Relevant bibliographies by topics / Civil society – Europe

Academic literature on the topic 'Civil society – Europe'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Civil society – Europe"

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Kanieski, Mary Ann, and John K. Glenn. "Framing Democracy: Civil Society and Civic Movements in Eastern Europe." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 4 (July 2002): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089112.

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Rasmussen, Anne, and Stefanie Reher. "Civil Society Engagement and Policy Representation in Europe." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 11 (February 28, 2019): 1648–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019830724.

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Since Tocqueville linked the quality of democracy in America to its vibrant civic culture, studies have explored the relationship between social capital and the quality of governance. Yet, few have examined the mechanisms between individual components of social capital and democracy in depth. This study focuses on the link between one component of social capital, civil society engagement, and the linkage between public opinion and policy. It argues that engagement in associations with an interest in the policy issue may stimulate correspondence between public opinion and policy through their ability to collect and disseminate information to policy makers and the public. The analysis of 20 specific policy issues from 30 European countries confirms these expectations: Issues that experience a high level of associational engagement display a stronger relationship between public opinion and policy. The findings underline the role civil society organizations can play in policy representation beyond engaging in interest advocacy.
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Aarelaid-Tart, Aili, and Indrek Tart. "Culture and the Development of Civil Society." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408357.

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Every nation has its own history and its own way to create civic culture. The problem of civil society in Estonia is rather specific being first and foremost related to the nation's cultural development and only then with its political development. The restoration of civil society in Estonia from 1987 to 1988 is based on our own historical experience of civil initiative rather than the example of the other post-Communist countries of Eastern Europe.
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Wallace, Caire, Florian Pichler, and Christian Haerpfer. "Changing Patterns of Civil Society in Europe and America 1995-2005." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (January 18, 2012): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411401380.

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This article looks at developments in Eastern European civil society (as measured by the participation in organisations) and how this has changed between 1995 and 2005 using the World Values Survey. There are comparisons with Western Europe on the one hand and the United States on the other, which show that although civic participation of this kind has declined in the United States, it remains stable in Europe, including at a low level in Eastern Europe. Surprisingly, there seemed to be little differences between countries that had joined the European Union and those that had not. The article considers reasons for this continued weakness of civil society in Eastern Europe.
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BRUSZT, LÁSZLÓ, BALÁZS VEDRES, and DAVID STARK. "Shaping the Web of Civic Participation: Civil Society Websites in Eastern Europe." Journal of Public Policy 25, no. 1 (February 2, 2005): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x05000243.

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To study technologies of political participation in the era of internet we examine how civic associations in Eastern Europe create socio-technical platforms of civic participation. The creation of socio-technical platforms combines specific technological features with actors and types of acts. Based on data we collected on 1,585 East European civil society websites we identify five emergent genres of online platforms of civic participation: newsletters, interactive platforms, multilingual solicitations, directories, and brochures. In contrast to the utopistic image of a de-territorialized, participatory global civil society shaped by the new technology, our examination of civil society websites finds that the transnational are not inclined to be participatory and the participatory are less likely to be transnational.
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De Schutter, Olivier. "Europe in Search of its Civil Society." European Law Journal 8, no. 2 (June 2002): 198–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0386.00150.

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Pietrzyk, Dorota I. "Democracy or Civil Society?" Politics 23, no. 1 (February 2003): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00178.

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The aim of this article is, first, to provide a justification for the continued usefulness of the historical term ‘civil society’, and second, to examine in this context the challenges arising ahead in the postcommunist European societies which, after the collapse of communism, have adopted the model of liberal democracy. One of their crucial goals is the renewal of civil society, which is one of the main conditions of a properly functioning democratic order. I argue that the development of civil society in postcommunist countries is one of the major pre-conditions for their political stability. It should be stressed that civil society is not only a descriptive category but also a normative one for it presupposes a certain level of civic culture and civic consciousness. Historically, if we look at the theories of Smith, Hegel or Marx, civil society was understood as a bourgeois society. At present, what is at stake in the debates animating political and social theory in both East and West, is the question of what version of civil society should prevail. I shall argue that the development of civil society and the democratisation of the social and political spheres should be seen as a mutual process leading to political and economic stability. The actual experience of postcommunist societies in East-Central Europe, attempting liberalisation and democratisation, shows that this mutual process needs a more comprehensive understanding and theoretical explanation.
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Kanunnikov, A. A. "European Civil Society or Civil Society of the European Countries?" RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-3-61-70.

