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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Civil Rights Movement'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Evans, Curtis Junius. "Evangelicals and the civil rights movement." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1999. http://www.tren.com.

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2

Hutchinson, Yvette. "Womanpower in the Civil Rights Movement." W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625696.

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3

Cramer, Aaron Richard. "The significance of the similarities and distinctions between the anti-abortion movement and the civil rights movement." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.

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4

Henry, Elizabeth E. "Halting White Flight: Atlanta's Second Civil Rights Movement." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/31.

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Focusing on the city of Atlanta from 1972 to 2012, Halting White Flight explores the neighborhood-based movement to halt white flight from the city’s public schools. While the current historiography traces the origins of modern conservatism to white families’ abandonment of the public schools and the city following court-ordered desegregation, this dissertation presents a different narrative of white flight. As thousands of white families fled the city for the suburbs and private schools, a small, core group of white mothers, who were southerners returning from college or more often migrants to the South, founded three organizations in the late seventies: the Northside Atlanta Parents for Public Schools, the Council of Intown Neighborhoods and Schools, and Atlanta Parents and Public Linked for Education. By linking their commitment to integration and vision of public education to the future economic growth and revitalization of the city’s neighborhoods, these mothers organized campaigns that transformed three generations’ understanding of race and community and developed an entirely new type of community activism.
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5

Lee, Barry Everett. "The Nashville Civil Rights Movement: A Study of the Phenomenon of Intentional Leadership Development and its Consequences for Local Movements and the National Civil Rights Movement." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/16.

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The Nashville Civil Rights Movement was one of the most dynamic local movements of the early 1960s, producing the most capable student leaders of the period 1960 to 1965. Despite such a feat, the historical record has largely overlooked this phenomenon. What circumstances allowed Nashville to produce such a dynamic movement whose youth leadership of John Lewis, Diane Nash, Bernard LaFayette, and James Bevel had no parallel? How was this small cadre able to influence movement developments on local and a national level? In order to address these critical research questions, standard historical methods of inquiry will be employed. These include the use of secondary sources, primarily Civil Rights Movement histories and memoirs, scholarly articles, and dissertations and theses. The primary sources used include public lectures, articles from various periodicals, extant interviews, numerous manuscript collections, and a variety of audio and video recordings. No original interviews were conducted because of the availability of extensive high quality interviews. This dissertation will demonstrate that the Nashville Movement evolved out of the formation of independent Black churches and college that over time became the primary sites of resistance to racial discrimination, starting in the Nineteenth Century. By the late 1950s, Nashville’s Black college attracted the students who became the driving force of a local movement that quickly established itself at the forefront of the Civil Rights Movement. Nashville’s forefront status was due to an intentional leadership training program based upon nonviolence. As a result of the training, leaders had a profound impact upon nearly every major movement development up to 1965, including the sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, the March on Washington, the birth of SNCC, the emergence of Black Power, the direction of the SCLC after 1962, the thinking of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., the Birmingham campaign, and the Selma voting rights campaign. In addition, the Nashville activists helped eliminate fear as an obstacle to Black freedom. These activists also revealed new relationship dynamics between students and adults and merged nonviolent direct action with voter registration, a combination considered incompatible.
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6

Boyce, Anika Keys. ""What's Going On": Motown and the Civil Rights Movement." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/590.

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Thesis advisor: Lynn Lyerly
Based in 1960s Detroit, the Motown Record Company established itself and thrived as an independently run and successful African American business. Amidst humble origins in a two-story house outside of which Berry Gordy hung the sign, "Hitsville USA," Motown encouraged America's youth, urging them to look beyond racial divides and to simply sing and dance together in a time where the theme of unity was becoming increasingly important. Producing legends such as Marvin Gaye, Diana Ross, Stevie Wonder, The Temptations, The Four Tops, Martha Reeves, Gladys Knight, and the Jackson Five, Motown truly created a new sound for the youth of America and helped shape the 1960s. Competing with the "British Invasion" and "the Protest Movement," in 1960s music, Motown is often said to have had little or no impact on the political and social revolution of the time because Motown did not produce "message music." The 2006 film, Dreamgirls even depicts Gordy and Motown as hypocrites and race traitors. Yet Motown embodied one of the principles the Civil Rights Movement preached most: black success and independence. Although the founder of Motown, Berry Gordy, never had the intention of proclaiming a message of black independence and empowerment through his actions of establishing an independent record company, he accomplished one of the goals of the Civil Rights Movement: black economic independence. The establishment and success of Motown was an intrinsically political act that served as proof to Civil Rights claims that African Americans could be just as independent and successful as whites
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: History Honors Program
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7

Tuck, Stephen George Newsam. "The civil rights movement in Georgia, U.S.A., 1940-1980." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624683.

