish Sud. "Progress Report on the GCC Electricity Grid System Interconnection in the Middle East." In 2007 IEEE Power Engineering Society General Meeting. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/pes.2007.385493.

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Reports on the topic "Civil society – Middle East"

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Kallas, Diana. The Magic Potion of Austerity and Poverty Alleviation: Narratives of political capture and inequality in the Middle East and North Africa. Oxfam, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2021.8298.

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Dominant narratives promoting economic growth at the expense of state institutions and basic social services have long underpinned a neoliberal model of spiralling debt and austerity in the MENA region. This exacerbates political capture and inequality and takes shape in an environment of media concentration and shrinking civic space. It is important for change movements to understand dominant narratives in order to challenge and shift them. With the right tools, civil society organizations, activists, influencers and alternative media can start changing the myths and beliefs which frame the socio-economic debate and predetermine which policy options are accepted as possible and legitimate, and which are not.
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Esquivel, Valeria, Ana Carolina Ogando, Ghida Ismail, Marcela Valdivia, Pranita Achyut, Nomancotsho Pakade, Gountiéni D. Lankoandé, and Ian Heffernan. Why Covid-19 Recovery Must be Gender-Responsive. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/core.2022.001.

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This summary highlights key learning from research from the Covid-19 Responses for Equity (CORE) initiative focusing on the impact the pandemic is having across different vulnerable groups and how gender intersects and often exacerbates these effects. Supported by the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), CORE brings together 21 projects to understand the socioeconomic impacts of the pandemic, improve existing responses, and generate better policy options for recovery. The research is being led primarily by local researchers, universities, thinktanks and civil society organisations across 42 countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Middle East.
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Clary, Eric. Using the Syrian Civil War To Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6252.

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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.

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In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.
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Davies, Sarah, Esther Hodges, Yohana Kibe, Laura Le Ray, and Julius Batemba. Impact Evaluation of Regional Influencing Work in Horn, East and Central Africa: A case study of the Rights in Crisis and Extractive Industries initiatives. Oxfam GB, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.9905.

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Oxfam’s Horn, East and Central Africa (HECA) Regional Platform was established in 2016. Among the platform’s far-reaching portfolio are two influencing initiatives – the Rights in Crisis network and Extractive Industries programme. Despite their ambitious scope and the challenging context, this report confirms that Oxfam has contributed effectively to change at all levels. These changes include increased refugee participation in advocacy initiatives and strengthened civil society engagement on issues involving the extractives industry. Find out more by reading the full report now.
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Potts, Tavis, and Rebecca Ford. Leading from the front? Increasing Community Participation in a Just Transition to Net Zero in the North-East of Scotland. Scottish Universities Insight Institute, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.57064/2164/19722.

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n line with Scottish Net Zero targets and the national strategy for a Just Transition, the Northeast of Scotland is transforming towards a low carbon future with a number of high-profile industry and policy initiatives. With the region home to global energy companies and historical high levels of energy sector employment, the narrative on transition is predominantly framed within an industrial and technological context, including narratives on new opportunities in green jobs, green industrial development, technical innovation and new infrastructure to support energy transition. As the energy landscape shifts in the North-East of Scotland, the impacts will be felt most keenly in communities from shifts in employment to changes to local supply chains. It is important to note that Net Zero ambitions will also change the nature and structure of communities in the region, for those within a shifting oil and gas industry and those without. A just transition ensures that all voices are heard, engaged and included in the process of change, and that communities, including those who have benefited and those who have not, have a stake in determining the direction of travel of a changing society and economy of the North-east. As a result, there is a need for a community-oriented perspective to transition which discusses a range of values and perspectives, the opportunities and resources available for transition and how communities of place can support the process of change toward Net Zero. Social transformation is a key element of a just transition and community engagement, inclusion and participation is embedded in the principles laid down by the Just Transition Commission. Despite this high-level recognition of social justice and inclusion at the heart of transition, there has been little move to understand what a just transition means in the context of local communities in the NorthEast. This project aims to address this imbalance and promote the ability of communities to not only engage but to help steer net zero transitions. It seeks to uncover and build a stronger local consensus about the vision and pathways for civil society to progress a just transition in the Northeast of Scotland. The project aims to do this through bringing together civil society, academic, policy and business stakeholders across three interactive workshops to: 1. Empower NE communities to engage with the Just Transition agenda 2. Identify what are the key issues within a Just Transition and how they can be applied in the Northeast. 3. Directly support communities by providing training and resources to facilitate change by working in partnership. The project funding supported the delivery of three professionally facilitated online workshops that were held over 2021/22 (Figure 1). Workshop 1 explored the global principles within a just transition and how these could apply to the Scottish context. Workshop 2 examined different pathways and options for transition in the context of Northeast Scotland. Workshop 3, in partnership with NESCAN explored operational challenges and best practices with community participants. The outcomes from the three workshops are explored in detail.
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Eise, Jessica, Natalie Lambert, Tiwaladeoluwa Adekunle, and Laura Eise. More Inclusive, More Practical: Climate Change Communication Research to Serve the Future. Purdue University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284317278.

