Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Civil-military relations Victoria History'
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Bartone, Christopher M. "Royal Pains: Wilhelm II, Edward VII, and Anglo-German Relations, 1888-1910." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1341938971.
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Gosling, Edward Peter Joshua. "Tommy Atkins, War Office reform and the social and cultural presence of the late-Victorian army in Britain, c.1868-1899." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/4359.
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This thesis examines the development of the soldier in late-Victorian Britain in light of the movement to rehabilitate the public image of the ordinary ranks initiated by the Cardwell-Childers Reforms. Venerated in popular culture, Tommy Atkins became a symbol of British imperial strength and heroism. Socially, however, attitudes to the rank-and-file were defined by a pragmatic realism purged of such sentiments, the likes of which would characterise the British public’s relationship with their army for over thirty years. Scholars of both imperial culture and the Victorian military have identified this dual persona of Tommy Atkins, however, a dedicated study into the true nature of the soldier’s position has yet to be undertaken. The following research will seek to redress this omission. The soldier is approached through the perspective of three key influences which defined his development. The first influence, the politics of the War Office, exposes a progressive series of schemes which, cultivated for over a decade, sought to redefine the soldier through the popularisation of military service and the professionalisation of the military’s public relations strategy and apparatus. A forgotten component of the Cardwell-Childers Reforms, the schemes have not before been scrutinised. Despite the ingenuity of the schemes devised, the social rehabilitation of the soldier failed, primarily, it will be argued, because the government refused to improve his pay. The public’s response to the Cardwell-Childers Reforms and the British perception of the ordinary soldier in the decades following their introduction form the second perspective. Through surveys of the local and London press and mainstream literature, it is demonstrated the soldier, in part as a result of the reforms, underwent a social transition, precipitated by his entering the public consciousness and encouraged by a resulting fascination in the military life. The final perspective presented in this thesis is from within the rank-and-file itself. Through the examination of specialist newspaper, diary and memoir material the direct experiences of the soldiers themselves are explored. Amid the extensive public and political discussion of their nature and status, the soldier also engaged in the debate. The perspective of the rank-and-file provides direct context for the established perspectives of the British public and the War Office, but also highlights how the soldier both supported and opposed the reforms and was acutely aware of the social status he possessed. This thesis will examine the public and political treatment of the soldier in the late-nineteenth century and question how far the conflicting ideas of soldier-hero and soldier-beggar were reconciled.
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Hrdina, Otakar III. "Study of civil-military relations in crises of Czechoslavak history." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2276.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines civil-military relations during the critical moments of the Czechoslovak history, particularly during the deep political and societal crises in 1938, 1948, 1968, and 1989. Such a method offers an opportunity to analyze civilian control of the military under a situation when the civil-military relations are in deep crisis. By concluding that even under such conditions there were stable civil-military relations in former Czechoslovakia, this thesis affirms the theory of military professionalism as a crucial factor in civil-military relations, as presented by Samuel P. Huntington. Thus, the study of civil-military relations in crises of the Czechoslovak history provides an exceptional opportunity to test the Huntington's model of the equilibrium of objective civilian control in the circumstances of profound societal disturbances. In accordance with the Huntington's theory of stable civil-military relations, this thesis attests that a strong military professionalism, typified by the bonds of traditions, obedience, and patriotic loyalty, plays crucial role in determining stability of civil-military relations, i.e. an objective civilian control of the military. Subsequently, by following this reasoning this thesis also justifies assumption of permanently stable civil-military relations in Czechia, because it intentionally concentrates only on the continuum of the Czechoslovak and the Czech civil-military relations.
Lieutenant Colonel, Czech Air Force
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Buzzanco, Robert. "Masters of war? : military criticism, strategy, and civil- military relations during the Vietnam war /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487844485899365.
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Ackroyd, William Stanley. "Descendants of the revolution: Civil-military relations in Mexico." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184317.
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Since its independence, the Latin America has been prone to unstable and military dominated politics. Mexico, however, has proven to be an exception. The purpose of this dissertation, therefore, is to explain Mexico's stability and civilian dominated polity. The dissertation draws upon personal interviews with Mexican and American military officers, Mexican military documents and secondary sources. From these sources four foci, professionalization, social background of military and civilian leaders, civilian political behavior, and extranational influences, appeared to offer the greatest amount of explanation for the Mexican case. Professionalization's impact appears to result from the low level of political efficacy generated by the Mexican military educational system and the inculcation of values encouraging loyalty to civilian institutions. The social background of Mexican officers appears to support the values and norms common to the military institution, including those conducive to civilian domination. The social disparity between the more humble family background of most officers and the higher family social background of civilian politicians also appears to be a factor. The civilians political party system appears to be critical. In a multiparty system, like Brazil, multiple civilian opposition groups, through co-optation, generate corresponding military support groups. Civilian opposition groups with military backing therefore will always be present and represent a potential threat. In a single party dominant system, like Mexico, though, military identification will always be with the government, rather than an opposition political group. Finally, the influences of the United States and Soviet Union do have an impact on Mexican civil-military relations. However, rather than the super powers' manipulating the Mexican military and causing coups supportive of super power foreign policy objectives, Mexico appears to use the super powers' resources and images to stabilize civil-military relations. The importance of this dissertation is that it offers explanations for the difference in behavior between the stable, civilian dominated Mexican model, and the military dominated models found throughout most of the Latin American region. The dissertation also presents new interpretations regarding the relationships between professionalization and political efficacy, and social background and social efficacy.
