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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil society – Europe, Eastern'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Wallace, Caire, Florian Pichler, and Christian Haerpfer. "Changing Patterns of Civil Society in Europe and America 1995-2005." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411401380.

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This article looks at developments in Eastern European civil society (as measured by the participation in organisations) and how this has changed between 1995 and 2005 using the World Values Survey. There are comparisons with Western Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other, which show that although civic participation of this kind has declined in the United States, it remains stable in Europe, including at a low level in Eastern Europe. Surprisingly, there seemed to be little differences between countries that had joined the European Union and those that had not. The article considers reasons for this continued weakness of civil society in Eastern Europe.

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2

Kanieski, Mary Ann, and John K. Glenn. "Framing Democracy: Civil Society and Civic Movements in Eastern Europe." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 4 (July 2002): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089112.

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3

Rink, Dieter. "The awakening of civil society in Eastern Europe." City 21, no. 3-4 (June 8, 2017): 524–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2017.1327173.

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4

BRUSZT, LÁSZLÓ, BALÁZS VEDRES, and DAVID STARK. "Shaping the Web of Civic Participation: Civil Society Websites in Eastern Europe." Journal of Public Policy 25, no. 1 (February 2, 2005): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x05000243.

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To study technologies of political participation in the era of internet we examine how civic associations in Eastern Europe create socio-technical platforms of civic participation. The creation of socio-technical platforms combines specific technological features with actors and types of acts. Based on data we collected on 1,585 East European civil society websites we identify five emergent genres of online platforms of civic participation: newsletters, interactive platforms, multilingual solicitations, directories, and brochures. In contrast to the utopistic image of a de-territorialized, participatory global civil society shaped by the new technology, our examination of civil society websites finds that the transnational are not inclined to be participatory and the participatory are less likely to be transnational.

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5

Aarelaid-Tart, Aili, and Indrek Tart. "Culture and the Development of Civil Society." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408357.

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Every nation has its own history and its own way to create civic culture. The problem of civil society in Estonia is rather specific being first and foremost related to the nation's cultural development and only then with its political development. The restoration of civil society in Estonia from 1987 to 1988 is based on our own historical experience of civil initiative rather than the example of the other post-Communist countries of Eastern Europe.

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6

Miszlivetz, Ferenc. "Civil Society in Eastern Europe? The case of Hungary." World Futures 29, no. 1-2 (April 1990): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604027.1990.9972168.

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7

Einhorn, Barbara, and Charlotte Sever. "Gender and Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe." International Feminist Journal of Politics 5, no. 2 (January 2003): 163–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1461674032000080558.

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8

Babkina, Olga, Novakova Olena, Liudmyla Pavlova, Olena Karchevska, and Olena Balatska. "Civil Society Transformation in the Context of Political Radicalism in Eastern Europe." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 73 (July 29, 2022): 671–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4073.38.

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The article studies the current changes taking place in the civil society sector of Eastern European countries under the impact of intensifying radical action on the political environment. One of the key areas of progress of modern states is a further development of democratic values, which depends largely on the activity of the civil society sector. In this regard, the aim of the study was to examine the main problems and areas of change in the development of the civil society sector during the period of intensification of political radicalism in some Eastern European democracies. Methodologically, they used the empirical results of a survey of citizens of Eastern European countries to determine areas of development and key issues of civil society. In conclusion, a comparative analysis of the level of development of the civil sector and the degree of radicalization in Eastern European countries revealed the correlation between the development of civil society and radical policy frameworks.

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9

Wnuk-Lipiński, Edmund. "Vicissitudes of Ethical Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe." Studies in Christian Ethics 20, no. 1 (April 2007): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946806075486.

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10

Goodwin, Mark. "Uneven development and civil society in Western and Eastern Europe." Geoforum 20, no. 2 (January 1989): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-7185(89)90036-5.

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11

Fish, M. Steven. "Framing Democracy: Civil Society and Civic Movements in Eastern Europe. John K. Glenn, III." Journal of Politics 64, no. 2 (May 2002): 660–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.64.2.2691867.

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12

Kubicek, Paul. "The Earthquake, Civil Society, and Political Change in Turkey: Assessment and Comparison with Eastern Europe." Political Studies 50, no. 4 (September 2002): 761–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00006.