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8

Henderson, Simon. "Shades of Grey-Race, Sport and the Civil Rights Movement." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.512125.

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9

Prince, Simon Peter. "The civil rights movement in Northern Ireland during the 1960s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.615227.

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10

Brown, Nicholas David. "The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters: The Civil Rights Movement." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430166476.

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11

Lummus, Allan Craig. "Defining environmental justice : race, movement and the civil rights legacy /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072598.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-204). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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12

Littman, Victoria. "Decolonizing the look, viewing photographic images of the Civil Rights movement." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape3/PQDD_0016/NQ53708.pdf.

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13

Young, Julius A. Jr. "Charles Hamilton Houston as the father of the Civil Rights Movement." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2013. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/751.

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This study explores the idea of who was the first to foster a national movement to weaken Jim Crow laws. This study was based on the premise that Martin Luther King, Jr. was an important figure, but not the actual father of a movement to grant blacks equal rights, as many suggest. A case study analysis approach was used to analyze data gathered including primary sources, personal letters from Charles Hamilton Houston to his parents and friends, as well as court documents related to cases he argued in federal and state courts. In addition newspaper/magazine articles from Houston's time, articles focusing on him after his death, and sociological studies from that time were also utilized. The research found that Charles Hamilton Houston was the first black lawyer to challenge "separate but equal" with national success. Houston used empirical and scientific data of that time to show the facilities were not. The conclusion drawn from the findings suggests that the legal victories Houston achieved provided all Americans with a basis from which to challenge segregation and unequal treatment under the law in America.
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Poole, Dana. "The Role of women in the native American civil rights movement /." View abstract, 1998. http://library.ctstateu.edu/ccsu%5Ftheses/1541.html.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Central Connecticut State University, 1998.
Thesis advisor: Dr. [Heather Munro] Prescott. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History." Includes bibliographical references (leaves [97]-101).
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15

Purdie, Robert McGovern. "The origins of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland 1962-1968." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295499.

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16

Bell, Janet Dewart. "African American Women Leaders in the Civil Rights Movement: A Narrative Inquiry." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1432029763.

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17

Jeter-Bennett, Gisell. "We Are Going Too! The Children of the Birmingham Civil Rights Movement." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1452263338.

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18

振兴, 朱., and Zhenxing Zhu. "Chinese American activism in the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement Era,1949-1972." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0, 2018. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0.

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本研究は、冷戦期と黒人公民権運動期という二重の文脈が交差するなかで、中国系アメリカ人の運動に作用した多様なダイナミズムを歴史的に解明することであった。これにより、従来のような「同化」と「モデル・マイノリティ」の視点から語られがちであった中国系アメリカ人という歴史観とは異なる視座から、当時の中国系アメリカ人の歴史を捉えることを試みた。さらに、チャイナタウン内で発行されていた中国語新聞と中国共産党の資料の分析により、中国共産主義が中国系の左派活動家を通して、いかにアメリカ合衆国の黒人公民権運動に影響を与えたかとのことも検証した。
This dissertation provides an overview of Chinese American activism during the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement period. At the same time, it re-examines the history of Chinese Americans from the perspective of Chinese American activism. By employing a transnational approach to Chinese American activism and carefully analyzing various primary resources, this project attempts to clarify the dynamic process through which Chinese American activist movements changed from engaging in spheres of transnational Chinese struggles to fighting for justice and the interests of their own community in the United States, and finally to becoming an integral part of the Asian American Movement.
博士(アメリカ研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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19

Barclay, Joanne Sarah. "Uncivil War: Memory and Identity in the Reconstruction of the Civil Rights Movement." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/999.