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This article is devoted to the study of civil society in the European Union. It shows the existence of two terms - “European civil society” and “civil society in Europe”. There is a vagueness of the term “European civil society” because it does not disclose the principle of belonging to a “European civil society” - a socio-cultural or geographical. There is a doubt about the possibility of the application of the civil society concept developed to describe the realities at the level of the nation-state, to the description of the phenomenon at a transnational level, for example, in the case of the European Union. The article shows three periods of civil society participation in the European integration process. The article concludes that is premature to consider the European civil society as an autonomous social sphere, opposing the state.
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Katcherian, Jeff. "Softening culture, opening Europe." Focaal 2010, no. 56 (March 1, 2010): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2010.560102.

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This article examines the development of cultural policy recommendations, in the form of “soft law,” by the Civil Society Platform for Intercultural Dialogue, a nascent European civil society collaboration aiming to make culture a separate political endeavor within the context of European integration. Drawing on fieldwork among European bureaucrats and members of European civil society in Brussels, Belgium, the article offers an alternative discussion from common understandings of soft law, paying close attention to law as an aesthetic form that challenges dominant modes of policy-making. An investigation of soft forms of law provides a useful perspective to those who attempt to define, locate, and create European identity.
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Gruenwald, Oskar. "Toward an Open Society." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/22.

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From the Adriatic to the Baltic, from the Elbe to the Urals and beyond, totalitarianism has collapsed. Yet the 1989 bloodless revolution in Eastem Europe caught most observers by surprise. This essay explores the signal socio-cultural forces which contributed to the sea-change. Throughout Eastem Europe, grassroots movements emerged in the 1970s and 1980s demanding greater participation in social, economic, cultural, and political life. Thus, the rise of a new civic culture and civil society preceded and fostered the momentous changes in Eastem Europe, This essay offers a model of transition from authoritarian systems to political democracy, highlighted by "The Menshevik Divide," and places East European nations and the USSR on a cognitive map which indicates the relative strength of civic values and autonomous action just before the revolution (1988), Curiously, this model also shows why the transition remains incomplete, since authoritarian values and political processes keep many post-communist systems in a twilight zone between democracy and dictatorship. Hence, the quest for universal human rights, democracy, pluralism, tolerance, and an open society is still a futuristic project in much of Eastem Europe and the Soviet successor states, suspended between democracy and "virtual communism."
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Civil society – Europe"

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Abele, Christine. "Civil society assistance in Central and Eastern Europe." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15749.

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Die Arbeit stellt sich die Frage, inwieweit es externen Akteuren möglich ist, zivilgesellschaftli-che Strukturen eines in der Transformation befindlichen Staates zu stärken, um damit einen Beitrag zur Konsolidierung nachkommunistischer Gesellschaften zu leisten. Resultiert die externe Förderung tatsächlich in eine „zivilere“ Gesellschaft, welche sich auf mündige und aktive Bürger stützt, oder führt sie zu einem bloßen Transfer von Strukturen in Form von Nicht-Regierungsorganisationen (NRO), welche jedoch keine gesellschaftliche Anbindung haben und bloße Zuarbeiter westlicher Geberorganisationen sind? // Um diese Frage zu beantworten, werden im theoretischen Teil der Arbeit ausgehend vom akteurszentrierten Institutionalismus zwei wesentliche Mechanismen identifiziert, durch wel-che die Aktivitäten der Geber Veränderungen bei den Nehmern erzielen: Ermächtigung und Lernen. Während Ersteres die Einsatzmöglichkeiten und Ressourcen einiger Akteure stärkt und damit vorhandene Akteurskonstellationen ändert, führt Letzteres dazu, dass neue Ideen Eingang in die politische Arena finden. // Die Arbeit stellt die Aktivitäten vier verschiedener Geberländer und –organisationen in Polen und der Slowakei in den 1990er Jahren vor; der Europäischen Union, Deutschlands, der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika und dem privaten Netzwerk der Soros Stiftungen; und un-tersucht deren Beitrag zur zivilgesellschaftlichen Entwicklung beider Länder. Hierzu werden lokale NROs in den Blick genommen, welche maßgeblich von westlichen Gebern unterstützt werden und untersucht, inwieweit diese als Träger der Zivilgesellschaft fungieren, welche Legitimität sie bei der Bevölkerung besitzen und ob sie nach Rückzug der Geber weiter exis-tieren. // Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Schluss, dass westliche Zivilgesellschaftsförderung in beiden un-tersuchten Ländern einen positiven Effekt hatte in dem Sinne, dass maßgeblich geförderte NROs tatsächlich als Träger der Zivilgesellschaft fungierten. Sie bemühten sich um die Un-terstützung anderer NROs, erweitern gesellschaftliche Partizipationsmöglichkeiten und sind soweit in nationale Strukturen und in der Gesellschaft verankert, dass auch ein Fortbestand ohne westliche Gelder möglich ist.
With the end of the communist bloc and the transformations taking place in Central and Eastern Europe the promotion and protection of democracy from abroad became a major field of assistance. Especially civil society assistance, understood as direct support granted to non-governmental actors of the target state with the explicit aim to promote the consolida-tion of democracy, became a major pillar of democracy aid. The dissertation analyzes civil society assistance and aims to tackle the question whether it is feasible to promote and strengthen civil society from abroad. Does civil society assistance result in more civil society or does it result in nothing more than the establishment of donor driven NGOs which are nei-ther voluntary nor independent but solely function as puppets of donors? // In order to answer this question and following the insights of actor-centered institutionalism, the dissertation identifies to modes of external intervention labeled „empowerment” and “learning. In the first case, donors may increase the action resources of chosen domestic actors, thus altering domestic actor constellations, by providing finances, technical equip-ment, information and know-how. In the latter case, external actors may impact upon the ori-entations, that is, the perceptions and preferences, of domestic actors. // The dissertation analyses the contribution of the activities of four different donors; the Euro-pean Union, the USA, Germany and the private network of Soros Foundations; to the devel-opment of civil society in Poland and Slovakia. In order to pinpoint outcomes of civil society assistance the dissertation focuses on recipients and their activities. The dissertation thus clarifies to what extent main recipient organizations act as carriers of civil society, whether they transmit the interests of their constituency into politics, whether they fulfill a watch-dog function and democratic functions attributed to civil society. It therefore analyzes main recipi-ents, their sustainability, legitimacy and effectiveness as carriers of civil society. // The dissertation jumps to the conclusion that externally driven civil society assistance had positive effects in both countries under investigation as supported NGOs acted as carriers of civil society.
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Vandor, Peter, Nicole Traxler, Reinhard Millner, and Michael Meyer. "Civil Society in Central and Eastern Europe: Challenges and Opportunities." ERSTE Foundation, 2017. http://epub.wu.ac.at/6256/1/Study_Civil%2DSociety%2Din%2DCEE_WU%2DWien.pdf.