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Hrdina, Otakar. "Study of Civil-Military Relations in crises of Czechoslavak history /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FHrdina.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, John Leslie. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-61). Also available online.
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Kimminau, Jon Alan. "Civil-Military Relations and Strategy: Theory and Evidence." The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu989004370.
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Cole, Laura A. "Civil-military relations in Guatemala during the Cerezo presidency." FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2404.
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In 1986 Guatemala experienced a transition from authoritarian rule. Many issues affected the democratization process, but I argue that an essential aspect was civil- military relations. Thus, the principal question answered in this thesis is: How have civil-military relations determined the extent and nature of transition towards democracy in Guatemala from 1986-1990?
Adopting Alfred Stepan’s model to examine civil-military relations, the prerogatives and contestation of the Guatemalan military were examined. Prerogatives exist when the military assumes the right to control an issue, while contestation involves open articulated conflict with civilian government. High military prerogatives and low contestation indicate a situation of unequal civilian accommodation, where civilians do not effectively control the military.
Civil-military relations in Guatemala from 1986-1990 reflect a pattern of unequal civilian accommodation. This illustrates the lack of civilian control over the military and continued military dominance of the political system in Guatemala.
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Kundu, Apurba. "Civil-military relations in British and independent India, 1918-1962, and coup prediction theory." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1411/.
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This thesis explains why India did not experience a military coup d'etat from 1918 to 1962.This involves a detailed consideration of the competing, though often complementary, theories which attempt to analyse the specific conditions and motives that cause officers to intervene against their government. As no one "coup theory" is found definitive, each is deployed when relevant to crucial episodes in British and independent India's civil-military relations from 1918 to 1962, including the history and development of a professional officer corps, Indian nationalism, the Indian National Armies of World War II, the Transfer of Power, Ayub Khan's "Revolution", the rise of the Menon-Kaul nexus, and the 1962 Sino-Indian War. Throughout, the emphasis is on the views and actions of senior retired Indian military officers. The opinions of almost 20 such officers are taken from their respective published (auto-)biographies. The views of another 108 officers (as well as a number of Indian civilians with experience in, or expertise at the highest level of civil-military relations) come from one of two versions of a detailed questionnaire and/or comprehensive personal interviews. This thesis reveals that there was never any serious threat of a military coup in India. Some factors contributing to this phenomenon are inherent: the country is large, diverse, predominantly Hindu, and enjoyed a continuity of political leadership. Other factors are the result of deliberate choices by the civil-military leadership and include the country's stability, quality and tradition of democracy, relative administrative efficiency, institutionalization of diverse centres of power and, most importantly, the professionalism of the officer corps. While this examination suggests measures available to other countries seeking to ensure civil supremacy-of-rule, the particular mix of factors which contributed to India never having experienced military coup is unique.
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Brumley, Donald W. "The nation and the soldier in German civil-military relations, 1800-1945." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1844.
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This study of civil-military relations treats the parallel development of: a.) the professional soldier and the Prussian- German army in the era from 1806 until 1945, as well as; b.) the rise of nationalism in central European politics and society, which culminated in the union of the professional soldier and National Socialism after 1933. These two political phenomena of modern Europe, in the first instance, the army, and in the second instance, voelkisch nationalism became a deadly combination in the Germany of the era 1914-1933. The abdication of the monarchy in 1918 forced the professional soldier to look for a substitute sovereign, who would insure the survival of the privileged role of the soldier in republican state and society. This study provides case studies of civil-military episodes in German history from 1806-1944, where civilian control and liberal oversight of the aristocratic military structure might have been possible, but liberal and socialist forces squandered the opportunities at hand. This study counter poses episodes of civil-military conflict in the Prussian German past, with an analysis of the origins and character of integral nationalism and National Socialism. In particular, the study analyzes the ideological effort to influence the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. The missed civil-military opportunities for democratic forces in the 1920s resulted in the culmination of political, military, and socio-economic conditions ideal for the National Socialists in their quest for power. This failure of important political-military reform set the stage for interwar cooperation between military and the Nazis. The National Socialists wanted to make the army an instrument of power via a â bottom upâ revolution to subjugate the military command structure. This study speaks to this historical series of case studies within the general analysis of democratic civil-military relations. The failure of liberal and later democratic forces to integrate the military into constitutional mechanisms stands as one of the more grievous catastrophes of the story of the soldier and the state.
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Win, Kyaw Zaw. "A history of the Burma Socialist Party (1930-1964)." School of History and Politics - Faculty of Arts, 2008. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/106.
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This dissertation seeks to demonstrate the legacy and historical significance of the Burma Socialist Party (BSP), and so, to solve major puzzles for scholars of Burmese history, particularly with regard to how the links between civilian and military groups in politics in Burma came about. Thus, this thesis addresses a major gap in the current historical literature, which has tended to underplay or ignore the role of the BSP. In so doing this work draws a wide range of interviews, archives and hitherto unused research sources, as well as the historical analyses in English and Burmese contribute. The thesis begins by examining the historical and cultural antecedents of the BSP. The party was formed as a major element of Burma’s independence movement, which developed from a core group of nationalist leaders. Among these leaders were founders and key members of the future BSP. The Peoples’ Revolutionary Party (PRP), the prewar version of the BSP, emerged in the struggle for independence and played a key role in that struggle as a core group around which the future state was founded. After the War, the BSP came out as separate party to compete with the Communist Party of Burma (CPB). The Tatmadaw played a key role in this process, and thus the process itself was a crucial turning point in Burma’s history. The BSP was the main political party after Burma’s independence in 1948. This situation can be seen through looking at the way the Anti-Fascist Peoples’ Freedom League (AFPFL) operated as the umbrella of the BSP. The BSP shaped domestic and foreign policies in the period 1948-58, and provided the basis of various forms of government, even at times of internal division. It was in these circumstances that the military aspect of Burmese politics became important. Careful examination of the sources dealing with the major political influences of the post-independence period shows that the Burmese military took their ideas from the BSP and launched their bid for power by taking over from the BSP.