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Memory is constructed to solidify a certain version of the past in the collective identity. History and memory occupy a controversial role in the New South, with battles over the legacy of the Civil War and the reassertion of Confederate symbols in the wake of the Civil Rights Movement's challenge to the status quo. Memory of the Civil Rights Movement is entering public conscious through cultural mediums such as films and museums, as well as through politically contentious debates over the continued display of the Confederate battle flag and the creation of a federal holiday honoring Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The process is still taking place to construct the Civil Rights Movement within the American collective memory. What aspects of this history are commemorated, and which aspects are neglected, will have impact in American society well into the twenty-first century.
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20

Hall, Julie. "Representations of the civil rights movement and African American childhood in children's literature 1960-2008 an exploration and analysis of how civil rights movement is told to children through historical fiction." Thesis, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.537502.

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21

Stewart, Kierstin. "The Black Scare: Cold War Anticommunism and the Long Civil Rights Movement in America." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35506.

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This thesis discusses the impact of the Cold War on the Long African American Civil Rights Movement in the US from 1945 into the early 1970s. I seek to address the historiography that argues that the Cold War was an animating or galvanizing force behind the Civil Rights movement. I argue that black strategies of activism and black thought during the long civil rights era were directly or indirectly influenced by Cold War politics. Strategies towards freedom and equality were manipulated, altered, and transformed due to anticommunism in America.
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22

Goff, Jeremy C. "The Aboriginal outstation movement: reflections on empowerment." Thesis, Macquarie University, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/267285.

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Aboriginal people in central and northern Australia for the past 20 years have been moving away from Aboriginal towns and fringe camps to establish outstations, or homelands centres: small, isolated communities of close kin and family living on traditional lands. The outstation movement, as the phenomenon has become known, is an attempt to preserve and revive the cultural practices and institutions which give Aboriginal society a sense of resilience. Outstations promote ~ltural identification, social cohesion and community well-being. They are important means of arresting and reversing the social and community crisis which Aboriginal people in the region have been experiencing for more than 100 years, particularly in the last 40 years. The outstation movement is a vehicle for Aboriginal empowerment. It is a,n attempt to recapture control over life, land and society. It is one of the many spontaneous expressions of Aboriginality in Australia today. Aboriginality is an assertion of Aboriginal identity and worth. v.Vhat is the significance of the outstation movement? Is it a form of political action or separatism? Perhaps it is nothing more than a series of desperate attempts by communities to escape a situation of extreme crisis. Or does it constitute something more coordinated and meaningful? What are the goals of outstation aspirants? Can such goals be achieved? Essentially, the outstation movement is about Aboriginal people striving to take control of their own lives. What is the nature of that empowerment?
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23

Wheeler, Belinda. "Fifty-Plus Years Later: Former Students Reflect on the Impact of Learning about the Civil Rights Movement." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1279560986.

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24

Gough, Allison J. "Raising the moral conscience : the Atlantic Movement for African-American civil rights 1833-1919 /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488199501405819.

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25

Fox, Lisa Ann. "Cracking the Closed Society: James W. Silver and the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2010. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc28419/.

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This thesis examines the life of James Wesley Silver, a professor of history at the University of Mississippi for twenty-six years and author of Mississippi: The Closed Society, a scathing attack on the Magnolia State's history of racial oppression. In 1962, Silver witnessed the campus riot resulting from James Meredith's enrollment as the first black student at the state's hallowed public university and claims this was the catalyst for writing his book. However, by examining James Silver's personal and professional activities and comparing them with the political, cultural, and social events taking place concurrently, this paper demonstrates that his entire life, the gamut of his experiences, culminated in the creation of his own rebel yell, Mississippi: The Closed Society. Chapter 1 establishes Silver's environment by exploring the history and sociology of the South during the years of his residency. Chapter 2 discusses Silver's background and early years, culminating with his appointment as a faculty member of the University of Mississippi in 1936. Chapter 3 reveals Silver's personal and professional life during the 1940s, as well as the era's notable historical events. The decade of the 1950s is discussed in chapter 4, particularly the civil rights movement, Silver's response to these changes, and those in his own life. Chapter 5 follows the path of James Meredith's integration of Ole Miss, the publication of Silver's book, and its aftermath. The conclusion is a brief epilogue of Silver's post-Mississippi life.
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26

Azerad, Jessica. "Negotiating Intersectionality: Women in the Civil Rights Movement and the Zapatista National Liberation Front." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1640.