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Building on the work of 27 authors and a survey of 400 experts, this volume provide a map of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). The analysis comprises 16 CEE countries in four distinct country groups: a) the Visegrád group, which consists of Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary, b) Slovenia and Croatia, c) Bulgaria and Romania, and finally, d) the non-EU countries Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Albania, and Moldova. Austria serves as a reference country for comparing CEE civil society with a traditional Western European civil society. For each country, a chapter provides an overview over recent historical developments, the shapes and forms of civil society, its most important fields and activity, and an assessment of its institutional environment. Chapters also contain an analyisis of trends and future developments in civil society. In addition, the volume contains a synthesis chapter which provides a general investitgation of civil societes across the region. We find that, even though the four groups are very diverse, similarities and shared patterns can be identified, such as the important role of the European Union and the accession process in shaping the institutional framework. Analyses also reveal distinct features of civil society within the four country groups, such as a particularly high level of donor dependency in the non-EU country group and a low level of institutional trust in Bulgaria and Romania. Despite recent challenges, including the withdrawal of foreign donors and political tensions in some countries, the outlook we provide for this dynamic region remains largely optimistic.
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Meyer, Michael, Clara Maria Moder, Michaela Neumayr, and Peter Vandor. "Civil Society and Its Institutional Context in CEE." Springer US, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-019-00106-7.

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Although civil societies in Central and Eastern Europe are often portrayed as similar, united by a shared communist past, they have developed along increasingly divergent trajectories over the past three decades. This article investigates the current state of civil society in the region and the role the institutional context plays in it. Drawing on historical institutionalism and the process of European integration, we classify the 14 countries under investigation into three distinct groups and analyze data from a survey of more than 350 local civil society experts. We find that, together with domestic governments, international donors and the EU are perceived as the most influential institutional actors for civil society organizations. Their respective influences, however, depend largely on a country's stage in the EU accession process. Overall, the study provides a differentiated mapping of civil society in this region and a better understanding of how the institutional context relates to a Country's civil society.
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Cruickshank, Neil A. "Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.

