Academic literature on the topic 'Civil marriage celebration'

In Cameroon we are dealing with three types of marriage: traditional, universally practiced marriage; civil marriage, required by state law before entering into a religious marriage; and, finally, sacramental marriage. Most widespread is the traditional form of contracting marriage. This article will present this particular form, referring to Gidar traditions and also showing its similarities to, and differences from, the Christian tradition brought by the missionaries. It will also propose solutions which combine the two traditions. A characteristic feature of marriage rites was their multi-stage nature. They were not single acts but events long prepared and celebrated with suitable gestures, symbols, words, and events. The individual, successive stages of “taking a wife” consisted of the choice of a spouse, accepted by both families; an engagement period; an act by both families of acknowledgement of the joining of the young persons as one in marriage; the conveying of the bride to her husband’s home; celebrating; and paying the matrimonial fee. The Church in northern Cameroon recognized traditional marriages contracted outside of baptism as valid and licit, provided that local principles, e.g., payment of a marriage fee, were taken into account. If either of the parties accepted baptism, the marriage became for him or her sacramental. If the other party also made the same decision later on, their union took on a sacramental character, without a need to renew the marriage vows. Controversy would however arise if attempts were made to contract a traditional marriage if one party was [already] baptized, or if both parties were baptized. These controversies mainly concerned the unity, indissolubility, and sacramentality of marriage.

Contracting A Marriage before a Consul (Some Legal Aspects)SummaryThe possibility of being married before a consul has been created both by the regulations of international public law, particularly by the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, as well as by the Polish law, including especially art 26 of the Act of the 13th Feb. 1984 on the Functions of a Consul of the Republic of Poland and art 1 § 4 of the Family and Guardianship Code as well as art. 60 of The Law on the Certificates of a Civil Status. These regulations entitle Polish citizens staying abroad to get married before a Polish consul. Nevertheless, they do not impose such a form of contracting a marriage.A man and a woman, who are Polish citizens staying abroad, can get married before a Polish consul or the other person designated to perform the functions of a consul. Such an opinion can be confirmed on the basis of current legal regulations. N obody doubted that art. 2 of the Family and Guardianship Code in its previous form confirmed that Polish citizens staying abroad could get married in accordance with lex loci celebrationis matrimonii being valid in the state of stay or before a Polish consul.It is always possible to choose between contracting a marriage according to the regulations of the state of stay before a local civil officer or before a consul. The only im portant condition for contracting a marriage before a consul is that it is not contrary to the laws of the state of stay of the people getting married.

La ceremonia del matrimonio civil celebrada en los ayuntamientos ha sido considerada acto familiar o social. Sin embargo, debido al auge de estas celebraciones en dependencias municipales junto a su planificación, organización y ejecución por parte de los servicios oficiales correspondientes, se replantea la cuestión sobre su titularidad, abriendo la posibilidad de su transformación de acto privado a oficial.Con la finalidad de dar respuesta a este planteamiento se procedió a marcar los límites de los actos oficiales a través de la revisión explorativa de diferentes expertos en la materia. Y también se analizó desde el método descriptivo la realidad actual del matrimonio civil en los ayuntamientos.El resultado obtenido con el estudio de la clasificación de los actos oficiales delimitó que los actos oficiales generales son los organizados por la Corona, el Gobierno y la Administración que tienen como objetivo conmemoraciones y acontecimientos de proyección territorial. En cuanto a los actos oficiales especiales, estos son organizados por el poder ejecutivo, legislativo y judicial con la finalidad de conmemorar o celebrar actos propios del ámbito específico de sus servicios, funciones y actividades.Bajo esta consideración, se examinó la ceremonia de la boda civil como servicio municipal. Se determinó que el matrimonio civil celebrado en los consistorios se registra como acto privado y oficial según se produzcan unas circunstancias u otras.Con la base de los datos obtenidos, concluimos que la ceremonia del matrimonio civil en los ayuntamientos se cataloga como acto privado o como acto oficial especial._________________________The civil marriage ceremony performed through time in city halls has been considered as a social or familiar act. However, according to the growth of this kind of celebrations in public halls, along with their planning, organization and development by pertinent public authorities, makes necessary reconsidering the question about their ownership, letting the possibility of its transformation from a private to an official act.In order to give an answer to this point, bounds to official acts were marked through explorative reviews made by experts. Also, the reality of civil marriages in city halls has been analysed from descriptive methods.The obtained results by classifying official acts delimited that the general official acts were the ones organised by the Crown, the Government and the Administration, which target are commemorations and events in their territorial environments. As for the special official acts, those are the ones organised by the three powers (executive, legislative and judicial), in order to commemorate or celebrate their own acts in the specific sphere affecting their services, competencies and activities.Under that consideration, the civil wedding ceremony has been analysed as a municipal service. Civil marriages have been determined as private or public acts according to the circumstances.With the obtained data, we can conclude that civil marriage ceremonies carried out in city halls are catalogued as private acts or as special official acts.