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Civil society has been widely celebrated as instrumental in democratization, but in some countries it remains poorly developed. Such was the case in Turkey, but many hoped that the 1999 earthquakes would lead to an invigoration of civil society and subsequent political liberalization. Examining this claim shows that Turkish civil society has not been able to sustain the energy it enjoyed immediately after the earthquake because of factors within civil society itself and the attitude of the state. This relative failure is then contrasted with the more positive experience of civil society in East-Central Europe. The comparisons reveal some limits to the utility of a civil society approach to democratization. I conclude by assessing the ability of other actors and factors to fashion political reform in Turkey today.

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13

Madryha, Tetiana, Oleksandr Kornievskyy, Yevgen Pereguda, Irina Bodrova, and Stepan Svorak. "Transformation of civil society in the context of political radicalism in eastern Europe." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 74 (October 25, 2022): 268–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4074.14.

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The aim of the article was to identify the current state of the process of civil society transformation in the context of political radicalism in Eastern Europe. Comparative law and statistical analysis were the main methodological tools. The research showed that the development of political radicalism in Eastern Europe leads to the transformation of civil society. A more persistent and contentious public makes new demands on the political process. It also creates multidimensional tensions and conflicts. Representatives of radicalism gain strong positions in the political environment of society by supporting illiberalism, ethno-nationalism, culture wars and alternative knowledge. The process of merging militant and violent radicalism with family ethnonationalism is ongoing in the countries of Eastern Europe. It is concluded that this phenomenon requires constant implementation of political, legal and security strategies to prevent manifestations of political radicalism. The appropriateness and prospects of the activities of the Radicalization Awareness Network, developed by the European Union, were established.

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14

de Jonge, Wilco. "Supporting civil society and NGOs in Eastern Europe: Some lessons learned." Helsinki Monitor 17, no. 4 (2006): 307–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181406778917288.

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15

Lovell, David W. "Nationalism, Civil Society, and the Prospects for Freedom in Eastern Europe." Australian Journal of Politics and History 45, no. 1 (March 1999): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00054.

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16

Jakubowicz, Karol. "Civil Society and Public Service Broadcasting in Central and Eastern Europe." Javnost - The Public 3, no. 2 (January 1996): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1996.11008623.

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17

Sovner, Merrill. "Moving forward thinking on civil society in Central and Eastern Europe." East European Politics 32, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 400–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2016.1184144.

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18

Dvořáková, Vladimíra. "Civil Society in Latin America and Eastern Europe: Reinvention or Imposition?" International Political Science Review 29, no. 5 (November 2008): 579–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512108098878.

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19

Guasti, Petra. "Development of citizen participation in Central and Eastern Europe after the EU enlargement and economic crises." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 3 (July 8, 2016): 219–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.06.006.

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The main focus of this article is the role of organized civil society in facilitating citizen engagement in Central and East European new EU member states after the EU accession and the recent economic crises. Using international comparative methodologies and data this article analyses democratic processes in the new member states focussing on the changes in strengths and weaknesses of citizen engagement. It shows the ways in which the post-enlargement process, especially the economic crisis affected the ability of CEE citizens — both directly, and via civil society organisations and trade unions — to be active participants of the multilevel governance processes. It finds that one of the key remaining gaps of the democratization process remains the relative weakness of state—citizens relationship. The impact of the economic crisis on the CEE countries was significant, in particular in regard to financial viability of organised civil society. However, economic crisis also acted as an important mobilization factor, and in all countries under study, civic participation, enabled by civil society and trade unions increased. New initiatives — in particular those tackling corruption and party campaign finance, saw NGOs focussing their advocacy efforts towards the government as well as actively mobilizing and engaging citizens. Across the CEE region, we are seeing gradual social learning, internalization of new norms and emergence of new identities — active citizens engaged with (and if necessary in opposition to) the state — directly (public mobilization and protests) and via organized civil society.

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20

Ploszka, Adam. "Shrinking Space for Civil Society: A Case Study of Poland." European Public Law 26, Issue 4 (December 1, 2020): 941–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2020072.

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This article discusses the phenomenon of shrinking space for civil society organizations in Poland, a Member States of the European Union and Council of Europe. It describes the tools used by Polish public authorities to restrict the operational capacity of civil society and compares these tools with the applicable constitutional and human rights standards. The article’s summary presents recommendations concerning the methods of addressing this phenomenon in Poland, which are capable of being applied in a broader context of other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. human rights, ECHR, shrinking space, civil society

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21

Rady, Martyn. "History and Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 199–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004434.

