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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil society – Europe'

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Published: 10 March 2023

Last updated: 11 March 2023

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1

Kanieski, Mary Ann, and John K. Glenn. "Framing Democracy: Civil Society and Civic Movements in Eastern Europe." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 4 (July 2002): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089112.

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2

Rasmussen, Anne, and Stefanie Reher. "Civil Society Engagement and Policy Representation in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 11 (February 28, 2019): 1648–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019830724.

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Since Tocqueville linked the quality of democracy in America to its vibrant civic culture, studies have explored the relationship between social capital and the quality of governance. Yet, few have examined the mechanisms between individual components of social capital and democracy in depth. This study focuses on the link between one component of social capital, civil society engagement, and the linkage between public opinion and policy. It argues that engagement in associations with an interest in the policy issue may stimulate correspondence between public opinion and policy through their ability to collect and disseminate information to policy makers and the public. The analysis of 20 specific policy issues from 30 European countries confirms these expectations: Issues that experience a high level of associational engagement display a stronger relationship between public opinion and policy. The findings underline the role civil society organizations can play in policy representation beyond engaging in interest advocacy.

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3

Aarelaid-Tart, Aili, and Indrek Tart. "Culture and the Development of Civil Society." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408357.

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Every nation has its own history and its own way to create civic culture. The problem of civil society in Estonia is rather specific being first and foremost related to the nation's cultural development and only then with its political development. The restoration of civil society in Estonia from 1987 to 1988 is based on our own historical experience of civil initiative rather than the example of the other post-Communist countries of Eastern Europe.

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4

Wallace, Caire, Florian Pichler, and Christian Haerpfer. "Changing Patterns of Civil Society in Europe and America 1995-2005." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411401380.

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This article looks at developments in Eastern European civil society (as measured by the participation in organisations) and how this has changed between 1995 and 2005 using the World Values Survey. There are comparisons with Western Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other, which show that although civic participation of this kind has declined in the United States, it remains stable in Europe, including at a low level in Eastern Europe. Surprisingly, there seemed to be little differences between countries that had joined the European Union and those that had not. The article considers reasons for this continued weakness of civil society in Eastern Europe.

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5

BRUSZT, LÁSZLÓ, BALÁZS VEDRES, and DAVID STARK. "Shaping the Web of Civic Participation: Civil Society Websites in Eastern Europe." Journal of Public Policy 25, no. 1 (February 2, 2005): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x05000243.

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To study technologies of political participation in the era of internet we examine how civic associations in Eastern Europe create socio-technical platforms of civic participation. The creation of socio-technical platforms combines specific technological features with actors and types of acts. Based on data we collected on 1,585 East European civil society websites we identify five emergent genres of online platforms of civic participation: newsletters, interactive platforms, multilingual solicitations, directories, and brochures. In contrast to the utopistic image of a de-territorialized, participatory global civil society shaped by the new technology, our examination of civil society websites finds that the transnational are not inclined to be participatory and the participatory are less likely to be transnational.

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6

De Schutter, Olivier. "Europe in Search of its Civil Society." European Law Journal 8, no. 2 (June 2002): 198–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0386.00150.

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7

Pietrzyk, Dorota I. "Democracy or Civil Society?" Politics 23, no. 1 (February 2003): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00178.

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The aim of this article is, first, to provide a justification for the continued usefulness of the historical term ‘civil society’, and second, to examine in this context the challenges arising ahead in the postcommunist European societies which, after the collapse of communism, have adopted the model of liberal democracy. One of their crucial goals is the renewal of civil society, which is one of the main conditions of a properly functioning democratic order. I argue that the development of civil society in postcommunist countries is one of the major pre-conditions for their political stability. It should be stressed that civil society is not only a descriptive category but also a normative one for it presupposes a certain level of civic culture and civic consciousness. Historically, if we look at the theories of Smith, Hegel or Marx, civil society was understood as a bourgeois society. At present, what is at stake in the debates animating political and social theory in both East and West, is the question of what version of civil society should prevail. I shall argue that the development of civil society and the democratisation of the social and political spheres should be seen as a mutual process leading to political and economic stability. The actual experience of postcommunist societies in East-Central Europe, attempting liberalisation and democratisation, shows that this mutual process needs a more comprehensive understanding and theoretical explanation.