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This dissertation examines how contentious collective action in two post communist states, Poland and the Czech Republic, has broadened to include European and international actors. It identifies the emergence of new opportunities for contention brought about by recent episodes of institutional change, specifically EU accession, and questions how they benefit materially or politically weak NGOs. With the intention of determining how three interrelated processes, democratization, Europeanization and internationalization, affect the nature and scope of contentious politics, this dissertation carries out an investigation of several concrete episodes of political mobilization and contention. As shown these 'contentious events' involved a myriad of national, European and international actors, mobilizing to challenge national policy. Data from NGO questionnaires, interviews and newswire/newspaper archives are used to discern the nature and scope of contentious collective action. This dissertation assesses the extent to which transnationalization of advocacy politics has disrupted existing power arrangements at the national level between NGOs and government. Hypothesizing that European Union accession in 2004 changed the nature and scope of contentious collective action in post communist Europe, this dissertation undertakes a comparative empirical examination of three sectors, environment, women and Roma, and twenty-nine representative NGOs. My research identifies three important developments in the Polish and Czech nonprofit sector: first, European advocacy networks and institutions are helping national NGOs overcome power disparities at the national level; second, issues once confined to national political space have acquired a European dimension, and; third, despite Europeanization, a few notable policy issues (i.e. reproductive rights, nuclear energy and domestic violence) remain firmly under national jurisdiction. This dissertation contributes to existing collective action/post communist scholarship in three ways. It applies established theories of contention/collective action to several recent episodes of political mobilization; it confirms that post accession institutional change does offer new political opportunity structures to national NGOs, and finally; it presents new empirical research on post communist collective action.
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Cruickshank, Neil Albert. "Power, civil society and contentious politics in post communist Europe /." St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/559.

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Charrad, Kristina. "Participants or observers in European governance? civil society lobbyists from Central and Eastern Europe in Brussels." Baden-Baden Nomos, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1000248372/04.

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Ferry, Martin Hugh. "The "intelligentsia in power" and the development of civil society : Mazowiecki's Poland." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1998. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4496/.

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The subject of this thesis is Poland's first post communist government (September 1989 - December 1990), formed under the premiership of the veteran 'Solidarity' activist Tadousz Mazowiecki. The threat of economic collapse and social disorder had prompted the communist authorities to grant the non-communist elements organised around the 'Solidarity' movement limited access to the Polish parliament through partially free elections. In June 1989 the results of these elections delivered a fatal blow to communist rule in Poland. 'Solidarity' triumphed in practically all the parliamentary seats the communist authorities had permitted it to contest. Bereft of ideological confidence and Soviet support, the Polish Communist Party rapidly disintegrated and the task of forming an administration fell to 'Solidarity'. The new government, led by Mazowiecki and dominated by representatives of Solidarity's intellectual elite, was appointed in September 1989. In the months that followed, the new government took advantage of strong social support and popularity to introduce comprehensive political and economic reforms. The reforms introduced irrevocably dismantled the country's disastrous command economy and introduced a radical shift to market based criteria. Although they entailed austerity for much of Polish society, at least initially, the personal prestige of the new elite and its promise of the future benefits which would flow from the introduction of market rules seemed to guarantee an ongoing state of acquiescence. The political reform process was admittedly slower but the removal of the last vestiges of communist power from the system progressed steadily. Within nine months the government had taken great strides in ending communist control of the police and military and was tackling the continued influence of the nomenklatura in the state bureaucracy. State control of the media and previous prohibitions on freedom of conscience, association and speech were ended. Completely free parliamentary and presidential elections were planned for the near future. It seemed that for the duration of the transition Poland would be led to a 'Western style' liberal-democratic polity and free market economy by a government composed of Solidarity's 'best and brightest'. Apolitical intellectuals would patriotically put the higher needs of the nation before the distractions of everyday political competitiveness. They would be supported in this by the Solidarity movement which would also act as a nursery for fledgling political parties. Over time these organisations would gather the societal support and organisational strength necessary to form a conventional, stable political system.
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Ryan, Freiburger. "Can democracy function alongside weak civil society? The case of post-communist Europe." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28465.

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Post-Communist Europe poses a theoretical puzzle for students of democracy. There is a large body of political science literature that argues that civil society is not only good for democracy but critical for democratic deepening. While civil society is generally regarded as an essential feature of stable democracy, twenty years after the collapse of communism, post-communist civil society is relatively weak. This thesis examines the relationship between civil society and democracy in post-communist Europe. Using the 2008 European Values Survey I conduct regression analysis to test whether or not there is a statistical link between relative differences in the strength of civil society and indicators of democracy at both the country and the individual level. I find no statistical link between civil society and democracy at the country level and found a relatively modest link between democratic values and membership in civil society organizations at the individual level. These results suggest that the link between civil society and democracy in post-communist Europe is relatively modest. The thesis concludes by conducting a case study of Poland where I explore the relationship between civil society and democracy in a more extensive manner.
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Parau, Cristina Elena. "The interplay between domestic politics and Europe : how Romanian civil society and government contested Europe before EU accession." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2696/.