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This thesis set out to determine the interaction between gender and social movement participation. In other words, it is answering the questions: how are women able to interact social movements and how do social movements enable women to be full participants in their struggle? It uses an intersectional framework to examine two social movements: the Black Civil Rights Movements that took place in the U.S. in the 1950s and 1960s, and the Zapatista National Liberation Front (EZLN) that began in Chiapas, Mexico in the 1980s and works to this day. For the Civil Rights Movement, it finds that the major organizations did not enact any policies or make any structural changes to incorporate women more fully into the Movement. Furthermore, women that wanted leadership roles in the Movement often had to forge their own by means of grassroots organizing and local women-led political action groups. For the EZLN, it finds that the organization gave women both leadership positions and military titles, passed the Women's Revolutionary Law that codified women's rights within the organization and the community, and lastly created autonomous municipal governance structures to enforce women's rights.
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Cashion, Katherine. "The Icon Formation of Ruby Bridges Within Hegemonic Memory of the Civil Rights Movement." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1407.

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In 1960, when Ruby Bridges was six-years-old, she desegregated the formerly all white William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans, Louisiana. This thesis traces her formation as a Civil Rights icon and how her icon narratives are influenced by, perpetuate, or challenge hegemonic memory of the Civil Rights Movement. The hegemonic narrative situates the Civil Rights Movement as a triumphant moment of the past, and is based upon the belief that it abolished institutionalized racism, leaving us in a world where lingering prejudice is the result of the failings of individuals. Analysis of narratives about Ruby Bridges by Norman Rockwell, Robert Coles, and Bridges herself show that there is a consistent shift over time in which the icon narratives conform to and reinforce the hegemonic narrative. These icon narratives situate Bridges’ story as a historical account of the past that teaches lessons of how to combat instances of interpersonal racism through kindness and tolerance, and obscures Bridges’ lived experience. These reductive stories demonstrate just how powerful the hegemonic narrative is and create a comforting morality tale that pervades dominant culture and prevents us from understanding and finding ways to combat the institutionalized racism and inequality that still exists within the United States.
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28

Mann, Parminder Kaur. "A comparative study of the NAACP in Birmingham, Alabama, and Detroit, Michigan 1940-1965." Thesis, University of Surrey, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326819.

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This dissertation is a historical investigation into the relationship between the North and South during the civil rights movement and into the struggle for racial equality and justice between 1940 and 1965. It challenges the notion that the CIvil rights movement was a southern phenomenon that moved North during the 1960s. Too often, civil rights literature has considered the southern movement, while excluding northern struggles. The dominance of the southern narrative is reinforced by a frequently articulated assertion that African-Americans in the urban North found non-violent direction irrelevant. The latter's turn to the North results in analysis that posit a passive, disorganised inarticulate northern AfricanAmerican population that became impulsive when the southern civil rights movement failed to change black lives. What my study hopes to do is quite simply to place the southern movement in a comparative context by examining the civil rights movement outside the South. Unlike much of the historiography of the civil rights movement, the experiences of northern activists, in addition to activists in the South, are of importance in my narrative. Employing organisational documents, letters, newspapers, private collections, and over thirty personal interviews, this work demonstrates that, well before the urban rebellions, northern activists employed research, rallies, and sit-ins to forward integration. It moves between the civil rights movement in one city in the South, Binningham, and the civil rights movement in one city in the North, Detroit, demonstrating the continual connections and mutual reinforcement that occurred between northern and southern movements throughout the twenty five-year struggle
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Kennedy, Jarred Michael. "A Life Hindered by Restriction and Segregation." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1305147327.

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30

Vallata, Giulia <1990&gt. "When a movement becomes gendered: women of the Civil Rights Movement. Life and Actions of Septima Clark and Ella Baker." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/9718.