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8

Kanunnikov, A. A. "European Civil Society or Civil Society of the European Countries?" RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-3-61-70.

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This article is devoted to the study of civil society in the European Union. It shows the existence of two terms - “European civil society” and “civil society in Europe”. There is a vagueness of the term “European civil society” because it does not disclose the principle of belonging to a “European civil society” - a socio-cultural or geographical. There is a doubt about the possibility of the application of the civil society concept developed to describe the realities at the level of the nation-state, to the description of the phenomenon at a transnational level, for example, in the case of the European Union. The article shows three periods of civil society participation in the European integration process. The article concludes that is premature to consider the European civil society as an autonomous social sphere, opposing the state.

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9

Katcherian, Jeff. "Softening culture, opening Europe." Focaal 2010, no. 56 (March 1, 2010): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2010.560102.

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This article examines the development of cultural policy recommendations, in the form of “soft law,” by the Civil Society Platform for Intercultural Dialogue, a nascent European civil society collaboration aiming to make culture a separate political endeavor within the context of European integration. Drawing on fieldwork among European bureaucrats and members of European civil society in Brussels, Belgium, the article offers an alternative discussion from common understandings of soft law, paying close attention to law as an aesthetic form that challenges dominant modes of policy-making. An investigation of soft forms of law provides a useful perspective to those who attempt to define, locate, and create European identity.

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10

Gruenwald, Oskar. "Toward an Open Society." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/22.

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From the Adriatic to the Baltic, from the Elbe to the Urals and beyond, totalitarianism has collapsed. Yet the 1989 bloodless revolution in Eastem Europe caught most observers by surprise. This essay explores the signal socio-cultural forces which contributed to the sea-change. Throughout Eastem Europe, grassroots movements emerged in the 1970s and 1980s demanding greater participation in social, economic, cultural, and political life. Thus, the rise of a new civic culture and civil society preceded and fostered the momentous changes in Eastem Europe, This essay offers a model of transition from authoritarian systems to political democracy, highlighted by "The Menshevik Divide," and places East European nations and the USSR on a cognitive map which indicates the relative strength of civic values and autonomous action just before the revolution (1988), Curiously, this model also shows why the transition remains incomplete, since authoritarian values and political processes keep many post-communist systems in a twilight zone between democracy and dictatorship. Hence, the quest for universal human rights, democracy, pluralism, tolerance, and an open society is still a futuristic project in much of Eastem Europe and the Soviet successor states, suspended between democracy and "virtual communism."

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11

Monaghan, Elizabeth. "'Communicating Europe': The Role of Organised Civil Society." Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no. 1 (March 27, 2008): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i1.83.

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The European Commission’s new ‘communication strategy’ has been presented as a radically new way of bridging the gap between the citizens of the member states and the European Union (EU) institutions. However it should also be seen as the latest in a long line of attempts to solve the problems of democratic legitimacy from which the EU is said to suffer. The rhetoric of the strategy is infused with highly commendable objectives and desirable principles stating how effective communication can help the EU connect more closely with citizens, and calling upon all relevant stakeholders – specifically civil society – to contribute to this project. Democratic theories of civil society provide support for the idea that civil society can play a linkage role between citizens and political structures. But empirical research on processes of interest representation in the EU casts doubt on whether organisations purporting to represent various strands within European civil society are able and willing to help bring citizens and the EU closer together. Turning the empirical focus to the organisations themselves it becomes apparent that simply invoking civil society involvement in ‘communicating Europe’ is not a sufficient guarantee of success. Instead, the nature of the communication activities, the characteristics of the organisations in question, and the issue of funding all have implications for the role of civil society in communicating Europe.

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12

Rink, Dieter. "The awakening of civil society in Eastern Europe." City 21, no. 3-4 (June 8, 2017): 524–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2017.1327173.