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The key research questions of this dissertation are: 'How do domestic actors construct Europe.' and 'How do they utilise it in seeking to empower themselves against other actors.' The questions of construction and utilisation of Europe are some of the most topical questions in Europeanization. The first question addresses constructivist/sociological concerns. The second addresses the issue of winners and losers (differential empowerment). Both are key issues in the literature of Europeanization and yet have been little addressed in the context of post-communist EU accession countries. This dissertation aims to bridge this gap by focusing on the post-communist country of Romania, a soon to be EU member-State. The actors under investigation are civil society, which emerged in Romania for the first time ever after 1989 and the central government Executive. The study covers the period during which the EU acquis negotiations were negotiated under the Social Democratic government led by Prime Minister Adrian Nastase (2000-2004). The data was gathered through in-depth case study and process-tracing, the methods found best able to disentangle a complex causal nexus. The Europeanization literature is contradictory with regard to which domestic actors are constrained and which empowered: some scholars theorise that it empowers civil society (Diffusion); others that it empowers the Executive (Executive Empowerment); still others that it promotes co-operation between them (Network Governance). The empirical evidence so far has been inconclusive. This dissertation shows that only a small elite made of civil society entrepreneurs and government Executives constructed and utilised Europe in the pre-membership phase, to empower themselves relative to other actors, particularly opponents. The empirical data support two of the classical Europeanization theses in the literature: the Diffusion and the Executive Empowerment Theses. The Diffusion Thesis better explains civil society empowerment near the beginning and at the peak of acquis negotiations, although some evidence also favours Executive Empowerment. This latter thesis better explains the powerlessness of civil society at the close of negotiations, although some evidence for Diffusion was also found. No evidence was found supporting Network Governance. Instead evidence was found in favour of its critics, namely support for the claim that the EU (or Europe) empowers an elite in both civil society and the State.
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Judson, Tracey F. "Civil society, second society and the breakdown of Communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe : Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1999. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/33163.

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This thesis proceeds from the premise that the demise of the Communist systems of rule in Eastern Europe is not fully explicable using ''traditional" theories of transition or democratisation. This thesis is, therefore, concerned initially with the limitations of existing theoretical frameworks. It proposes a line of enquiry that accounts for the breakdown of Communism through an analysis of a domestic variable: second society. In particular, it addresses the question of why the former European Communist regimes experienced differing modes of breakdown in 1989. The thesis adopts a comparative approach and focuses on the three different cases of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania. By comparing them, it analyses the extent to which variations in the modes of breakdown can be explained by the second society variable. The case studies are divided into three sections. The first considers the historical issues and factors that conditioned the nature of the Communist regime and of emerging opposition. The second analyses the development of second society within each country and the third section considers the impact of second society on the mode of regime breakdown in 1989. The thesis concludes that the case studies , demonstrate a causal relationship between the second society variable and the mode of breakdown experienced by the Communist regimes.
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Books on the topic "Civil society – Europe"

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R, Gordon Dane, and Durst David C. 1963-, eds. Civil society in Southeast Europe. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2004.

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de Hart, Joep, Paul Dekker, and Loek Halman, eds. Religion and Civil Society in Europe. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6815-4.

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Dekker, Paul, Loek Halman, and J. J. M. de Hart. Religion and civil society in Europe. Dordrecht: Springer, 2013.

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Lewis, Paul G., ed. Democracy and Civil Society in Eastern Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22174-5.

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Feischmidt, Margit, Ludger Pries, and Celine Cantat, eds. Refugee Protection and Civil Society in Europe. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92741-1.

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Baglioni, Simone, and Marco Giugni, eds. Civil Society Organizations, Unemployment, and Precarity in Europe. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230391437.

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Sokolowski, S. Wojciech. Civil Society and the Professions in Eastern Europe. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/b107641.

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1948-, Eliæson Sven, ed. Building civil society and democracy in New Europe. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008.

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Central Europe: Two decades after. Warsaw: Centre for Europe, 2010.

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1951-, Bermeo Nancy Gina, and Nord Philip G. 1950-, eds. Civil society before democracy: Lessons from nineteenth-century Europe. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Civil society – Europe"

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Nelson, Daniel N. "Civil Society Endangered." In The Experience of Democratization in Eastern Europe, 118–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14511-9_7.

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Then, Volker, and Konstantin Kehl. "Philanthropy in Europe." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99675-2_640-1.

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Howard, David B., Eva Didion, David B. Howard, Ranjita Mohanty, Rajesh Tandon, Richard D. Waters, Jennifer M. Brinkerhoff, et al. "Philanthropy in Europe." In International Encyclopedia of Civil Society, 1196–201. New York, NY: Springer US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-93996-4_640.