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Quando si pensa o ci si riferisce al Movimento per i Diritti Civili degli afro-americani i primi nomi che la nostra mente elabora sono quelli dei due famosissimi attivisti Martin Luther King Jr e Malcom X. In realtà dietro a queste due importanti figure vi è una fitta rete di uomini e donne che hanno reso possibile, grazie anche a numerosi sacrifici personali, che questo Movimento assumesse la portata e l’importanza che tutti noi, oggi, conosciamo. L’attivismo femminile è stato cancellato dalla memoria storica comune fino agli anni ’80 e ’90 quando un’ondata di femminismo ha riportato alla ribalta queste figure, determinanti, per tutto il processo. Questo oscurantismo può essere facilmente ricondotto alla più generale cultura sociale americana degli anni ’50 e ’60 che vedeva le donne come casalinghe, madri e mogli premurose, il cui unico scopo nella vita era quello di accudire i propri cari mentre l’uomo andava a lavorare e passava la gran parte delle giornate fuori casa. Questa concezione che limitava la donna a non essere riconosciuta come “soggetto pubblico” impedì, a gran parte se non a tutte le attiviste di essere considerate come rappresentati e motori del movimento tralasciando il fatto che senza le loro azioni molte manifestazioni non sarebbero mai avvenute. Questo è il caso di Rosa Parks e Jo Ann Robinson senza le quali il boicottaggio del servizio di trasporto pubblico a Montgomery, Alabama non sarebbe mai iniziato, cosa che probabilmente non avrebbe portato nell’anno successivo, come invece è accaduto, alla promulgazione della legge che dichiarava illegale la segregazione nei trasporti pubblici. Malgrado questo mancato riconoscimento di leadership, come affermato da Belinda Robnett, le donne assunsero il ruolo di “Bridge Leaders” grazie alla loro innata capacità di svolgere la funzione di ponte, e quindi di avvicinare le organizzazioni come l’SNCC, il MIA , l’SCLC e l’NAACP alla maggior parte della popolazione afro-americana e non. La popolazione rurale, infatti, non si sarebbe mai fidata di qualche dirigente proveniente da una delle grandi città del nord i quali volevano solamente “rompere l’equilibrio preesistente e mettere le loro vite in pericolo”, ma delle donne si in quanto il loro ruolo di madri, mogli e più in generale di persone che tenevano ai propri affetti risultavano agli occhi delle persone come dei soggetti che non avrebbero mai messo le vite degli altri a rischio se non ne fosse valsa veramente la pena. Parte dell’attivismo femminile fu impegnato nei processi educativi: al fine di creare cittadini attivi era necessario educare e l’insegnamento era uno di quei lavori che meglio si addicevano alle donne. Di queste donne facevano parte Septima Poinsette Clark ed Ella Baker le quali educarono, in molti casi insegnando a coloro fra gli afro-americani, giovani e anziani, cui non era mai stata data tale possibilità, anche a leggere e a scrivere: due insegnamenti essenziali per accedere al voto.
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Jolly, Kenneth S. "It happened here too : the Black Liberation Movement in St. Louis, Missouri, 1964-1970 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3091934.

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32

Cinalli, Manlio. "Social movements, networks and national cleavages in Northern Ireland : a case study of the Civil Rights Movement and Environmental Protest." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396075.

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33

Chabot, Sean Kiyoshi Taudin. "Crossing the great divide the Gandhian repertoire's transnational diffusion to the American Civil rights movement /." [S.l. : Amsterdam : s.n.] ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2003. http://dare.uva.nl/document/67875.

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34

Castellini, Michael. "Sit In, Stand Up and Sing Out!: Black Gospel Music and the Civil Rights Movement." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/76.

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This thesis explores the relationship between black gospel music and the African American freedom struggle of the post-WWII era. More specifically, it addresses the paradoxical suggestion that black gospel artists themselves were typically escapist, apathetic, and politically uninvolved—like the black church and black masses in general—despite the “classical” Southern movement music being largely gospel-based. This thesis argues that gospel was in fact a critical component of the civil rights movement. In ways open and veiled, black gospel music always spoke to the issue of freedom. Topics include: grassroots gospel communities; African American sacred song and coded resistance; black church culture and social action; freedom songs and local movements; socially conscious or activist gospel figures; gospel records with civil rights themes.
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35

Street, Joe. "Liberation culture : African American culture as a political weapon in the 1960s civil rights movement." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15092/.