As a secularising nation in Northern Europe, Scotland has, over the last few decades, experienced a steep decline in religious belonging, church attendance, and beliefs. Ritual participation, which is arguably an understudied dimension of secularisation, follows a similar pattern of decline, with a significant majority of Scottish marriage rituals now being conducted in secular ceremonies. Using data from semi-structured in-depth interviews with 17 married couples, this study examines the decisions that secular Scots make when planning their wedding. Moreover, it places a particular focus on humanist marriage ceremonies, which have seen a noteworthy increase in popularity since they became legally recognised in Scotland in 2005. The secular participants emphasised the role of personal convictions and family expectations in choosing a particular type of marriage ceremony. The narratives also revealed how positive attitudes toward humanist ceremonies, in contrast with civil ceremonies, are centred around their ability to create personalised, nonreligious, celebrations that nevertheless give attention to culture and heritage. Ultimately, the findings suggest that repeating history through cultural traditions are an important aspect of both secular and religious rites of passage.

A decade after celebrating Morocco's 2004 family law as a social revolution, women's groups became dismayed by the persistence of minor marriage, polygyny, and marriage guardianship. Conventional explanations for why statutory law reform often fails to produce intended outcomes depart from the concept of the homogeneous state, pointing to insufficient enforcement mechanisms and cultural resistance to the new law within society. Arguing against this conceptualization, this article adopts the state-in-society approach. It compares how two types of street-level bureaucrats and secular and Islamist women's groups have engaged with the 2004 law. It finds that different groups have emphasized and rejected different categories and norms of the law. Street-level bureaucrats' interpretations have sometimes overlapped with those of civil society actors. The state is therefore not enforcing one normative order against cultural resistance from society; instead, different state actors are themselves actively involved in the production and preservation of multiple normativities.

Abstract Chris Vargas's exhibition Consciousness Razing: The Stonewall Re-Memorialization Project commemorates the fiftieth anniversary of the Stonewall rebellion by smashing pervasive mythologies that erase transgender people from most retellings of the uprising and showcasing multiple artists' proposals for monuments that at least address if not remedy this absence. Stories of gay and lesbian civil rights victories that came out of Stonewall—like the dissolution of sodomy laws, the creation of employment nondiscrimination protections, and gay marriage—all tend to trace back to the rebellion, while the critical role that transgender women, many of color, played in these advances has slipped deep into unseen corners of historical memory. This forgetting is both a symptom and cause of the continued erasure of transgender people, especially transgender women of color, from contemporary LGBT activism, community, and discourse. As a gesture of amelioration, this monument implores us to reconstruct memories of Stonewall as a way of not merely supporting celebrating contemporary trans existence but ultimately shaping trans futurity.

Abstract In two recent cases, one in the USA and the other in the UK, courts have considered conscientious objection claims made by cake bakers who objected to providing a cake for the celebration/advocacy of same-sex marriage. I will argue that the issue in these cases is not the reasonable balance between the individual’s religious interests and the interests or rights of others in the community but is instead whether the individual’s religiously based objection should be viewed as an expression of personal religious conscience or as a (religiously grounded) civic position or action that falls outside the scope of religious freedom protection. In determining whether a conscientious objection should be viewed as a personal/spiritual matter or instead as a civic/political position, two factors are relevant. The first is whether the individual is being required to perform the particular act (to which she/he objects) because she/he holds a special position not held by others. The other factor is the relative remoteness/proximity of the act that the objector is required to perform from the act that she/he considers to be inherently immoral. The more remote the legally required action, the more likely we are to regard the objection as a political position.