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The Institute for Human Sciences (Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen) was founded in Vienna in 1982 by a group of scholars from Eastern Europe and the West. The purpose of the Institute was to overcome the cultural and intellectual division of Europe by promoting conferences, seminars and research programmes. The latest report of the Institute stresses that the disappearance of the Iron Curtain has made the work of the Institute all the more important. As the authors of the report explain, ‘…the civil society which is reemerging in Eastern Europe will hardly be viable without living connections to the West and, equally, the Western world will be much poorer without the historical experiences of the East. The Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen views itself as a place where the experiences and perspectives of Eastern Europeans can be (re-) introduced into the Western discussion as a means of rousing, changing and broadening Western culture. Europe should be seen as a challenge: as a manifold, but also contradictory, intellectual and cultural unity.’

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22

Di Palma, Giuseppe. "Legitimation from the Top to Civil Society: Politico-Cultural Change in Eastern Europe." World Politics 44, no. 1 (October 1991): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010423.

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Communism has collapsed in Eastern Europe because the regimes, no ionger justified by their Soviet hegemon, lost confidence in their “mandate from heaven.” Domestically and internationally discredited, East European regimes had traditionally shielded themselves behind a principle of legitimation from the top that saw communism as the global fulfillment of a universal theory of history. Once the theory became utterly indefensible, a crippling legitimacy vacuum ensued. Reacting against that theory, East European dissent, and a civil society of sorts, survived under communism not just as an underground political adversary but as a visible cultural and existential counterimage of communism. This fact must be given proper weight when assessing the capacity of civil society to rebound in postcommunist Eastern Europe.

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23

Ost, David, and Zbigniew Rau. "The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Russian Review 53, no. 2 (April 1994): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130848.

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24

Kutter, Amelie, and Vera Trappmann. "Civil society in Central and Eastern Europe: The ambivalent legacy of accession." Acta Politica 45, no. 1-2 (April 2010): 41–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2009.18.

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25

Zulianello, Mattia. "Civil Society in Communist Eastern Europe. Opposition and Dissent in Totalitarian Regimes." Europe-Asia Studies 66, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 170–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2013.864113.

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26

Tismaneanu, Vladimir. "The reemergence of civil society in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Orbis 37, no. 2 (March 1993): 309–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0030-4387(93)90257-d.

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27

Hrebeniuk, Bohdan, Viktoriia Hrytsun, Valerii Bortniak, Kateryna Bortniak, and Alina Liasota. "The interests of state and civil society as a determinant of the democrative political development of Central and Eastern Europe countries." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 70 (October 10, 2021): 407–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3970.25.

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The article analyses the state and development of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe as basic determinants of its development, using integrative indices of civil society sustainability. The external and internal logic of these indices for 2019 is studied. The research uses methods of cluster analysis, linear correlation, and multiple regression analysis to model the interaction of the determinants of civil society development in the region. The results of the analysis in the Central and Eastern European region reveal interesting links not only between the status of civil society and the state, but also in the relationship of factors that reflect the analytical triangle of relationships. People's satisfaction with government is not a simple consequence of the economic situation: the relationship between social wealth and economic progress. The status of civil society also turns out to be a factor in this system of relationships, along with the quality of social relations and the existing sociopsychological characteristics of the population. The numerical values of the civil society situation and development indices obtained in this way can be used in statistical models.

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28

Hien, Melanie. "Hungary and its civil society organisations – a fateful example for south-east Europe?" SEER 24, no. 2 (2021): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2021-2-265.

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Over the course of the last decade, the Hungarian government has been tightening the space for independent civil society. Fidesz, the ruling party, has been seeking to build long-lasting strings of national and right-wing power. Meanwhile similar tendencies are being practised in neighbouring countries, including Slovenia and Slovakia. The calculated protests of the European Union and its institutions are a reaction to Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán’s open plans to establish an ‘illiberal democracy’ in Hungary and, if possible, in other parts of central and south-eastern Europe. Against this background, this article assesses the relationship between the Hungarian government and its civil society organisations on the one hand and the repercussions that this has for central and south-eastern Europe on the other. Three guiding questions must be discussed: why is civil society in Hungary in such a difficult position? Furthermore, in what ways are the structural discrimination against independent organisations being justified? And, finally, what is the role played by Hungary’s east European neighbours?

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29

Jezierska, Katarzyna. "Moral Blueprint or Neoliberal Gobbledygook?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 4 (October 6, 2014): 831–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414551166.