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13

Lupton, Julia Reinhard. "Shakespeare's Other Europe: Jews, Venice, and Civil Society." Social Identities 7, no. 4 (December 2001): 479–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630120107656.

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14

Newman, Simeon J., and Laura J. Enríquez. "Civil Society and the Transition towards Socialism." Comparative Sociology 18, no. 3 (July 10, 2019): 345–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341501.

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Abstract Research on East-Central Europe suggests that the transitions from state socialism to capitalism generated civil society. The present authors focus on the effects of a transition of the opposite variety: from capitalism towards state socialism. Both kinds of transitions are characterized by a disjuncture between enduring political economies and legitimate discourses calling for them to be changed. Marshaling qualitative and quantitative data, the authors demonstrate the existence, and assess the effects, of such a disjuncture in the case of Venezuela between circa 2000 and 2010. They examine a subset of rural civic organizations, showing that they referenced mutually-incompatible aspects of the disjointed state when developing their programs, leading them to within-class heterogeneity and occasional across-classes convergence, as is characteristic of pluralist civil society.

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15

von-Amann-de-Campos, Nuno. "Television and viewers: civil society´s mobilization." Comunicar 13, no. 25 (October 1, 2005): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c25-2005-016.

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The aims of this paper are: to awake the public to their responsibility for contributing to a better media services, to give protection from the consequences of an excessive concentration of media organisations in a few economic groups and to monitor the work of the media regulator, to organise educational sessions for children, teenagers, their parents and other educators with the main purpose of promoting a more conscious and critical use of media, to recommend improvement programmes and classes for media students stressing the importance of ethics in communication, to renounce shocking and harmful images, texts or programmes as well as dishonest and excessive publicity, to promote the use of self-regulation codes by the media and the mobilization of civil society through the «International Universities Forum», the project «Education for media», the web site www.acmedia.pt, the «Media Observatories» set up in Europe and Middle East and the platform «I want to intervene». As associações membros da FIATYR desenvolvem iniciativas de acção pedagógica tendentes a compensar o alheamento existente. A ACMedia responde com o projecto europeu «Educar para os media» visando incutir nas crianças e nos jovens uma atitude responsável e crítica relativamente aos meios de comunicação social, ao mesmo tempo que sensibiliza os pais, os educadores e demais técnicos de ensino, para um desempenho concertado com tais propósitos; incentiva o interesse pela aprendizagem das novas tecnologias e para o seu uso adequado; promove a necessidade de um acompanhamento familiar afectivo e estável para a obtenção de um desenvolvimento emocional equilibrado. A mobilização da sociedade civil é ainda promovida pelo Fórum Internacional da Universidades, estimulada pelo site www.acmedia.pt e dinamizada pela plataforma de intervenção cívica «Quero intervir».

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16

Miszlivetz, Ferenc. "Civil Society in Eastern Europe? The case of Hungary." World Futures 29, no. 1-2 (April 1990): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604027.1990.9972168.

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17

Breuilly, J. "Civil Society Before Democracy: Lessons from Nineteenth-Century Europe." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 736–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.736.

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18

Bernhard, Michael. "Civil Society and Democratic Transition in East Central Europe." Political Science Quarterly 108, no. 2 (1993): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2152014.

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19

Manuel, Paul Christopher. "Civil Society and Democratization in Europe: Comparative Perspectives. Introduction." Perspectives on Political Science 27, no. 3 (January 1998): 133–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457099809604899.

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20

Einhorn, Barbara, and Charlotte Sever. "Gender and Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe." International Feminist Journal of Politics 5, no. 2 (January 2003): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461674032000080558.

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21

Batishcheva, M. A. "WHISTLEBLOWING IN CIVIL SERVICE: EXPERIENCE OF EUROPE." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 195–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-195-205.