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Climate change impacts are being felt around the world, threatening human well-being and global food security. Social scientists in communication and other fields, in tandem with physical scientists, are critical for implementing mitigation and adaptation strategies effectively and equitably. In the face of rapidly evolving circumstances, it is time to take stock of our current climate change communication research and look toward where we need to go. Based on our systematic review of mid- to current climate change research trends in communication as well as climate change response recommendations by the American Meteorological Society, we suggest future directions for research. We urgently recommend communication research that (1) addresses immediate mitigation and adaptation concerns in local communities and (2) is more geographically diverse, particularly focusing on the African continent, the Caribbean, Latin America, the Middle East and certain parts of Asia.
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Bhatt, Mihir R., Shilpi Srivastava, Megan Schmidt-Sane, and Lyla Mehta. Key Considerations: India's Deadly Second COVID-19 Wave: Addressing Impacts and Building Preparedness Against Future Waves. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2021.031.

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Since February 2021, countless lives have been lost in India, which has compounded the social and economic devastation caused by the second wave of COVID-19. The sharp surge in cases across the country overwhelmed the health infrastructure, with people left scrambling for hospital beds, critical drugs, and oxygen. As of May 2021, infections began to come down in urban areas. However, the effects of the second wave continued to be felt in rural areas. This is the worst humanitarian and public health crisis the country has witnessed since independence; while the continued spread of COVID-19 variants will have regional and global implications. With a slow vaccine rollout and overwhelmed health infrastructure, there is a critical need to examine India's response and recommend measures to further arrest the current spread of infection and to prevent and prepare against future waves. This brief is a rapid social science review and analysis of the second wave of COVID-19 in India. It draws on emerging reports, literature, and regional social science expertise to examine reasons for the second wave, explain its impact, and highlight the systemic issues that hindered the response. This brief puts forth vital considerations for local and national government, civil society, and humanitarian actors at global and national levels, with implications for future waves of COVID-19 in low- and middle-income countries. This review is part of the Social Science in Humanitarian Action Platform (SSHAP) series on the COVID-19 response in India. It was developed for SSHAP by Mihir R. Bhatt (AIDMI), Shilpi Srivastava (IDS), Megan Schmidt-Sane (IDS), and Lyla Mehta (IDS) with input and reviews from Deepak Sanan (Former Civil Servant; Senior Visiting Fellow, Centre for Policy Research), Subir Sinha (SOAS), Murad Banaji (Middlesex University London), Delhi Rose Angom (Oxfam India), Olivia Tulloch (Anthrologica) and Santiago Ripoll (IDS). It is the responsibility of SSHAP.
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Hunter, Janine. Street Life in the City on the Edge: Street youth recount their daily lives in Bukavu, DRC. StreetInvest, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20933/100001257.

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Bukavu, a city on the shores of Lake Kivu on the eastern edge of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), is home to over one million people, many displaced by poverty and the consequences of armed conflicts that continue to affect the east of the country. More than 10,000 street children and youth live here in street situations. 19 street youth helped to create this story map by recording all the visual data and sharing their stories about their daily lives. The story map includes 9 sections and 2 galleries showing street children and youth’s daily lives in Bukavu and the work of Growing up on the Streets civil society partner PEDER to help them. Chapters include details of how street children and youth collect plastics from the shores of Lake Kivu to sell, they cook, and share food together, or buy from restaurants or stalls. Young women earn their living in sex work and care for their children and young men relax, bond and hope to make extra money by gambling and betting. The original language recorded in the videos is Swahili, this has been translated into English and French for the two versions of the map.
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Schipper, Youdi, Isaac Mbiti, and Mauricio Romero. Designing and Testing a Scalable Teacher Incentive Programme in Tanzania. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-ri_2022/044.

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School participation in Tanzania has increased dramatically over the past two decades: primary school enrolment increased from 4.9 million in 2001 to 10.9 million in 2020. While 81 percent of primary-school-age children are currently enrolled, over the last ten years, the primary completion rate has dropped and remains below 70 percent since 2015 (data from UNESCO Institute for Statistics).1 Despite improvements in enrolment, indicators of foundational learning remain low. According to the 2020 report of the Standard Two National Assessment (STNA), conducted by the National Examinations Council of Tanzania (NECTA), in 2019 five percent of Grade 2 students pass the benchmark for reading proficiency (“Can correctly read exactly 50 words of the passage in one minute and with 80 percent or higher comprehension”). The report finds that 17 percent of students pass the benchmark (80 percent correct) of the addition and subtraction sub-tasks. These outcomes are not the result of students’ lack of academic aspiration: according to the RISE Tanzania baseline survey, 73 percent of Grade 2 and 3 students say they would like to complete secondary school or university. In a recent report, the Global Education Evidence Advisory Panel (World Bank, 2020) asked what programmes and policies are the most cost-effective instruments for addressing the learning crisis and improving learning for all children. The report creates three categories: the “great buys” category includes programmes that provide very low-cost but salient information on the benefits, costs, and quality of education. The “good buys” category includes programmes that provide structured pedagogy, instruction targeted by learning level, merit-based scholarships and pre-school interventions. Finally, the category “promising but low-evidence” includes teacher accountability and incentive reforms. KiuFunza, a teacher performance pay programme in Tanzania, fits this last category. KiuFunza (shorthand for Kiu ya Kujifunza or Thirst to Learn) provides test-score linked cash incentives to teachers in Grades 1, 2, and 3 to increase foundational literacy and numeracy outcomes for students. The programme is managed by Twaweza East Africa, a Civil Society Organization, and was set up to provide evidence on the impact of teacher incentives in a series of experimental evaluations. This note discusses the rationale for teacher incentives in Tanzania, the design elements of KiuFunza and preliminary results for the most recent phase of KiuFunza (this phase was implemented in 2019-2021 and the impact evaluation is part of the RISE Tanzania research agenda).
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