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Martin, David A. DAM. "Dissention in the Ranks---Dissent within U.S. Civil-Military Relations During the Truman Administration| A Historical Approach." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10638645.
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Dissent has always existed in American civil-military relations since General George Washington and his staff dissented to the Continental Congress over funding the Continental Army. More recently, former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates called for more understanding of dissent, but how dissent occurs is little understood in civil-military contexts. Organizational theorists are convinced dissent is ultimately healthy to all organizations, even civil-military ones.
This study asked how dissent occurs within the civil-military relationship in positive, historical dissent events. A historiographical approach examined the chronology of dissent over desegregation of the U.S. Army before, during, and after President Truman issued Executive Order 9981, declaring “equality of treatment and equal opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin” (13 Fed. Reg. 4313, July 28, 1948). The U.S. Army continued to dissent 2 years after the order came out.
Conflict theory holds conflict as influential in dissent (Coser, 1957). Hierarchy and power play important roles in dissent (Kassing, 1997, 1998, 2012, 2013). Lamb’s (2013) historical discourse analysis offered a high-level dissent analysis in civil-military relations from 1945 to 1950.
The study found that dissent occurred because of conflict, yet conflict also resulted from dissent. Previous dissent research has concerned itself with dissent up the hierarchy, but this research discovered that upward, lateral, and outward dissent occurred simultaneously. Power patterns emerged as groups in dissent displayed, battled for, and consolidated power before a weakened, final engagement marked the terminus of open dissent. Dissent reverberated outward from political and military groups in conflict, embroiling the social group.
This study contributes to dissent theory, demonstrating the influence of hierarchies and power and supporting theoretical research that dissent happens over time. Previous dissent research focused on why dissent happens. This study provided additional insight into how dissent happens, advancing civil-military theory and concluding that civil-military relations are composed of not just civilian and military authority, but a tripartite genus of political, military, and social groups. The research supports dissent as healthy to U.S. civil-military relations.
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Ardovino, Michael. "Revisiting Eric Nordlinger: The Dynamics of Russian Civil- Military Relations in the Twentieth Century." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2918/.
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This paper examines the role that military has played in the political development of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the modern Russian Federation. By utilizing the theoretical tenets of Eric Nordlinger, this paper endeavors to update and hopefully revise his classic work in civil-military relations, Soldiers in Politics. Chapter one of this paper introduces many of the main theoretical concepts utilized in this analysis. Chapter two considers the Stalinist totalitarian penetration model that set the standard for communist governments around the world. Chapter three follows up by addressing the middle years of Khrushchev and Brezhnev. Both reformed the military in its relation to the party and state and made the armed forces a more corporate and professional institution. Chapter four pinpoints the drastic changes in both the state and armed forces during Gorbachev's perestroika and glasnost. The military briefly ventured to a point it never gone before by launching a short coup against the last Soviet president. Chapter five focuses on the last ten years in the Russian Federation. While still a professional organization typical of the liberal model of civil-military relations, the armed forces face great uncertainty, as economic and social problems demand more of their time and resources. Chapter six concludes by speculating on the future of Russian civilmilitary relations and reconsiders the importance of Nordlinger's elegant yet parsimonious work.
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Pitts, Nathaniel F. "African American soldiers and civilian society, 1866-1966." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368352.
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Schur, Denys. "The second front : grand strategy and civil-military relations of western allies and the USSR, 1938-1945 /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FSchur.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Daniel Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-72). Also available online.
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Tal, Nimrod. "The American Civil War in twentieth-century Britain : political, military, intellectual and popular legacies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5343d0e7-7004-4b25-b50e-fe184ee26298.
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This thesis explores the continuous British interest in the American Civil War from the war’s end to the late twentieth century and the British utilisation of the conflict at home and in the Atlantic arena. Contributing to the limited, yet burgeoning literature on the subject, this study emphasises the independent agency of both the Civil War and its British interpreters. It thus rejects a simplistic depiction of British adoption of American culture and applies a more sophisticated methodology that accounts for the active, versatile and autonomous British use of complex foreign images. This enables a meaningful analysis of the Civil War’s place and role in modern British culture. The thesis examines the British fascination with the conflict as reflected in four facets: politics, military thought, academe and popular culture. Additionally, it takes a transatlantic perspective and explores how Britons’ view of the United States has influenced their understanding of the Civil War. This study thus provides a first comprehensive and coherent overview as well as a nuanced picture of the American conflict as it travelled across the Atlantic from a historically distanced perspective. The thesis reveals that the Civil War achieved unique prominence in British culture and that this British fascination with the war was part of a greater transatlantic encounter between an epic American affair and sophisticated British interpreters. Accordingly, the two main questions underpinning this study are ‘why were the British particularly interested in the Civil War?’ and, following directly on that path, ‘how did Britons use the war both at home and in the transatlantic sphere?’ Answering these questions further establishes the war’s prominence in British culture and explores the character of the British encounter with the conflict. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the Civil War’s global impact and casts another light on Anglo-American relations.
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Smith, Janel. "Civil society, human security, and the politics of peace-building in victor's peace Sri Lanka (2009-2012)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/937/.