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In this article it is examined the whistleblowing practice in civil service across Europe. The analysis lets to arrive at a conclusion that the whistleblowing mechanism unevenly functions in different parts of Europe: it is more widespread in East and South. It is indicated the following reasons for that: differences in institutional systems of society, models of civil service («continental» and anglosaxon) and sociocultural distinctions. Based on the Hofstede dimensions of national culture it is noted that cultural characteristics correlate with presence/absence of whistleblowing law and practice and effectiveness of this mechanism as a whole. Focusing on the role of whistleblowing in control of deviations of civil servants' behavior, it is supposed that the whistleblowing needs to be implemented in the Russian civil service. Obstacles to the whistleblowing design and implementation were also shown and some recommendations were given, taking into account sociocultural characteristics of the Russian society.

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22

Kohler-Koch, Beate. "The three worlds of European civil society—What role for civil society for what kind of Europe?" Policy and Society 28, no. 1 (April 2009): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polsoc.2009.02.005.

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23

Ploszka, Adam. "Shrinking Space for Civil Society: A Case Study of Poland." European Public Law 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2020): 941–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2020072.

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This article discusses the phenomenon of shrinking space for civil society organizations in Poland, a Member States of the European Union and Council of Europe. It describes the tools used by Polish public authorities to restrict the operational capacity of civil society and compares these tools with the applicable constitutional and human rights standards. The article’s summary presents recommendations concerning the methods of addressing this phenomenon in Poland, which are capable of being applied in a broader context of other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. human rights, ECHR, shrinking space, civil society

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24

Babkina, Olga, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska, and Olena Balatska. "Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 73 (July 29, 2022): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.38.

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The article studies the current changes taking place in the civil society sector of Eastern European countries under the impact of intensifying radical action on the political environment. One of the key areas of progress of modern states is a further development of democratic values, which depends largely on the activity of the civil society sector. In this regard, the aim of the study was to examine the main problems and areas of change in the development of the civil society sector during the period of intensification of political radicalism in some Eastern European democracies. Methodologically, they used the empirical results of a survey of citizens of Eastern European countries to determine areas of development and key issues of civil society. In conclusion, a comparative analysis of the level of development of the civil sector and the degree of radicalization in Eastern European countries revealed the correlation between the development of civil society and radical policy frameworks.

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25

Guasti, Petra. "Development of citizen participation in Central and Eastern Europe after the EU enlargement and economic crises." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 3 (July 8, 2016): 219–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.006.

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The main focus of this article is the role of organized civil society in facilitating citizen engagement in Central and East European new EU member states after the EU accession and the recent economic crises. Using international comparative methodologies and data this article analyses democratic processes in the new member states focussing on the changes in strengths and weaknesses of citizen engagement. It shows the ways in which the post-enlargement process, especially the economic crisis affected the ability of CEE citizens — both directly, and via civil society organisations and trade unions — to be active participants of the multilevel governance processes. It finds that one of the key remaining gaps of the democratization process remains the relative weakness of state—citizens relationship. The impact of the economic crisis on the CEE countries was significant, in particular in regard to financial viability of organised civil society. However, economic crisis also acted as an important mobilization factor, and in all countries under study, civic participation, enabled by civil society and trade unions increased. New initiatives — in particular those tackling corruption and party campaign finance, saw NGOs focussing their advocacy efforts towards the government as well as actively mobilizing and engaging citizens. Across the CEE region, we are seeing gradual social learning, internalization of new norms and emergence of new identities — active citizens engaged with (and if necessary in opposition to) the state — directly (public mobilization and protests) and via organized civil society.

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26

Kubicek, Paul. "The Earthquake, Civil Society, and Political Change in Turkey: Assessment and Comparison with Eastern Europe." Political Studies 50, no. 4 (September 2002): 761–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00006.

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Civil society has been widely celebrated as instrumental in democratization, but in some countries it remains poorly developed. Such was the case in Turkey, but many hoped that the 1999 earthquakes would lead to an invigoration of civil society and subsequent political liberalization. Examining this claim shows that Turkish civil society has not been able to sustain the energy it enjoyed immediately after the earthquake because of factors within civil society itself and the attitude of the state. This relative failure is then contrasted with the more positive experience of civil society in East-Central Europe. The comparisons reveal some limits to the utility of a civil society approach to democratization. I conclude by assessing the ability of other actors and factors to fashion political reform in Turkey today.