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Szabó, Máté. "Civic Engagement in East-Central Europe." In Future of Civil Society, 77–97. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80980-3_6.

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Esmer, Yilmaz. "Democracy, Civil Society, and Islam." In Religion and Civil Society in Europe, 267–84. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6815-4_14.

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Gross, Jan T. "Poland: From Civil Society to Political Nation." In Eastern Europe in Revolution, edited by Ivo Banac, 56–71. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501733321-004.

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Herbert, David. "Religion and Civil Society: Theoretical Reflections." In Religion and Civil Society in Europe, 13–45. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6815-4_2.

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Freise, Matthias, and Petr Pajas. "Organizational and Legal Forms of Nonprofit Organizations in Central Europe." In Future of Civil Society, 129–46. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-80980-3_9.

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Anheier, Helmut K. "The Third Sector in Europe: Five Theses." In Nonprofit and Civil Society Studies, 285–99. Boston, MA: Springer US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-6858-6_14.

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Einhorn, Barbara. "Civil Society or NGOs Empowerment or Depoliticization?" In Citizenship in an Enlarging Europe, 61–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502253_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Civil society – Europe"

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Yoyo, Yoyo, and Abdul Mukhlis. "Historiography of the Arabic Grammar in Europe: The Legacy of Wright’s Arabic Grammar." In Proceedings of the First International Conference on Progressive Civil Society (ICONPROCS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconprocs-19.2019.45.

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Bublienė, Raimonda. "Internationalization and Multiple Discrimination: the Case of Employment Regulation." In Contemporary Issues in Business, Management and Education. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cbme.2017.061.

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The article analyses European Union anti-discrimination law development in Member States and differences between protected grounds of discrimination. On this basis, the analysis covers recognition of the social complexity, internationalization and discrimination of foreigners for different grounds. The process of internationalization and migration, covering social, political, economical, cultural, legal processes, the non-discriminatory protection of a foreigner as a member of the society has become complicated, when attempting not to discriminate people arriving from the other countries and to have equal possibilities. The problems of discrimination are valid and significant for the civil society itself. The article also discusses the concept of multiple discrimination in European Union anti-discrimination law, legal regulation and protection against multiple discrimination in Europe and separate legal regulation of the Member States. This article argues that internationalization processes bring new approaches of interpretation of European Union employment equality law and contemporary challenges, introduces recent cases of equal treatment of employees during employment at private companies.
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Mareș, Petre. "International Civil Society." In 2nd Central and Eastern European LUMEN International Conference - Multidimensional Education and Professional Development. Ethical Values. Cognitive-crcs, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2017.07.03.46.

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Laurinavicius, Antanas, and Algimantas Laurinavicius. "Emigration: a Price of Inequality or a Breach of Social Contract?" In Contemporary Issues in Business, Management and Education. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cbme.2017.018.

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The society in our country has been struck by the emigration crisis of an unprecedented scope in Europe since World War II. Lithuania also stands out among the EU member states as a state with a particularly low level of trust, whereas the primary institutions of a democratic civil society, i.e. the Government, political parties, and the Parliament, are all at the bottom in the list of institutions ranked according to the level of trust. Although the growth of the average income and assets of the population was truly impressive over the past 20 years, this did not stop emigration neither slowed it down. This means that merely higher income is not enough for people; in fact, happiness is mostly correlated to equality of income (relative wealth) rather than to increase of income (absolute wealth). In the framework mentioned above the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the causes of emigration and suggests effective strategic decisions to stop the emigration using strategic thinking and strategic synthesis methods.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.

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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Vodenicharov, Asen. "CIVIL LAW STATUS OF THE SUPERVISORY ORGAN IN EUROPEAN BUSINESS COMPANIES." In 6th International Scientific Conference ERAZ - Knowledge Based Sustainable Development. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eraz.2020.303.