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This thesis aims to expand scholarship on civil society and peace-building through exploration of civil society’s experiences, perspectives, and practices in relation to the politics of peace-building and human (in)security in instances of victor’s peace, using post-war Sri Lanka as case study. It adopts Human Security as an analytical approach calling attention to insecurities operating on and through Sri Lankans but also the nature of power dynamics underlying these insecurities based on the subjective and political nature of ‘peace’ itself. The thesis contributes conceptually and empirically to knowledge of the operation of victor’s peace and its implications for civil society in peace-building. This thesis’s central contention is that acts of securitization and governmentality carried out by Sri Lanka’s central governmental elite within and enabled by the victor’s peace have constricted spaces for civil society to articulate alternatives or engage in critical dialogue within the political process fostered under the victor’s peace. This study, thus, questions romanticized notions of the potentiality of ‘local’ resistances to shift structural inequalities and power asymmetries in victor’s peace. At a disciplinary level, the thesis also deepens knowledge, first, on civil society as complex and contested sphere. It argues that to conceptualize civil society as homogenous or inherently altruistic risks drastically oversimplifying its highly diffuse nature and politics within the sector in which certain actors may benefit within the victor’s peace and engage in ‘peace’-building activities in order to both capitalise on those benefits and sustain the victor’s peace. Second, the thesis addresses the nexus between civil society and peace-building, and specifically the politics of peace-building, in the victor’s peace. In not being constrained by negotiated peace settlement it asserts that, as in Sri Lanka, instances of victor’s peace can quickly transition into repressive environments. Here it is unlikely that civil society, despite innovative methods of exercising agency, can significantly alter the trajectories of the ‘peace’, and further that those civil society actors that support the victor’s peace may seek to exploit the benefits they gain from it at the expense of the human security of others. Finally, the thesis asserts that, ultimately, Human Security’s utility may lie not as political agenda that validates external intervention based on a ‘responsibility’ to intervene, but as a conceptual framework for developing deeper understandings of the nature of (in)security and factors driving (in)security at multiple levels of analysis within different articulations or ‘types’ of peace.
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Landman, Eli. "The Importance of Strong Governmental Institutions in Military Subordination: Mexico and Argentina, a Comparative Study." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1265.
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This paper examines the history of civil military relations in Mexico and Argentina in an attempt to understand why Mexico was able to subordinate its military following the fall of the Porfírian military regime, while Argentina experienced decades of military intervention into the civilian sphere. It argues that strong governmental and political institutions in Mexico were the key to subordinating the Mexican military to civilian control, while patterns of populist political movements in Argentina hampered the formation of strong governmental institutions that would have enabled the subordination of the military to civilian control.
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Walters, Kevin L. "BEYOND THE BATTLE: RELIGION AND AMERICAN TROOPS IN WORLD WAR II." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/21.
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This dissertation examines the ways in which military personnel interacted with religion during World War II. It argues that the challenges of wartime service provided the impetus and the opportunity to improvise religious practices, refine religious beliefs amid new challenges, and broaden religious understanding through interaction with those from other traditions. Methodologically, this dissertation moves beyond existing analyses that focus primarily on institutions and their representatives such as military chaplains. Instead, it explores first-person accounts left by men and women who were not part of the chaplain corps and analyzes ways in which non-chaplains engaged religion. The exigencies of war contributed to religious innovation as soldiers and sailors improvised religious practices. Lay leaders sometimes filled in to lead services as chaplains were often not available. Soldiers and sailors also modified individual religious practices such as diet, fasting, and prayer to fit the context of military service. The challenges of wartime service also led troops to refine previously held religious beliefs as well as to adopt new interpretations based on personal experiences. Soldiers and sailors often clung to whatever religious beliefs or practices they saw as potentially beneficial. Finally, religious mixing combined with social dislocation and stress to create an atmosphere in which troops questioned and reformulated their religious identities. As soldiers and sailors formed bonds with those from other traditions, it became more difficult to maintain previous assumptions rooted in suspicion and rumor about other faiths. Understanding how soldiers and sailors interacted with religion in World War II anticipates significant aspects of what many scholars have described as a religious revival in the two decades following the war. It suggests that many veterans returned to civilian life with more confidence in their own religious agency and with sharpened conceptions of what they considered religious essentials.
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Jenkins, Ellen Janet. ""Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.
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This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.
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Givens, Seth. "Cold War Capital: The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.
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Borges, Cristóbal A. "Vieques: Island of Conflict and Dreams." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4436/.
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This written thesis is a companion to a 30-minute documentary video of the same title. The documentary is a presentation of the historical conflict between the United States Navy and the people of the island of Vieques, Puerto Rico. For over 60 years the island was used by the United States Navy as a military training facility. The documentary attempts to present an analysis of the struggle between citizens of the island and the Navy. This written component presents a summarized history of Puerto Rico, Vieques and the conflict with the United States Navy. In addition, the preproduction, production and post-production process of the documentary are discussed. A theoretical analysis of the filmmaker's approach and technique are addressed and analyzed as well. The thesis's goal is to provide a clear understanding of the Vieques conflict to United States audiences who do not a familiarity with the topic. The thesis is presented from the perspective of a person who grew up in Puerto Rico.
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Nguyen, Triet M. ""Little Consideration... to Preparing Vietnamese Forces for Counterinsurgency Warfare"? History, Organization, Training, and Combat Capability of the RVNAF, 1955-1963." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23126.