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27

KOCKA, JU¨RGEN. "Civil society from a historical perspective." European Review 12, no. 1 (February 2004): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000067.

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In many languages, the concept of ‘Civil society’ has had an astonishing career over the last 10 to 15 years, in disciplines such as history and sociology as well as with the public at large. This article presents a short history of the concept, offers a definition and explores the reasons for its popularity by identifying its conceptual ‘opponents’, which have changed over time. It discusses the changing relations between civil society, the market economy, government and the private sphere. It deals with the affinity between civil society and the middle classes in some areas and periods. It finally explores the trends and limits of the emergence of a transnational civil society in Europe. It is an overview that deals with the present problems from a historical perspective.

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28

Fish, M. Steven. "Framing Democracy: Civil Society and Civic Movements in Eastern Europe. John K. Glenn, III." Journal of Politics 64, no. 2 (May 2002): 660–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.64.2.2691867.

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29

Lindellee, Jayeon, and Roberto Scaramuzzino. "Can EU Civil Society Elites Burst the Brussels Bubble? Civil Society Leaders’ Career Trajectories." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2995.

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The Brussels-based civil society organizations (CSOs) have been conceived by the EU to act as a bridge between the bureaucratic elites and the citizens of Europe. The institutionalized presence of the major EU-based CSOs has, however, called their legitimacy into question, as exemplified by notions such as ‘revolving doors’ implying homogeneous social, educational, and professional backgrounds shared by both EU officials and CSO leaders. This article therefore asks the following questions: To what extent do the leaders of EU-based CSOs merely reproduce the types of capital that mirror those of the political elites in the so-called ‘Brussels bubble’? To what extent do the CSO leaders bring in other sets of capital and forms of recognition that are independent of the Brussels game? How can we explain differences in the salience of EU capital found across policy areas, types of leadership positions, and types of organizations? Empirically, this article qualitatively analyzes the career trajectories of 17 leaders of EU-based peak CSOs that are active in social and environmental policy areas. Despite the highly integrated and institutionalized characteristics shared by all organizations, we find diversity in the composition of the leaders in terms of the extent to which their career trajectories are embedded in the EU arena.

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30

Beinare, D., and M. McCarthy. "Civil society organisations, social innovation and health research in Europe." European Journal of Public Health 22, no. 6 (November 23, 2011): 889–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckr152.

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31

Wnuk-Lipiński, Edmund. "Vicissitudes of Ethical Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe." Studies in Christian Ethics 20, no. 1 (April 2007): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946806075486.

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32

Laurent-Ledru, Vanina, Angus Thomson, and Joseph Monsonego. "Civil society: A critical new advocate for vaccination in Europe." Vaccine 29, no. 4 (January 2011): 624–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.vaccine.2010.11.004.

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33

Goodwin, Mark. "Uneven development and civil society in Western and Eastern Europe." Geoforum 20, no. 2 (January 1989): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-7185(89)90036-5.

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34

Jezierska, Katarzyna. "Moral Blueprint or Neoliberal Gobbledygook?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 4 (October 6, 2014): 831–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414551166.

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Poland is often pointed to as the regional leader of transition processes with regard to the development and sustainability of civil society. This article presents a critical perspective on the direction in which Polish civil society has evolved after 1989. The author reconstructs existing frames of civil society within Polish elite NGO discourse and argues that one specific understanding of civil society—civil society as third sector/service provision—has gained a hegemonic position, marginalizing other conceptions and thus other functions of civil society. Civil society as moral blueprint, civil society as control power, and civil society as neoliberal gobbledygook are identified as coexisting, potentially counter-hegemonic frames. Thus, the quasi-public function, that is, providing services that the state does not, has become the dominant understanding of civil society suppressing its socialization and political functions, once so prominent in Central and Eastern Europe.

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35

Sowa, Kazimierz Z. "Dissent and Civil Society in Poland." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/23.