Apresentamos, em linhas gerais, duas experiências urbanas conceitualmente diferentes, seja na maneira de criar e organizar o espaço ou no viver. Celebration uma cidade informacional com um projeto de oferecer ao consumidor-morador uma alternativa estética na união entre a tecnologia e a tradição. Empresas de grande porte oferecem e vendem o que de mais atual pode se esperar em produtos para a casa, modernos aparatos para facilitar a vida. A cidade asiática, por seu turno, oferece o conceito de Smartcity, onde a tecnologia não é oferecida em si-mesmo, mas, conectada à inteligência do morador.Palavras-chave: Geografias da Comunicação; Período Técnico Cientifico Informacional; Cidades Globais; Smartcity; comunicação urbana. ABSTRACTHere, in general, two conceptually different urban experiences, either in the way of creating and organizing the space or live. Celebration an informational city with a project to offer the consumer-dweller an aesthetic alternative to marriage between technology and tradition. Large companies offer and sell what more can be expected in current products for the home, modern devices to make life easier. The Asian city, in turn, offers the concept of Smartcity, where technology is not offered in self, but connected to the resident's intelligence. Keywords: Geographies of communication; Technical Scientific informational Period; Global Cities; Smartcity; Urban Communication. RESUMENEn línea general, presentamos dos experiencias urbanas conceptualmente diferentes, ya sea en la forma de crear y organizar el espacio o vivir. Celebration es una ciudad informacional con un proyecto para ofrecer al consumidor-habitante una alternativa estética en la unión de la tecnología con la tradición. Grandes empresas ofrecen y venden lo más actual se puede esperar de los productos para el hogar, aparatos modernos para hacer la vida más fácil. La ciudad asiática, a su vez, ofrece el concepto de Smartcity, donde la tecnología no se ofrece en si-misma, pero conectado a la inteligencia del residente.Palabras clave: Geografías de la comunicación; Periodo Técnico Científico Informacional; Ciudades Globales; Smartcity; Comunicación Urbana. ReferênciasCASTELLS, Manuel - A sociedade em Rede - A era da informação: Economia, Sociedade e Cultura. São Paulo: Paz e Terra,1999 English version CASTELLS, Manuel. The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture Vol. I. Cambridge, MA; Oxford, UK: Blackwell.CELEBRATION. Disponível em http://www.celebration.fl.us/town-info/community-profile/ . Acess in 14.10.2013.CELEBRATION COMPANY. The Official Website. 20. May 2005. http://www.celebrationfl.comCELEBRATION HEALTH. Disponível em http://www.celebrationhealth.com. Acesss in 09.10.2013.CELEBRATION NEWS. Disponível em http://www.celebration.fl.us/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/CELEBRATION-NEWS-OCT-2013-low.pdf Acesso em 20.10.2013.CENSUS 2010. Disponível em http://www.census.gov/2010census/ . Acesso em 15.10.2013.DISNEY'S UTOPIA. http://www.123helpme.com/disneys-utopia-view.asp?id=164640. Acesso em 20.10.2013.FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS, compiled by Kenny Cottrell Acesso em 05.03.2000. O site http://www.home.ptd.net/~glisman/cele2.htm está, atualmente, indisponível.FRANTZ, Douglas & COLLINS, Catherine (2000) Celebration, U.S.A.: living in Disney's brave new town. New York, Henry Holt and Company, 2000.GRUEN ,Victor: The heart of our cities: The urban crisis: diagnosis and cure, Thames and Hudson, London, 1965.HARVEY, David. Condição Pós moderna. São Paulo: Loyola, 1989. English version HARVEY, David. Post modern conditions., Wiley-Blackwell, 1992.MITCHELL, William J. & CASALEGN, Federico. Connected Sustainable Cities. MIT Mobile Experience Lab PublishingOSCEOLA COUNTY PLANNING DEPARTAMENT. Disponível em http://www.osceola.org/. Acesso em 15.10.2013. E-mail Address: oscear@magicnet.net RAINIERI, G. Metrópoles Utópicas, mas possíveis. Entrevista com Jordi Pardo. IN Revista da cultura, Ed. 60 julho de 2012, São Paulo: Livraria Cultura.ROSS, Andrew.: The Celebration Chronicles: Life, Liberty, and The Pursuit of Property Value in Disney's New Town, New York: Ballantine, 1999.SERRES, Michel. A lenda dos Anjos. São Paulo: Aleph, 1995. English version SERRES, Michel. Angels, The modern Myth. Flammarion; First UK edition (October 3, 1995).SONGDOIBD. Disponível em http://www.songdo.com . Acesso em 15.10.2013.STETSON EDUCATION. Disponível em http://www.stetson.edu/celebration. Acesso em 15.10.2013STETSON LIFELONG. Disponível em http://www.stetson.edu/administration/lifelong-learning/media/lifelong-learning-catalog-celebration.pdf . Acesso em 15.10.2013TOWNSEND, Antony M. Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia. W. W. Norton & Company; 1 edition, 2013.WILLIAMSON , Lucy. Tomorrow's cities: Just how smart is Songdo? Disponível em http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/technology-23757738 Acesso em 15.10.2013.WILSON, Craig. Mickey Builds a Town: Celebration Puts Disney in Reality's Realm. USA Today. 18. October 1995: 01A, 5B. Também disponível em http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/wooda/usacelebration.html. Acesso em 15.10.2013.WORKING SONGDO . Disponível em http://www.songdo.com/songdo-international-business-district/the-city/working.aspx. Acessado em: 16.10.2013.YU, J. LIFE AND IDENTITY IN SONGDO. Interview at facebook. Message to paulo.celso@facebook.com, 26/01/2014. Disponível em:Url: http://opendepot.org/2725/ Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo