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This dissertation is a focused analysis of the origins, organization, training, politics, and combat capability of the Army of the Republic of Viet Nam (ARVN) from 1954 to 1963, the leading military instrument in the national counterinsurgency plan of the government of the Republic of Viet Nam (RVN). Other military and paramilitary forces that complemented the army in the ground war included the Viet Nam Marine Corps (VNMC), the Civil Guard (CG), the Self-Defense Corps (SDC) and the Civil Irregular Defense Groups (CIDG) which was composed mainly of the indigenous populations in the Central Highlands of South Vietnam. At sea and in the air, the Viet Nam Air Force (VNAF) and the Viet Nam Navy (VNN) provided additional layers of tactical, strategic and logistical support to the military and paramilitary forces. Together, these forces formed the Republic of Viet Nam Armed Forces (RVNAF) designed to counter the communist insurgency plaguing the RVN. This thesis argues the following. First, the origin of the ARVN was rooted in the French Indochina War (1946-1954). Second, the ARVN was an amalgamation of political and military forces born from a revolution that encompassed three overlapping wars: a war of independence between the Vietnamese and the French; a civil war between the Vietnamese of diverse social and political backgrounds; and a proxy war as global superpowers and regional powers backed their own Vietnamese allies who, in turn, exploited their foreign supporters for their own purposes. Lastly, the ARVN failed not because it was organized, equipped, and trained for conventional instead of counterinsurgency warfare. Rather, it failed to assess, adjust, and adapt its strategy and tactics quickly enough to meet the war’s changing circumstances. The ARVN’s slowness to react resulted from its own institutional weaknesses, military and political problems that were beyond its control, and the powerful and dangerous enemies it faced. The People’s Army of Viet Nam (PAVN) and the People’s Liberation Armed Forces (PLAF) were formidable adversaries. Not duplicated in any other post-colonial Third World country and led by an experienced and politically tested leadership, the Democratic Republic of Viet Nam (DRVN) and the National Front for the Liberation of Southern Viet Nam (NFLSVN) exploited RVN failures effectively. Hypothetically, there was no guarantee that had the US dispatched land forces into Cambodia and Laos or invaded North Vietnam that the DRVN and NFLSVN would have quit attacking the RVN. The French Far East Expeditionary Corps (FFEEC)’ occupation of the Red River Delta did not bring peace to Cochinchina, only a military stalemate between it and the Vietnamese Liberation Army (VLA). Worse yet, a US invasion potentially would have unnerved the People’s Republic of China (PRC) which might have sent the PLAF to fight the US in Vietnam as it had in Korea. Inevitably, such unilateral military action would certainly provoke fierce criticism and opposition amongst the American public at home and allies abroad. At best, the war’s expansion might have bought a little more time for the RVN but it could never guarantee South Vietnam’s survival. Ultimately, RVN’s seemingly endless political, military, and social problems had to be resolved by South Vietnam’s political leaders, military commanders, and people but only in the absence of constant PAVN and PLAF attempts to destroy whatever minimal progress RVN made politically, militarily, and socially. The RVN was plagued by many problems and the DRVN and NFLSVN, unquestionably, were amongst those problems.
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Win, Chit. "Explaining Myanmar's hluttaw, 2011-2016 : transitional legitimacy and the politics of legislative autonomy." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155530.
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Transitional legislatures are essential institutions for entrenching democracy by providing legitimacy and by constraining the executive. This research examines the role of Myanmar{u2019}s legislature (the Hluttaw) during the country{u2019}s transition from the direct military rule. When it first met in January 2011, there was little disagreement that Myanmar{u2019}s legislature would serve as a rubber stamp because of the overwhelming majority of representatives from the ruling pro-military party and the military itself. Yet the Hluttaw emerged as a reform-minded lawmaking body as well as a forum for oversight of the executive. Lawmakers from the minor and ethnic parties actively engaged in the legislature alongside lawmakers from the ruling party, especially those who were pressured to contest the 2010 election.This research analyses the role of Myanmar{u2019}s legislature against four major transitional functions: (i) achieving legislative autonomy; (ii) a driving force in political and structural reform; (iii) realising democratic norms; and (iv) tackling transitional conflicts. Based on this conceptual framework, the dissertation asks, what role did Myanmar{u2019}s first legislature play during the transition from the military rule? And what were the determining factors? It argues that the Hluttaw provided transitional legitimacy by achieving legislative autonomy but its authoritarian form, and its political competition with the executive, stopped the Hluttaw from becoming a driving force in Myanmar{u2019}s transition. The dissertation also introduces the three major factors responsible for the shift from a rubber stamp to a robust legislature: (i) the speakers; (ii) non-partisanship; and (iii) co-opted lawmakers. The nexus between these factors explains what influenced the Hluttaw as well as how the Hluttaw became institutionally stronger.This research contributes to the scholarly understanding of transitional legislatures by developing a conceptual framework about how legislatures play a role in political transition as well as an explanation about how institutional rivalry can create authoritarian splits. This analysis is based on five months of fieldwork in the national legislature in Nay Pyi Taw, and the sub-national legislatures in Myanmar{u2019}s States and Regions, and content analysis of the records of the legislative plenary sessions (2011-2016). Keywords: Myanmar, Hluttaw, legislature, democratic transition
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Sager, John. "A weak link in the chain: The Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Truman-MacArthur controversy during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6058/.
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This work examines the actions of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the first year of the Korean War. Officially created in 1947, the Joint Chiefs saw their first true test as an institution during the conflict. At various times, the members of the JCS failed to issue direct orders to their subordinate, resulting in a divide between the wishes of President Truman and General MacArthur over the conduct of the war. By analyzing the interaction between the Joint Chiefs and General Douglas MacArthur, the flaws of both the individual Chiefs as well as the organization as a whole become apparent. The tactical and strategic decisions faced by the JCS are framed within the three main stages of the Korean War.