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The Supervisory organ is a compulsory element in the governance structure of the European Structures for Business Association, namely the European Company (Societas Europaea) and the European Cooperative Society (Societas Cooperativa Europaea) that have chosen a two-tier system for their organizations. The organ under consideration presents a hybrid regulatory framework. On the one hand, these are the provisions in the regulations of the European Union, and, on the other, the national law regulations. The organ in question has specific characteristics. Its members are elected by the General meeting. The staff of the first supervisory board may be appointed in the statues. This should apply without prejudice to any employee participation arrangements determined pursuant to Directive 2003/72 / EC. The members of the Supervisory organ are elected for the term specified in the Statute of the association. Their maximum term of office after the expiry mandate date may not exceed six months. The package of powers includes constitutional, authoritative and controlling rights and obligations. The supervisory organ shall elect and dismiss members or an individual member of the management organ. In cases explicitly provided for in the statute of the association, a certain category of legal transactions cannot be concluded by the management organ without the permission of the supervisory organ. Its controlling functions are particularly important. The supervisory organ shall supervise the duties performed by the management organ. It may not itself exercise the power to manage the associations. The supervisory organ may not represent the associations in dealings with third parties. It shall represent the associations in dealings with the management body, or its members, in respect of litigation or the conclusion of contracts. The management organ shall report to the supervisory body at least once every three months on the progress and foreseeable developments of the association’s business, taking into account any information relating to undertakings controlled by the association that may significantly affect the progress of the association business. The members of the Supervisory organ are holders of Civil liability. Its legal basis is the relevant rules in the national law relating to joint stock companies or cooperative organizations in the Member States in which they have registered their office. This liability is based on the possible damage caused by illegal or incorrect acts or actions.
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Engel, Joachim, Achim Schiller, Daniel Frischemeier, and Rolf Biehler. "Statistics education and monitoring progress towards civil rights." In Promoting Understanding of Statistics about Society. International Association for Statistical Education, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/srap.16102.

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Monitoring societal progress towards respect of civil, economic, social and cultural human rights is mainly about analyzing trends in mass phenomena that may contradict the purposes and visions of an open society which promises equity and fairness to all its members. To assess these trends requires statistical knowledge and understanding of multivariate phenomena. For educators, these topics address issues beyond teaching technical skills for analyzing data and concern matters of value clarification, understanding and embracing the principles of human equality and dignity - topics that address the mind and the heart. Moreover, students experience statistical analyses playing a role in understanding pressing social and political issues of our time. Exemplified by data from the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights and by a large multivariate data set on racial bias in European football we discuss potentials and implications of taking this topic to the classroom.
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Abanades, Javier, and Juan Pablo Torregrosa. "MAESTRALE: The Implementation of Blue Energy in the Mediterranean Sea." In ASME 2018 37th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2018-77593.

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The project Maestrale is an European Project funded by the Interreg MED programme (2016–2019) that aims at establishing the basis for a Maritime Energy Deployment Strategy in the Mediterranean Sea. The project is formed by a consortium with partners around the South of Europe with the objective of determining a suite of pilot zones, which will become the pillars of future developments for the implementation of Blue Energy projects in the Mediterranean Sea. The present article presents the tasks to be conducted for the study of the area in the Spanish Mediterranean Arc: • Identification of recommendations and regulations • A benchmark of the technologies installed worldwide will be carried out in order to identify their degree of adaptability to the conditions of the Med Area • The analysis of the available resource: wind, wave and tidal • The study of the area and its features: bathymetry, land cover, protected areas, etc. • The identification of the stakeholders, as the project intends to strengthen cooperation between public authorities, research bodies, businesses and the civil society • The formation of clusters with the stakeholders, either at the national or trans-national level, to increase connections in order to promote knowledge and technological transfer and generate the critical mass and environmental conditions needed to improve innovation capacities and competitiveness The main outcomes of the project are the support of the future blue energy policies and concrete strategies for blue growth and a suite of pilot projects that will serve the purpose of raising awareness among local stakeholders, facilitating social acceptance, decreasing uncertainty and increasing feasibility of concrete interventions.
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Bocharova, N. V., V. M. Shkabaro, and Y. S. Paleeva. "The role of civil society in combating corruption in the European Union (Integrity Pacts)." In NEW APPROACHES AND CURRENT LEGAL RESEARCH. Baltija Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-263-0-46.

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Kobos, Edgar. "Analysis of Development Factors of Non-Governmental Organizations with Particular Emphasis on Public Funds and the Process of European Integration." In 5th International Scientific Conference 2021. University of Maribor Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/978-961-286-464-4.5.

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In the last quarter of the century, there has been a steady increase in the number and scope of organizations operating under the so-called third sector. These organizations implement a wide range of activities, from social services to recreational activities, from political pressure groups to groups that promote art or history. Foundations and associations are an important arena of social, economic and political activity, alongside the state and the private sector, they feature an increasingly important role in today's world. European public funds provide a plentiful supply of financing for these activities. It has been shown that European funds change the statutory objectives of foundations and associations as public funds determine their operational priorities and directions of development. Active civil society supports the creative processes of social capital, and the most important function of NGOs is precise to strengthen social capital. Participation in NGOs is a determinant of civic maturity for citizens. On the other hand, due to the active participation of citizens in such organizations, societies have changed. This is the reason why the direction of the third sector development and the phenomena of its growth is so crucial for every European State.
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Reports on the topic "Civil society – Europe"

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Milican, Juliet. Mapping Best Practice Guidelines in working with Civil Society Organisations. Institute of Development Studies, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.092.