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This thesis addresses the use of African American culture as a political weapon in the 1960s civil rights movement. It argues that African American culture was an important weapon for the movement and focuses on how the three major 1960s civil rights organisations - the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Congress of Racial Equality and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference - engaged with cultural forms such as song, theatre, literature and art. It also examines smaller groups, such as the Free Southern Theater, the Southern Folk Cultural Revival Project, the Black Panther Party and Us, and important individuals such as Guy Carawan, Robert F. Williams, Amiri Baraka and Malcolm X. A particular concern of the thesis is the role that education played in spreading the civil rights movement's message. Although based in historical method, it is also grounded in cultural theory, addressing Antonio Gramsci's conception of hegemony and oppositional culture and incorporating ideas of identity and memory. It presents SNCC's 1964 Summer Project as a central event of the civil rights movement, where the relationship between education, culture and the movement peaked. In doing so, the thesis addresses the periodisation of the movement, suggesting that 1964 be interpreted as the turning point of the movement. Implicit in the thesis is the relationship between the civil rights organisations and the North. The thesis argues that the movement started to look north prior to 1965. It suggests that African American culture proved to be a unifying force between the 'Civil Rights' and 'Black Power' eras and examines events and individuals that straddled both periods. It therefore proposes that the relationship between these historical phenomena be re-examined and that Black Power be reassessed as an outgrowth of the civil rights movement.
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36

McNulty, Jacqueline Weston. "Educating for freedom: the Highlander Folk School in the Civil Rights Movement, 1954 to 1964." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44958.

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This study explores how the Citizenship School Program of the Highlander Folk School shaped the grassroots leadership of the Civil Rights Movement. The thesis examines the role of citizenship education in the modern Civil Rights Movement and explores how educational efforts within the Movement enfranchised and empowered a segment of Southern black society that would have been untouched by demonstrations and federal voting legislation. Civil Rights activists in the Deep South, attempting to register voters, recognized the severe inadequacies of public education for black students and built parallel educational institutions designed to introduce black students to their rights as American citizens, develop local leadership and grassroots organizational structures. The methods the activists used to accomplish these goals had been pioneered in the mid-1950’s by Septima Clark and Myles Horton of the Highlander Folk School. Horton and Clark developed a successful curriculum structure for adult literacy and citizenship education that they implemented on Johns Island off the coast of South Carolina. The popularity of the schools spread to neighboring islands and continued to grow. Ella Baker, acting executive director of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, brought the program to the attention of Martin Luther King, Jr. and in 1960, when the state of Tennessee closed Highlander Folk School, the SCLC adopted the Citizenship Education Program as its own. Under the auspices of the SCLC, Clark’s program became the paradigm for citizenship education throughout the Civil Rights Movement, up to and including the Freedom Schools incorporated into the Mississippi Summer Project of 1964.
Master of Arts
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37

DiBari, Michael Jr. "Advancing the Civil Rights Movement: Race and Geography of Life Magazine's Visual Representation, 1954-1965." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1304690025.

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38

Santoro, Wayne Arthur. "The struggle for racial equality : explaining the Federal Government's response to the Civil Rights Movement /." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148819211926331.

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39

Yu, Lanlan. "Cross-movement coalition maintenance : resource and legitimacy management : the case of Civil Human Rights Front." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1534.

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40

Harmon, Joshua M. "“BUT NOT IN VAIN:” THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN SAN LUIS OBISPO, CALIFORNIA 1947-1969." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2009. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/230.