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Antunes, Priscila Carlos Brandão. "Argentina, Brasil e Chile e o desafio da reconstrução das agencias nacionais civis de inteligencia no contexto no contexto de democratização." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280303.
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Orientador: Eliezer Rizzo de OliveiraTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta tese analisa as recentes reformas nos serviços de inteligência civil brasileiro, argentino e chileno, no contexto das relações civis militares. Três diferentes problemas analíticos estruturam a pesquisa: A) o desafio institucional da construção de sistemas que sejam eficientes, eficazes e consistentes com as demandas de segurança e defesa nestes países. Como os serviços de inteligência civis têm sido institucionalmente desenhados a partir dos processos de transição e consolidação democrática? B) O desafio institucional de construção de sistemas de inteligência responsáveis, responsivos e consistentes com as demandas de controle público democrático? Porque os recentes mecanismos de supervisão congressual e accountability têm desempenho diferenciado nos diversos países em termos de sua capacidade de controle sobre as atividadesde inteligência? C) Odesafio profissional da construção de sistemas de inteligência flexíveis, capacitados e analiticamente relevantes. Quais são os mecanismos institucionais mais importantes utilizados em cada país para avaliar o desempenho analítico dos serviços de inteligência? Os objetivos gerais desta pesquisa são produzir conhecimentos sobre o funcionamento e o papel dos sistemas de inteligência durante processos de consolidação democrática e aumentar o grau de expertise civil e reconhecimento público sobre a importância e os dilemas envolvidos na atuação dos serviços de inteligência
Abstract: This thesis analyzes the recent refonns of the Brazilian, Argentinean and Chilean civic intelligence services in the context of the South American civic-military relationship issues. The research is based on three different problems: A) The institutional challenge of building effective, efficient and consistent intelligence systems in order to fulfill the demands for security and defense of those countries. How have Latin American civic intelligence services been institutionally planned in the transition and consolidation periods? B) The institutional challenge of designing responsive, consistent and responsible intelligence systems to do what is required by the public democratic controI. Why have the modern means of supervising congress tasks had distinct perfonnances in the control of intelligence activities considering accountability in those countries? C) The professional challenge of structuring flexible, qualified and analytically relevant intelligence systems. How do those countries deal with the professionalization issues related to intelligence systems analysis? What are the most important institutional devices used to evaluate the analytic perfonnance of intelligence services by the national government in each of those countries? The general objectives of the research are to produce knowledge about the role and operations of intelligence systems during processes of democratic consolidation and to increase civil expertise and public awareness about the importance and the dilemmas involved in the perfonnance of intelligence services
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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"The rise and fall of the Argentine military industrial complex: Implications for civil-military relations." Tulane University, 2000.
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This study explores the implications of the rise and fall of the Argentine military industrial complex on future civil-military relations. An investigation of the nationalist and military objective to attain self-sufficiency in defense-related industries begs the questions of whether concerns over dependency, on international sources of arms, internal enemies, regional rivalries, and periodic foreign policy tensions with the United States have been quelled permanently. If neoliberal policies in Argentina fail to provide a permanent model for development and Argentina sees a resurgence of nationalist-statist leaders, where will the wave of privatizations the military has experienced leave the nation and its leaders' aspirations to become a great power? On numerous past occasions the military has stepped in by force, with the support of key social sectors, to govern in the face of discontent and to defend its corporate interests. Within the new rubric of civil-military relations, where will party leaders and entrepreneurial groups who have often appealed to the military for help in removing their enemies from power turn? Will the armed forces' fear of diminished military might ring true? Or will a new military mission serve to curb their predisposition to enter politics? This work argues that prospects for the military's institutional incorporation into the state are currently better than in any period in Argentina's recent past. While military prerogatives have been reduced to a point that historically might have posed a dramatic threat to democracy, military contestation has remained relatively low. After years of slow but steady downsizing propelled by civilian leaders, it appears unlikely that the Argentine military retains the armed capacity and industrial muscle to resume its tradition of chronic interventionism. The changing international context has served to reinforce this new paradigm of subordination to civilian leadership for the Argentine militaryacase@tulane.edu
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Williams, David Glenn. "Conspicuous Publicity: How the White House and the Army used the Medal of Honor in the Korean War." 2010. http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/841.
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During the Korean War the White House and the Army publicized the Medal of Honor to achieve three outcomes. First, they hoped it would have a positive influence on public opinion. Truman committed to limited goals at the start of the war and chose not to create an official propaganda agency, which led to partisan criticism and realistic reporting. Medal of Honor publicity celebrated individual actions removed from their wider context in a familiar, heroic mold to alter memory of the past. Second, the Army publicized the Medal of Honor internally to inspire and reinforce desired soldier behavior. Early reports indicated a serious lack of discipline on the front lines and the Army hoped to build psychological resilience in the men by exposing them to the heroic actions of other soldiers. Finally, the Cold War spawned a great fear of communist subterfuge in the United States, which was exacerbated by the brainwashing of prisoners of war. The White House and the Army reached out to marginalized elements of American society through the Medal of Honor to counter communist propaganda.