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Poland is often pointed to as the regional leader of transition processes with regard to the development and sustainability of civil society. This article presents a critical perspective on the direction in which Polish civil society has evolved after 1989. The author reconstructs existing frames of civil society within Polish elite NGO discourse and argues that one specific understanding of civil society—civil society as third sector/service provision—has gained a hegemonic position, marginalizing other conceptions and thus other functions of civil society. Civil society as moral blueprint, civil society as control power, and civil society as neoliberal gobbledygook are identified as coexisting, potentially counter-hegemonic frames. Thus, the quasi-public function, that is, providing services that the state does not, has become the dominant understanding of civil society suppressing its socialization and political functions, once so prominent in Central and Eastern Europe.

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30

Gruenwald, Oskar. "Toward an Open Society." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/22.

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From the Adriatic to the Baltic, from the Elbe to the Urals and beyond, totalitarianism has collapsed. Yet the 1989 bloodless revolution in Eastem Europe caught most observers by surprise. This essay explores the signal socio-cultural forces which contributed to the sea-change. Throughout Eastem Europe, grassroots movements emerged in the 1970s and 1980s demanding greater participation in social, economic, cultural, and political life. Thus, the rise of a new civic culture and civil society preceded and fostered the momentous changes in Eastem Europe, This essay offers a model of transition from authoritarian systems to political democracy, highlighted by "The Menshevik Divide," and places East European nations and the USSR on a cognitive map which indicates the relative strength of civic values and autonomous action just before the revolution (1988), Curiously, this model also shows why the transition remains incomplete, since authoritarian values and political processes keep many post-communist systems in a twilight zone between democracy and dictatorship. Hence, the quest for universal human rights, democracy, pluralism, tolerance, and an open society is still a futuristic project in much of Eastem Europe and the Soviet successor states, suspended between democracy and "virtual communism."

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31

Mastnak, Tomaž. "The reinvention of civil society: Trough the looking glass of democracy." European Journal of Sociology 46, no. 2 (August 2005): 323–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975605000111.

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This article reviews how “civil society” emerged in Eastern Europe in the 1970s and 1980s as the central concept of the new democratic opposition. Through discussion of developments in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, the article shows how the concept of civil society was used in the struggle against communist regimes, and and how that usage facilitated its transformation into a central element of the neoliberal global agenda following the end of the Cold War.

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32

Rau, Zbigniew. "Some Thoughts on Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Lockean Contractarian Approach." Political Studies 35, no. 4 (December 1987): 573–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1987.tb00206.x.

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Neither the concept of the totalitarian system nor the newly worked-out notion of ‘socialist civil society’ can express the social and political phenomenon of the rise and growth of independent groups and movements in Eastern Europe. Rather, it is suggested here that the Lockean contractarian approach should be used. This embraces mutually interacting ethical, empirical and analytic arguments which would take into consideration the state, the independent groups organized outside it, and the relationships between them. The utility of the model of the totalitarian state in understanding the origin of independent groups is discussed here. Lockean multidimensional individualism is suggested as a category expressing the political character of these groups, and Lockean teaching on absolute monarchy—a special form of the state of nature—is advanced as the means for analysing the relationship between these groups and the state of the Soviet type.

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33

Marzec, Wiktor, and Daniela Neubacher. "Civil society under pressure: historical legacies and current responses in Central Eastern Europe." Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 28, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/25739638.2020.1812931.

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34

Rau, Zbigniew. "Human Nature, Social Engineering, and The Reemergence of Civil Society." Social Philosophy and Policy 8, no. 1 (1990): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500003794.

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There is not much disagreement that the recent spectacular establishment of parliamentary democracies and market economies in Eastern Europe and the even more breathtaking events in most Soviet republics – which should culminate in the reemergence of the Baltic nations as independent states – may be convincingly conceived of as the triumph of civil society over the Marxist-Leninist system. Both the collapse of the Marxist-Leninist system and the reemergence of civil society may be discussed in terms of theories which deal with the relationship between human nature and sociopolitical systems.

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35

Nardin, Terry. "Moral Renewal: The Lessons of Eastern Europe." Ethics & International Affairs 5 (March 1991): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1991.tb00227.x.