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This essay explores social forces which contributed to regaining independence by the Polish people and sovereignty by the Polish state after 45 years of Soviet domination There were four major factors or forces of historical change: workers' resistance (big-industry working class); intellectual opposition (dissidents); grass-roots movement (families, households and their microeconmuc activity); and the Catholic Church (in the late phase of the Polish People's Republic). The preliminary thesis is that Poland succeeded in transcending communism and Soviet domination as quickly as it did thanks to its civil society traditions. In particular, universities and their intellectual influence on the young generations of Poles helped nurture the political opposition Equally, the grass-roots movement of Polish family households undermined the unrealistic, strange system of national (planned) economy, which otherwise could have lasted much longer in Poland, as it did in all of Eastem Europe. The conclusion follows that the historically formed cultural capital of the Polish people was the decisive factor in the nation's liberation from totalitarian rule.

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36

Ma, Shu-Yun. "The Chinese Discourse on Civil Society." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003410x.

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In recent years the concept of civil society has gained scholarly attention world-wide. It has found numerous advocates in the West, such as John Keane who suggested democratizing European socialism by defending the distinction between civil society and the state; Michael Walzer who proposed synthesizing socialist, capitalist and nationalist ideals under the rubric of civil society; and Daniel Bell, who called for a revival of civil society in the United States as a protection against the expanding state bureaucracies. In 1992 alone, at least three books on the subject appeared. In Eastern Europe, proponents of the civil society concept – like Vaclav Havel, George Konrad and Adam Michnik – have been credited with developing an extremely useful theoretical tool for overthrowing Stalinist authoritarianism. A volume consisting of case studies of seven former or present socialist countries found that the notion of civil society is generally applicable to the study of Communist systems, as long as the influence of different cultures and traditions of individual countries are fully acknowledged. The civil society paradigm, despite its basic European orientation, has also been recognized as applicable to the study of developing countries.

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37

Shabrova, Nina V. "Parents in the School System in Europe." Integration of Education 26, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 539–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/1991-9468.108.026.202203.539-558.

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Introduction. To determine the prospects for the development of the social community of parents as a subject of civil society in Russia it is necessary to analyze foreign practices of social and civil activities of parents. In this sense, the activities of European parents are of interest, reflecting the experience of countries with a developed civil society (France, Germany, Sweden). The aim of the article is to analyze the institutional opportunities and practices of European parentsʼ participation in the system of school education. Materials and Methods. The methodological framework for the study of parentsʼ involvement in childrenʼs education was the concept of D. Epstein. To achieve this goal, the content of normative documents regulating the participation of European parents in the education of their school children was studied; a secondary analysis of statistical information and scientific publications was carried out. Results. The study showed that despite the common European space, parents of the analyzed countries have different institutional opportunities to participate in the education of their children. Two basic principles of state policy in relation to the parent community, which affect the peculiarities of their participation in school education, are highlighted. The first principle is the restriction of the freedom of individual choice of parents in the field of school education to ensure equal access to public school education. The second is the priority of childrenʼs rights over the rights of parents. The interaction of the school with parents is focused on the education of politically correct parents who fulfill the requirements of the school. It is noted that the Russian parent community can more actively use at least two European practices for the implementation and protection of parental and children rights and interests in the field of school education: collective forms of protection of rights and interests; consolidation with the local community for the implementation of parental and children needs and interests. Discussion and Conclusion. The obtained results contribute to the development of the sociological concept of the parent community as a subject of civil society. The materials of the article will be useful to scientists analyzing the problems of the development of Russian civil society; representatives of educational management engaged in the development of programs for the harmonization of relations between parents and schools; civil activists.

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38

Buysse, Lieven, and Pascal Rillof. "Civil Rights and Participating in Today's Multilingual Europe." FITISPos International Journal 6, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/fitispos-ij.2019.6.1.232.