The Korean War remains an understudied era of American history, yet it was incredibly important to the United States and the world. The war influenced the United States to maintain a large standing military prepositioned around the world to protect its interests. Achieving the status quo antebellum validated the containment strategy against communism, which heavily influenced the decision to intervene in Vietnam. The United Nations, ostensibly in charge of allied forces in the Korean War, gained credibility from preventing the loss of South Korea. Despite these important effects of the war on world history, scholars continue to focus on World War II and Vietnam. This study seeks to build on the relative dearth of scholarly material on the Korean War by examining in historical context the manipulation of a symbol that intersected both the military and the home-front to influence behavior.
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Watson, Samuel Johnston. "Professionalism, social attitudes, and civil-military accountability in the United States Army Officer Corps, 1815-1846." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/16973.
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This dissertation explores connections between occupation, class, and state formation, employing comparative and sociological perspectives previously neglected by historians of this topic in order to locate the officer corps more firmly in its social and cultural context. Officers were socialized in responsibility, gentility, and nationalism, closely connected attitudes which encouraged subordination to civilian political control. The ultimate source of this accountability was employment by the nation-state, which provided security in an increasingly unstable society. Officers responded by stressing order and national sovereignty in their peacekeeping duties in the nation's borderlands. Socialization and self-interest also made Jacksonian-era officers much less bellicose than they had been before 1820, which helped to keep the nation out of war with Britain during crises along the Canadian border, while the officer corps dutifully executed policies many of its members disagreed with or found distasteful, like Indian removal or the occupation of Texas. In the process, conflicts with local settlers and authorities reinforced officers' allegiance to the federal government.
Army organization and caste structure were ultimately shaped more by subjective social influences like ideals of gentility and organizational phenomena like bureaucracy and careerism than by the needs of military function per se. This thesis provides a study of officers' mentalite, worldview, and motivation, particularly the nuances and paradoxes of individualism and gentility manifested in their balancing of ambition and security through organizational careers and conflict. These behaviours can help historians understand the changing occupational and cultural construction of elite status and the reconstitution of personal ambition and community obligation in nineteenth-century America. The army officer corps was the first national managerial class in the United States, and its experiences anticipated the broader trends toward translocal functional organization and specialization in transferal functional organization and specialization in American society and culture after mid-century. This thesis also examines the construction of military expertise in social, cultural, and institutional context, questioning its content and objectives in new ways, and suggests that American military expertise was primarily administrative and logistical rather than tactical or strategic. This bureaucratic expertise reflected a successful adjustment to the problems of scale, scope, and complexity encountered by the nation's largest organization, reinforcing the army's sense of political accountability and preparing it to effectively manage the mass armies of the Civil War. As a whole, this dissertation demonstrates the social construction of military professionalism and the decisive role of the state therein, providing a paradigm of bureaucratization, social and institutional consolidation, and class and state formation in nineteenth-century America.
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Yoshitani, Gail E. S. "National Power and Military Force: the Origins of the Weinberger Doctrine, 1980-1984." Diss., 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10161/676.
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This dissertation addresses one of the most vexing issues in American foreign policy: Under what circumstances should the United States use military force in pursuit of national interests? Despite not having a policy upon entering office or articulating one throughout its first term, the Reagan administration used military force numerous times. Two-weeks following Reagan's landslide reelection victory, Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger articulated six tests for when and how to use military force, which surprisingly seemed to call for restraint. Through the examination of three case studies, the Reagan administration's decisions are found to have been influenced by the assimilation of lessons from Vietnam, the reading of public pulse, the desire to placate Congress, and the need to protect the nation's strategic interests. All these factors, ultimately codified by Weinberger, were considered by the leaders in the Reagan administration as they tried to expand the military's ability to help the U.S. meet an increasingly wider range of threats. Thus this dissertation will show that, contrary to what one finds in contemporary scholarship, the Weinberger doctrine was intended as a policy to legitimize the use of military force as a tool of statecraft, rather than an endorsement to reserve force as a last resort after other instruments of power have failed.
Dissertation
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Kojima, Shinji. "Regaining human life : U.S. military base workers' movement in Okinawa." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10125/11950.
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Mahuku, Darlington Ngoni. "Militarizing politics or politicizing the military? Interactions between politicians and the military in Zimbabwe, 2000-2013." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24724.
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A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, 2017The thesis analyses civil-military relations in Zimbabwe since independence, but especially during the period from 2000 through 2013. A central question is why an outright military coup has not occurred, despite severe political and economic crises. Thequestion is broken down into two linked sub- -military relations question of why the military have not seized power from civilians and (2) the question why no "populist military revolt" has occurred, despite the kind of hyperinflation that has triggered such revolts in countries like Ghana and Ethiopia: [Abbreviated Abstract. Open document to view full version]
XL2018
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Jenness, Timothy Max. "“Tentative Relations: Secession and War in the Central Ohio River Valley, 1859-1862”." 2011. http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/983.
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In the fall of 1859, John Brown launched a raid on the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia, and in so doing arguably fired the first salvo of the Civil War. That his raid occurred in the border area between North and South should come as no surprise because it was in that area where Americans were the most divided. Citizens across the border state region–that area that comprised the lower North and upper South–soon found themselves caught between two hostile sections. Based on an analysis of letters, journals, newspapers, and public documents, this dissertation is a study of one portion of that border region, the central Ohio River Valley, during the momentous years between Brown’s raid and the early weeks of 1862, when Indiana Senator Jesse Bright was expelled from the United States Senate for treasonous behavior. Citizens who lived in the river counties between Cincinnati and Louisville shared important economic, cultural, and socio-political views that united them and created a regional bond capable of withstanding the centrifugal pull of sectionalism despite the omnipresent influence of slavery. These trans-river bonds moderated their response to secession and reinforced their Unionist proclivities. Their fidelity to the Union strengthened Abraham Lincoln’s hand and helped to insure that the Union would endure.