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Nardin uses the Eastern European experience of the late 1980s and the works of Adam Michnik and Vaclav Havel to demonstrate the traditional cosmopolitan Kantian notion of morality in the “appeal to universal human values.” Nardin uses three major elements to argue the impossibility of such a concept: “the law of nature,” based on Stoic and Judeo-Christian foundation, focusing on reason and rationality of the individual rather than custom or divine authority; the uniqueness of various cultures challenging the universal “cosmopolitan” outlook on morality; and the differences among universal principles of morality relative to personal human experiences throughout time. Nardin concludes that the moral renewal in Eastern Europe is evidence that destructive consequences of moral diversity do not preclude a civil society once agreements on authoritative principles and laws are institutionalized. Each individual's own ethical conduct and internal moral guidance offer the basis for criticism and reform of law through membership in particular communities and common humanity.

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36

Ma, Shu-Yun. "The Chinese Discourse on Civil Society." China Quarterly 137 (March 1994): 180–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100003410x.

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In recent years the concept of civil society has gained scholarly attention world-wide. It has found numerous advocates in the West, such as John Keane who suggested democratizing European socialism by defending the distinction between civil society and the state; Michael Walzer who proposed synthesizing socialist, capitalist and nationalist ideals under the rubric of civil society; and Daniel Bell, who called for a revival of civil society in the United States as a protection against the expanding state bureaucracies. In 1992 alone, at least three books on the subject appeared. In Eastern Europe, proponents of the civil society concept – like Vaclav Havel, George Konrad and Adam Michnik – have been credited with developing an extremely useful theoretical tool for overthrowing Stalinist authoritarianism. A volume consisting of case studies of seven former or present socialist countries found that the notion of civil society is generally applicable to the study of Communist systems, as long as the influence of different cultures and traditions of individual countries are fully acknowledged. The civil society paradigm, despite its basic European orientation, has also been recognized as applicable to the study of developing countries.

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37

Kim, Kyung Mi. "A Study on the Development of Civil Society of Transitional Countries in Eastern Europe." Journal of international area studies 18, no. 2 (July 31, 2014): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2014.07.18.2.131.

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38

Zakaria, Patty. "Is corruption an enemy of civil society? The case of Central and Eastern Europe." International Political Science Review 34, no. 4 (January 8, 2013): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512112466880.

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39

Wydra, Harald. "Democracy in Eastern Europe as a Civilising Process." Sociological Review 48, no. 1_suppl (May 2000): 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2000.tb03515.x.

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In this chapter, Harald Wydra argues that the rise of democracy in Eastern Europe has been a long-term social process interwoven with the collapse of communism whose origins are long before 1989. He challenges the vision of East and West as two isolated blocs that prevailed in the 1950s and the assumption of gradual convergence that became widespread in the 1970s and 1980s. His main focus is upon the East where, he believes, dissident movements created a ‘second reality’, undermining the myths propounded by the official communist establishment. He argues that there was an increase in self-restraint on the part of the communist state accompanied by the growth of civil society and non-violent political opposition. The East experienced a feeling of ‘unrequited love’ in its relationship to the West. Dissidents took their standards and aspirations from Western experience but found themselves largely ignored by the West. Since 1989, democratisation has increased the influence of western models and standards but it has also led to a breakdown of self-restraint and an upsurge of violence.

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40

Taras, Raymond. "Rau, Zbigniew, ed. The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (1994): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199461/218.

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41

Townsley, Eleanor, and S. Wojciech Sokolowski. "Civil Society and the Professions in Eastern Europe: Social Change and Organizational Innovation in Poland." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 5 (September 2002): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090043.

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42

Taras, Raymond. "Rau, Zbigniew, ed. The Reemergence of Civil Society in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (1994): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199461/218.

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43

Jacobsson, Kerstin, and Elżbieta Korolczuk. "Mobilizing Grassroots in the City: Lessons for Civil Society Research in Central and Eastern Europe." International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 33, no. 2 (May 27, 2019): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10767-019-9320-7.

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44

Zald, Mayer N., and S. Wojciech Sokolowski. "Civil Society and the Professions in Eastern Europe: Social Change and Organizational Innovation in Poland." Administrative Science Quarterly 47, no. 3 (September 2002): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3094851.

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45

Cox, Terry. "The Nonprofit Sector in Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia. Civil Society Advances and Challenges." Europe-Asia Studies 72, no. 5 (May 27, 2020): 911–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2020.1764759.

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46

Marushiakova, Elena, and Vesselin Popov. "‘Letter to Stalin’: Roma Activism vs. Gypsy Nomadism in Central, South-Eastern and Eastern Europe before WWII." Social Inclusion 8, no. 2 (June 4, 2020): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v8i2.2777.