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This report sets out to map the different guidance documents available on how to work most effectively with civil society in the delivery of international aid in ways that deepen democracy and advance the rights of marginalised or excluded groups. It includes a review of guidelines published by other key international development funders and implementors written for their own teams, an overview of guidance provided for DAC members within OECD countries and policy papers on cooperation between the state and CSOs. It looks primarily at documents produced in the last ten years, between 2011 and 2021 and includes those related to cooperation on specific issues (such as drugs policy or human rights, as well as those that deal with specific countries or regions (such as Europe or the MENA region). The majority of documents identified are written by government aid departments (eg USAID, Norad) but there are one or two produced by umbrella civil society organisations (such as Bond) or international legal think tanks (such as ICNL, the International Centre for Not for Profit Law). There was a remarkable consistency between the issues Millican addressed in the different documents although their size and length varied between outline guidance on 2 – 3 pages and a comprehensive (62 page) overview that included definitions of civil society, range of organisations, reasons for collaborating, mechanisms for financing, monitoring and ensuring accountability and challenges in and guidance on the ways in which donors might work with CSOs.
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Haider, Huma. Fostering a Democratic Culture: Lessons for the Eastern Neighbourhood. Institute of Development Studies, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.131.

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Political culture is the values, beliefs, and emotions that members of a society express about the political regime and their role in it (Pickering, 2022, p. 5). Norms, values, attitudes and practices considered integral to a “culture of democracy”, according to the Council of Europe, include: a commitment to public deliberation, discussion, and the free expression of opinions; a commitment to electoral rules; the rule of law; and the protection of minority rights; peaceful conflict resolution. The consolidation of democracy involves not only institutional change, but also instilling a democratic culture in a society (Balčytienė, 2021). Research on democratic consolidation in various countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) finds that a key impediment to consolidation is the persistence of old, authoritarian political culture that undermines political and civic participation. This rapid review looks at aspects of democratic culture and potential ways to foster it, focusing on educational initiatives and opportunities for civic action — which comprise much of the literature on developing the values, attitudes and behaviours of democracy. Discussion on the strengthening of democratic institutions or assistance to electoral processes is outside the scope of the report.
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Terzyan, Aram. State-Building in Belarus: The Politics of Repression Under Lukashenko’s Rule. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-2-2019.

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This paper explores the politics of repression and coercion in Belarus, with a focus on the Belarusian authorities’ brutal responses to dissident activities. While repressions are seen to be a backbone of authoritarian rule, there is a lack of case studies of repressions and repressive policies in different kinds of authoritarian regimes and their interaction with other mechanisms of authoritarian sustainability. As Belarus has demonstrated, Lukashenko’s effort’s at perpetuating his power have prompted his regime into increasing the role of repressions. Coercion and repression have been critical to suppressing dissent and pluralism across the country. Essentially, successful, mass-based opposition to the ruling elites, that led to 2014 Maidan Revolution in Ukraine and the 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia served as examples to discontented elements in Belarus. Meanwhile, to shield itself from the diffusion effects of ‘color revolutions’, the Belarusian regime has tended to reinforce its repressive toolkit through suppressing the civil society, coercing the opposition, and preventing the latter from challenging Lukashenko’s rule. This study enquires into the anatomy of repressive governance in Europe’s “last dictatorship.”
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Terzyan, Aram. Belarus in the Wake of a Revolution: Domestic and International Factors. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/eea-3-2020.

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This paper explores the political landscape of Belarus in the aftermath of the 2020 presidential elections, with a focus on both domestic and international factors behind the ongoing crisis. Lukashenko’s regime has a long record of sustaining its power by preserving elite unity, controlling elections, and/or using force against opponents. Therefore, massive fraud characterizing the 2020 presidential elections and brutal suppression of peaceful protests in its aftermath came as no surprise. Against this backdrop, the anti-government protests following the presidential elections raised a series of unanswered questions regarding both their domestic and foreign policy implications. The biggest question is whether the Belarusian civil society and opposition will prove powerful enough to overcome state repression and change the status quo in Europe’s “last dictatorship”. Worries remain about the Belarusian opposition’s emphasis on foreign policy continuity, meaning that Belarus is bound to remain in the orbit of the Russian authoritarian influence. The total fiasco of post-Velvet Revolution Armenian government both in terms of domestic and foreign policies, among others, further reveals the excruciating difficulties of a democratic state-building within the Russia-led socio-political order.
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