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Baledrokadroka, Jone. "Sacred king and warrior chief : the role of the military in Fiji politics." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/142804.
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The role of the Fiji military in politics characterized by the 1987, 2000 and 2006 coups has been interpreted through the broad lenses of ethnic tensions and civil-military relations models. This thesis argues that those coups are best understood through an analysis of the interplay between Fijian traditional politics and the predominantly indigenous Fijian military. Like the usurpation of the traditional Sacred King by the Warrior Chief in Fiji's leading pre-colonial state of Bau, the military's role in politics today is an inversion of the neo-traditional political order, and the military has now moved from a mediator role to play a more enduring function in the governance of Fiji. Given the influence of vanua politics in modern Fiji, and the importance of the neo-traditional Turaga-Bati relationship, models of coups and military-civilian relationships drawn from the literature are of variable usefulness. Finer's Opportunity and Disposition calculus, which emphasizes the coalescence of civilian and military elites in coup making, certainly applies to Fiji and is used in this thesis. On the other hand, Fiji's military professionalism must be seen as differing from Samuel Huntington's civil supremacy model. An additional consideration examined in this thesis is the influence of international peacekeeping operations on the domestic politics of the countries from which peacekeepers are drawn. In Fiji's case, it is argued; experience in peacekeeping operations has influenced the military's self image as political mediator and encouraged it to adopt a role that encompasses security. This has correspondingly led to the militarization of government by a largely ethnic Fijian military.
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Sowa, Jan. "Dyscyplina i sądownictwo wojskowe w Koronie w dobie wojen tureckich w drugiej połowie XVII wieku." Doctoral thesis, 2020. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/3674.
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Celem niniejszego studium jest zaprezentowanie w maksymalnie szerokim kontekście militarnym, politycznym i prawnym organizacji i funkcjonowania wojskowego wymiaru sprawiedliwości w wojsku koronnym, jak również próba odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak dużą rolę pełniło ono w całościowym systemie utrzymania dyscypliny w armii w dobie wojen polsko-litewskiej Rzeczypospolitej z Imperium Osmańskim w drugiej połowie XVII w. Praca została podzielona na pięć rozdziałów. W pierwszym zaprezentowano krótki rys historyczny rozwoju wojskowego wymiaru sprawiedliwości w polsko-litewskiej Rzeczypospolitej i innych państwach europejskich w epoce wczesnonowożytnej, a także system źródeł prawa wojskowego obowiązującego w Koronie w drugiej połowie XVII w. Rozdział drugi przedstawia polityczne uwarunkowania funkcjonowania wojskowego wymiaru sprawiedliwości – wpływ działalności sejmu i sejmików na dyscyplinę, prawo i sądownictwo wojskowe. Kwestie te zostały potraktowane dość obszernie właśnie po to, aby wskazać na społeczny kontekst pracy sądów wojskowych – społeczne oczekiwania wobec sądownictwa wojskowego i nierzadko bardzo krytyczne oceny jego działalności. Kolejne rozdziały opisują organizację i funkcjonowanie poszczególnych sądów wojskowych: rozdział trzeci – niższych sądów wojskowych: sądów chorągiewnych i regimentowych, a także sądów artyleryjskich (które podobnie jak sądy chorągiewne i regimentowe były zwoływane doraźnie), rozdział czwarty – wyższe sądy wojskowe: sądy generalne zaciągu narodowego i cudzoziemskiego, wreszcie rozdział piąty – sądu hetmańskiego i sądów regimentarskich. Całość zamyka podsumowanie i aneks, w którym zamieszczono przykładowe dokumenty związane z działalnością koronnych sądów wojskowych w drugiej połowie XVII w.The purpose of this dissertation is to present the organization and functioning of military justice in the Polish Crown Army in the broadest possible military, political and legal context. It is also an attempt to answer the question what was the role that military judiciary played in the overall system of maintaining military discipline in the time of wars between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the 17th century. The thesis is divided into five chapters. The first chapter presents a short historical overview of the development of military justice in the Commonwealth and other early modern European states, as well as the system of the sources of military law in the Crown of Poland in the second half of the 17th century. The second chapter shows political preconditions of the operation of military justice: the influence of the activity of the sejm and sejmiks on military discipline, law and judiciary. These issues were treated quite extensively in order to expose the social context of the functioning of courts-martial: social expectations of military justice system and often very critical opinions about its activity. Subsequent chapters describe organisation and functioning of individual courts-martial: the third chapter – lower courts-martial: company and regimental courts (sądy chorągiewne, sądy regimentowe) as well as artillery courts (sądy artyleryjskie, which like company and regimental courts were convened on an interim basis); the fourth chapter – higher courts-martial: general courts of domestic and foreign enlistment (wojskowy sąd generalny zaciągu narodowego, wojskowy sąd generalny zaciągu cudzoziemskiego); finally the fifth chapter – the hetman’s court (sąd hetmański) and hetman lieutenant’s courts (sądy regimentarskie). The whole dissertation ends with the summary and the appendix that includes exemplary documents related to the activity of Polish military justice in the second half of the 17th century.
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Poletika, Nicole Marie. ""Wake up! Sign up! Look up!" : organizing and redefining civil defense through the Ground Observer Corps, 1949-1959." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4081.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.
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Muckle, Adrian. "Spectres of violence in a Colonial context : the wars at Kone, Tipindje and Hienghene - New Caledonia, 1917." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150536.
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