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Abstract: Today’s European society is incrementally superdiverse, which raises all sorts of challenges as well as concerns about the degrees to which people from varying backgrounds can be integrated in society. Key to such integration is access to public services, since precisely these facilities cater for people’s basic needs and guarantee that they can exercise their civil rights. All too often language barriers pose an insurmountable obstacle to adequate service provision in many vital areas such as healthcare, social welfare, and education. Legislative frameworks should be developed, both at a supranational and a national level in order to establish the right to high-performing public service interpreting and translation, and more generally, policy frameworks for effective communication with anyone appealing to public services.Resumen: La sociedad europea actual es cada vez más diversa, lo que desencadena toda clase de retos e inquietudes acerca del nivel en el que personas con distintos orígenes pueden integrarse en la sociedad. El acceso a los servicios públicos es un elemento clave en este proceso, ya que precisamente en estas instalaciones se responden ante las necesidades básicas de los ciudadanos y se garantiza que puedan ejercer sus derechos civiles. Las barreras lingüísticas con frecuencia plantean muros insuperables a la hora de proporcionar servicios en áreas básicas, como la sanidad, la asistencia social y la educación. Deben desarrollarse marcos legislativos tanto a nivel supranacional como nacional para establecer el derecho a una traducción e interpretación eficiente en los servicios públicos y, de forma más general, marcos políticos destinados a garantizar una comunicación efectiva para todo aquel que recurra a un servicio público

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de Jonge, Wilco. "Supporting civil society and NGOs in Eastern Europe: Some lessons learned." Helsinki Monitor 17, no. 4 (2006): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181406778917288.

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Lovell, David W. "Nationalism, Civil Society, and the Prospects for Freedom in Eastern Europe." Australian Journal of Politics and History 45, no. 1 (March 1999): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00054.

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Jakubowicz, Karol. "Civil Society and Public Service Broadcasting in Central and Eastern Europe." Javnost - The Public 3, no. 2 (January 1996): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1996.11008623.

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Grødeland, Åse B., and Aadne Aasland. "Civil Society in Post-Communist Europe: Perceptions and Use of Contacts." Journal of Civil Society 7, no. 2 (June 2011): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2011.573667.

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Todorova, Marija. "Civil society in translation: innovations to political discourse in Southeast Europe." Translator 24, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13556509.2019.1586071.

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Sovner, Merrill. "Moving forward thinking on civil society in Central and Eastern Europe." East European Politics 32, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 400–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2016.1184144.

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Dvořáková, Vladimíra. "Civil Society in Latin America and Eastern Europe: Reinvention or Imposition?" International Political Science Review 29, no. 5 (November 2008): 579–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512108098878.

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Friedmann, John. "Migrants, civil society and the New Europe: The challenge for planners." European Planning Studies 3, no. 3 (September 1995): 275–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09654319508720307.

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Collins, Hugh. "Why Europe Needs a Civil Code." European Review of Private Law 21, Issue 4 (August 1, 2013): 907–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2013052.

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Abstract: Arguments in favour of the creation of a civil code for the European Union are usually framed in terms of the internal market agenda, which seeks to remove real or supposed obstructions to trade, such as the diversity of national laws. Although those arguments for a European civil code are found inadequate and to some extent misconceived, a different reason for the creation of a civil code consisting of principles rather than detailed rules is advanced, based on the idea that Europe needs to construct a transnational civil society that will provide the foundations for greater political solidarity between the peoples of Europe and thereby legitimate more effective transnational institutions of governance. Does the European Union need a civil code? Like a dark cloud, this question hovers over debates about the future of private law in Europe. Few advocate explicitly the adoption of a civil code in the immediate future, yet many have taken instrumental steps along a road that seems to lead only in that direction. Those steps - whether they be in the task of discovering common core of principles of private law among national legal systems1 or producing a systematic body of principles such as the Principles of European Contract Law2 and the Draft Common Frame of Reference of rules and principles for the law of obligations3 or augmenting the scope of directives to include more and more types of transactions - all have the same direction of travel towards a comprehensive European set of rules governing contracts and related legal obligations. Although these efforts are fascinating intellectual ventures and may prove useful for some purposes, it is important to ask whether the European Union really needs to go on this journey towards a civil code.

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Ginsborg, Paul. "The Politics of the Family in Twentieth-Century Europe." Contemporary European History 9, no. 3 (November 2000): 411–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003076.