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Civil rights have long been an important focus of historical scholarship. As the United States continues to grapple with issues of racism and the complicated legacy of the Civil Rights Movement, it is imperative that a variety of perspectives are incorporated into scholarship on the subject. Traditional scholarship on the subject has focused on the large organizations, individuals, marches, and activities that have come to characterize the Civil Rights movement. This study seeks to integrate the perspectives of a case study population, African Americans in San Luis Obispo, California, to assess the ways in which African Americans away from large population centers were able to participate in the Civil Rights movement. This study draws primarily on contemporary newspapers, NAACP records, and government documents to assess the relationship between the local civil rights movement and its national counterpart. Civil rights activities at California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo also reveal important instances of discrimination and exclusion on campus. Research has shown that, despite relative isolation and a miniscule population, African Americans in San Luis Obispo experienced similar discrimination, isolation, and economic exclusion as their urban and rural counterparts throughout the nation. They also attempted to bring attention to their plight using nationally established organizations and tactics. Though African Americans in San Luis Obispo met with limited success, their previously undocumented struggle has revealed a population determined to fight for their rights. The continuity between the experiences of African Americans throughout the country renders a more complete understanding of racism in the United States.
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41

Mendoza, Marisa B. "Canciones del Movimiento Chicano/Songs of the Chicano Movement: The Impact of Musical Traditions on the 1960s Chicano Civil Rights Movement." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/129.

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This thesis analyzes resistance songs as key representations of the identity and political formation that took place during the 1960s Chicano movement. Examining particular musical traditions, this thesis highlights the value of placing songs of the Chicano struggle in national narratives of history as well as in the context of an enduring and thriving legacy of political and social activism that continues to allow the Chicano community to recognize and validate their current social realities.
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42

Hicks, Isaiah Deonte. ""We Don't Want Another Black Freedom Movement!" : An Inquiry into the desire for new social movements by comparing how people perceived both the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Movement versus the Black Lives Matter Movement." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1587123845884206.

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43

Wallace, David James. "The freedom of the press in a closed society: Civil rights movement journalism and segregationist pressure." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1439454.

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44

Oby, Michael Randolph. "Black Press Coverage of the Emmett Till Lynching as a Catalyst to the Civil Rights Movement." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2007. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_theses/20.

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BLACK PRESS COVERAGE OF THE EMMETT TILL LYNCHING AS A CATALYST TO THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT by MICHAEL OBY Under the Direction of Leonard Teel ABSTRACT The movement for civil rights in America gathered momentum throughout the 1950s. In the wake of the U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown vs. The Board of Education ruling, declaring unconstitutional permissive or mandatory school segregation, the white South responded with both passive and active resistance. In the midst of this ferment, an African-American boy from Chicago was lynched in Mississippi. Subsequent stories in the black press reported not only Emmett Till’s murder and the trial, but also a widening mobilization within the race, notably the creation of associations in defense of civil rights. The coverage of news and views in the black press provide substantial evidence that this mobilization ignited the civil rights movement of the mid-1950s, just months before the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott led by Martin Luther King Jr. This research supports the view that the black community’s mobilization during the months after Till’s murder served as a catalyst for the civil rights movement.
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45

Samad, Sherif Abdel [Verfasser]. "Non-violence in the civil rights movement in the United States of America / Sherif Abdel Samad." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2009. http://d-nb.info/102358008X/34.

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46

Hague, Sean. "'The way out must lead in' : performative anti-racist politics in the US civil rights movement." Thesis, University of Essex, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.418358.

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47

Smith, James G. "Before King Came: The Foundations of Civil Rights Movement Resistance and St. Augustine, Florida, 1900-1960." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/504.

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In 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called St. Augustine, Florida, the most racist city in America. The resulting demonstrations and violence in the summer of 1964 only confirmed King’s characterization of the city. Yet, St. Augustine’s black history has its origins with the Spanish who founded the city in 1565. With little racial disturbance until the modern civil rights movement, why did St. Augustine erupt in the way it did? With the beginnings of Jim Crow in Florida around the turn of the century in 1900, St. Augustine’s black community began to resist the growing marginalization of their community. Within the confines of the predominantly black neighborhood known as Lincolnville, the black community carved out their own space with a culture, society and economy of its own. This paper explores how the African American community within St. Augustine developed a racial solidarity and identity facing a number of events within the state and nation. Two world wars placed the community’s sons on the front lines of battle but taught them to value of fighting for equality. The Great Depression forced African Americans across the South to rely upon one another in the face of rising racial violence. Florida’s racial violence cast a dark shadow over the history of the state and remained a formidable obstacle to overcome for African Americans in the fight for equal rights in the state. Although faced with few instances of violence against them, African Americans in St. Augustine remained fully aware of the violence others faced in Florida communities like Rosewood, Ocoee and Marianna. St. Augustine’s African American community faced these obstacles and learned to look inward for support and empowerment rather than outside. This paper examines the factors that vii encouraged this empowerment that translates into activism during the local civil rights movement of the 1960s.
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48