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<p>From the beginning, academic research on Gypsies in Western Europe has presented their nomadic way of life as their most important and essential feature, a key pillar of their community identity. Measures for their sedentarisation were perceived as a shackle in a chain of persecutions, and the policy of sedentarisation conducted in the 1950s–1970s in Central, South-Eastern, and Eastern Europe has continuously been interpreted as an example of the crimes of the communist regimes against the human and cultural rights of Roma. What has been missing, however, in these interpretations is the stance on the issue of nomadism as expressed by the Roma themselves and, more specifically, by the Roma civic elite: namely, by the Roma activists who initiated the Roma civic emancipation and created the first Roma organizations in the regions. In recent years, a need to critically re-think the field of Romani Studies in order to take into account the viewpoint of the studied community comes in the foreground of academic and civil society discussions. Such re-consideration is unavoidable also in studying the field of Roma history. This article strives to fill this knowledge gap and to initiate a new discussion about the issue of the so-called Gypsy nomadism. The viewpoints on this issue, coming from the Roma civic elite itself, are presented primarily on the basis of historical evidence from the interwar period, but are not limited to its framework. Finally, later historical developments in the issue of Roma activists’ approach to Gypsy nomadism will also be outlined, including its contemporary dimensions.</p>

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Wimberley, James. "Civil Society and the Reform of Higher Education in Central and Eastern Europe: Perspectives from the Council of Europe." Higher Education in Europe 24, no. 4 (January 1999): 483–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0379772990240402.

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Okolnycha, Tetiana, and Larysa Kostenko. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IDEA OF CIVIC CONSIOUSNESS OF A PERSONALITY IN HISTORICAL RETROSPECT." Academic Notes Series Pedagogical Science 1, no. 204 (June 2022): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36550/2415-7988-2022-1-204-41-45.

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In the article the development of the idea of civic consiousness of a personality is revealed in historic retrospection. The authors emphasize that in socio-historical terms, civic consciousness is a consequence of socio-political, socio- economic and cultural processes. Therefore, every state has always been interested in shaping this feature of its citizens. The idea of a civic society goes back to the era of ancient civilization. This term was actually coined by the Romans, who spoke of a civic union, community. Shaping Civil Law was one of the achievements of ancient Romans. In the Middle Ages, civic consiousness was valued less than in ancient times. In the period of Renaissance the importance of personal creativity and activity was increased. The Reformation emphasized the importance of a believer's direct communion with God. The emergence of nations shaped new views on the state and human rights. The term "civic consiouness" spread due to the Great French Revolution of the XVIII century, during which an official addressing “ citizen” appeared The Enlightenment contributed to the emergence of philosophy of natural rights. In the XIX century independent civil society organizations became an important factor in social development. In the article due attention is paid to the views of Ukrainian thinkers M. Drahomanov, M. Hrushevsky, I. Franko conserning the role of the civil society and the education of its members as the basis of Ukrainian statehood. During the XX century the idea of a civil society gradually lost its leading position in political thought. Instead, the theory and practice of the state became increasingly important. Radical political changes that engulfed the countries of Eastern and Central Europe in the late 1980s brought the idea of a civil society back to the center of theoretical reasoning and public life. The authors conclude that civic culture structures the social space of civil society, orienting the general needs and norms in its implementation, individual characteristics and views on common solidarity, trust and mutual understanding. When the approach is effective such organizational design, citizenship expresses a sense of their place and participation in public life. Citizenship is accompanied by some features of a democratic society.

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Toepler, Stefan. "From Communism to Civil Society? The Arts and the Nonprofit Sector in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society 30, no. 1 (January 2000): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10632920009599568.

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WEINER, AMIR, and JOHN CONNELLY. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (August 2009): 247–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309005025.

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The question today is the same as that of twenty years ago: what do we call the events that transformed eastern Europe in 1989? Our improved perspective has not necessarily generated better answers. The most popular term is ‘revolution’, but many observers still hesitate to apply it to largely non-violent change. Can there be a ‘liberal revolution’? Timothy Garton-Ash's evocative neologism ‘refolution’ (meaning ‘revolution’ and ‘reform’) captures well the ambivalence many feel about describing a gradual transition to democracy as ‘revolutionary’. The processes of civil society formation he observed in the 1980s by no means concluded with 1989; in south-eastern Europe in particular the transition to democracy has not been revolutionary but slow and painful. Perhaps ‘democracy’ is not even the right word.

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