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This article aims to offer a first overview of family politics in twentieth-century Europe. The term ‘family politics’ is here taken to imply not just family policies – what states do for, or to, families – but, more broadly, the relations between individuals, families, civil society and the state. Four different visions of family politics, at different moments of the century, are analysed in detail: that of the Bolsheviks in the early years of the Russian Revolution; that of the great dictators (Hitler, Stalin, Mussolini, Franco) from the 1920s to the 1940s; that of Catholicism in the central decades of the century; and finally that of democracy, from 1945 onwards. It is argued that in each of these instances there emerges a strikingly different configuration of the relations in question (individual–family–civil society–state). For many of the Bolsheviks the family itself was the target of attack, while the individual was to be subsumed into a collectivised society. For the great dictators civil society was swiftly eliminated and the family was formally exalted, but the crucial relationships became those between the authoritarian state and regimented individuals. For the Catholic Church of Pius XII the principal menace to the Christian family was seen to come from the state on the one hand and individualism on the other; the family and an integrist society were to be the principal links of his chain. Democracy alone, albeit imperfectly, has held fast to all four elements, trying in different ways in different countries to strike a balance between them.

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Okolnycha, Tetiana, and Larysa Kostenko. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF CIVIC CONSIOUSNESS OF A PERSONALITY IN HISTORICAL RETROSPECT." Academic Notes Series Pedagogical Science 1, no. 204 (June 2022): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2415-7988-2022-1-204-41-45.

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In the article the development of the idea of civic consiousness of a personality is revealed in historic retrospection. The authors emphasize that in socio-historical terms, civic consciousness is a consequence of socio-political, socio- economic and cultural processes. Therefore, every state has always been interested in shaping this feature of its citizens. The idea of a civic society goes back to the era of ancient civilization. This term was actually coined by the Romans, who spoke of a civic union, community. Shaping Civil Law was one of the achievements of ancient Romans. In the Middle Ages, civic consiousness was valued less than in ancient times. In the period of Renaissance the importance of personal creativity and activity was increased. The Reformation emphasized the importance of a believer's direct communion with God. The emergence of nations shaped new views on the state and human rights. The term "civic consiouness" spread due to the Great French Revolution of the XVIII century, during which an official addressing “ citizen” appeared The Enlightenment contributed to the emergence of philosophy of natural rights. In the XIX century independent civil society organizations became an important factor in social development. In the article due attention is paid to the views of Ukrainian thinkers M. Drahomanov, M. Hrushevsky, I. Franko conserning the role of the civil society and the education of its members as the basis of Ukrainian statehood. During the XX century the idea of a civil society gradually lost its leading position in political thought. Instead, the theory and practice of the state became increasingly important. Radical political changes that engulfed the countries of Eastern and Central Europe in the late 1980s brought the idea of a civil society back to the center of theoretical reasoning and public life. The authors conclude that civic culture structures the social space of civil society, orienting the general needs and norms in its implementation, individual characteristics and views on common solidarity, trust and mutual understanding. When the approach is effective such organizational design, citizenship expresses a sense of their place and participation in public life. Citizenship is accompanied by some features of a democratic society.

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Madryha, Tetiana, Oleksandr Kornievskyy, Yevgen Pereguda, Irina Bodrova, and Stepan Svorak. "Transformation of civil society in the context of political radicalism in eastern Europe." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 74 (October 25, 2022): 268–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4074.14.

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The aim of the article was to identify the current state of the process of civil society transformation in the context of political radicalism in Eastern Europe. Comparative law and statistical analysis were the main methodological tools. The research showed that the development of political radicalism in Eastern Europe leads to the transformation of civil society. A more persistent and contentious public makes new demands on the political process. It also creates multidimensional tensions and conflicts. Representatives of radicalism gain strong positions in the political environment of society by supporting illiberalism, ethno-nationalism, culture wars and alternative knowledge. The process of merging militant and violent radicalism with family ethnonationalism is ongoing in the countries of Eastern Europe. It is concluded that this phenomenon requires constant implementation of political, legal and security strategies to prevent manifestations of political radicalism. The appropriateness and prospects of the activities of the Radicalization Awareness Network, developed by the European Union, were established.

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