Miller, Brian Richard. "Speaking for themselves: the blind civil rights movement and the battle for the Iowa Braille School." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4878.

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In the 1960s, a group of blind activists, led by a charismatic young blind leader, attempted to take control of a residential school for the blind in Vinton, Iowa. The group of activists belonged to the Iowa Association of the Blind, the state affiliate of the National Federation of the Blind (NFB); the leader was Kenneth Jernigan, the first blind director of the Iowa Commission for the Blind; and the school was the Iowa Braille and Sight-Saving School (IBSSS), a venerable institution founded in the mid nineteenth century, and a cornerstone and iconic institution in the small northeast Iowa farming community of Vinton. Through the decade of the 1960s, Iowa was the central front of a civil rights movement, led by blind people determined to implement a new philosophy of blindness against what they perceived to be the entrenched power of sighted rehabilitation and education professionals. For ten years the Iowa Commission for the Blind and the Braille School were at odds with each other as both institutions fought for the hearts and minds of blind adults and children. Constant friction marked relations between the director of the Commission and the superintendent of the school, the former a blind activist administrator, the latter a sighted professional educator of the blind. The former, along with the organized blind whom he led, were not willing to let professionals speak for them, but insisted on speaking for themselves. The blind came to see the Braille School as the biggest obstacle to achieving their goals of advancing the civil rights of the blind in Iowa and beyond. The solution was to seek to take control of the school from the University Board of Regents and put it under the authority of the Commission for the Blind. The effort nearly succeeded, but the cost grew too high, and the battle for the Braille School would mark the beginning of the end of Jernigan's time in Iowa and set back the blind movement in ways not recognized until much later. Blind citizens in the 1940s and 50s faced widespread and entrenched discrimination. The ability to work, to own one's home, to travel independently on public transportation, to serve on trial juries, to vote, to adopt children, to raise families, were rights that no law guaranteed. The Architectual Barriers Act, Rehabilitation Act, Education of All Handicapped Children Act, and the Americans with Disabilities Act were all still decades in the future. It was the hope of Kenneth Jernigan and the blind whom he led to use the vocational rehabilitation program for the blind in Iowa to secure some of the rights the blind lacked, and to advance a new vision of what it meant to be blind.
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Kirk, John Andrew. "Black activism in Arkansas, 1940-1970." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/145.

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In September 1957, Little Rock, Arkansas was the scene of a dramatic confrontation between federal and state government that brought to a head the southern movement of massive resistance against the United States Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Board of Education school desegregation ruling. Although numerous studies have analysed the Little Rock crisis from a variety of perspectives, one striking omission in the existing historiography is the role played by the local black community who were at the very centre of events. Building upon recent local and state studies conducted by scholars of the civil rights movement, this thesis locates the events in Little Rock of September 1957 within an unfolding struggle for black rights at a local, state, regional and national level between 1940 and 1970. In so doing, the thesis seeks to revise the time-frame for black activism imposed by a first wave of civil rights scholarship, which focused almost exclusively on the role played by national civil rights organisations between 1955 and 1%5. It argues that only by comprehending the groundwork laid in the 1940s and 1950s, through litigation and voter registration drives at a grassroots level, can the significance of later black protests be fully understood. In line with the findings of other state studies, it highlights the pivotal role played by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) which, assisted by a nexus of local organisations, formed the backbone of early civil rights struggles at a local level. Thus, the thesis aims not only to provide a corrective for the existing gap in the historiography of the Little Rock school crisis, but also seeks to broaden and deepen our understanding of the ways in which indigenous black movements developed and sustained protest strategies at state and local levels across the South.
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Waugh-Benton, Monica. "Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
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