Purpose Equality of rights for individuals who identify as being lesbian or gay (LG) have emerged over recent years, and significant advancements have been made in recognition and support of LG rights in Ireland. Given the recent change in legal rights for the LG population, Civil Partnership 2010 and Marriage Equality 2015, this paper aims to explore the lived experience of daily occupations of LG adult’s in Ireland today, by applying an occupational justice lens. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative phenomenological research study, examined the concept of occupational justice as experienced by eight adults, who identified as being LG. Data was collected through face to face, semi-structured interviews. Findings Four themes capturing the complexity of each participant’s experience of daily occupations and occupational justice emerged, namely, transitions and personal journeys, celebrating differences, empowerment through occupation and inner conflict. Findings demonstrate how occupational justice is experienced as a complex, contextually embedded and dynamic process specific to each individual. Originality/value Future research in this area should aim to explore the experiences of both a younger and older LG population, along with those who identify as bisexual, transgender, queer or intersex to continue to raise awareness of the potential for occupational injustice within this minority population.

En el presente estudio analizamos la regulación de la promesa al amparo del CC portugués de 1966 y las implicaciones que comporta para los promitentes. El en texto nos detenemos en el estudio del vigente art. 1.591 CC fruto de la reforma practicada por Lei n. 9/2010, de 31 de maio de 2010 que, aunque se presenta en idénticos términos que el derogado art. 1.591 CC de 1966, lo cierto es que ha suprimido la expresión “de sexo diferente”, equiparando la promesa realizada por pareja heterosexual de la efectuada por pareja homosexual. A continuación, nos ocupamos de los preceptos introducidos por el legislador dedicados: a la regulación en materia de restitución de las donaciones efectuadas a causa de la promesa de matrimonio, en caso de imposibilidad de celebración del futuro vínculo matrimonial [arts. 1.592 y 1.593]. Asimismo, nos detenemos en la obligación de indemnizar [art. 1594 CC] que, aunque no se trata de una disposición innovadora, lo cierto es que se diferencia de los dos preceptos previos en que esta obligación únicamente recae sobre el promitente culpable, mientras que en aquellos otros la obligación de restituir recae indistintamente sobre ambas partes, medie o no “culpa”. También aludimos a las particularidades que presenta este precepto, destacándose: que el alcance de la obligación indemnizatoria sea extensible también a los padres del promitente inocente e, incluso a terceros; la medida del daño resarcible, limitada a los “gastos efectuados” y “obligaciones contraídas” a causa de la promesa y, que la indemnización sea fijada al arbitrio de la autoridad judicial. Para finalizar, analizamos el art. 1.595 CC. Precepto con el que se ha salvado lo concerniente al plazo de la caducidad de las acciones tanto para exigir la obligación de restitución [arts. 1.592 y 1.593 CC], como para la obligación de indemnización [art. 1.594 CC]._________________In the present study we analyze the regulation of the promise under the Portuguese CC of 1966 and the implications that it entails for the promising. In text we stop in the study of current art. 1.591 CC as a result of the reform practiced by Lei n. 9/2010, of May 31, 2010 which, although presented in identical terms as the repealed art. 1.591 CC of 1966, the truth is that it has suppressed the expression “of a different sex”, equating the promise made by a heterosexual couple to that made by a homosexual couple. Next, we take care of the precepts introduced by the legislator dedicated: to the regulation in the matter of restitution of the donations made because of the promise of marriage, in case of impossibility of celebrating the future matrimonial bond [arts. 1.592 and 1.593]. Likewise, we stop in the obligation to indemnify [art. 1.594 CC] that, although it is not an innovative provision, the truth is that it differs from the two previous precepts in that this obligation rests solely with the guilty party, while in those others the obligation to return falls interchangeably on both parties. , whether or not "fault". We also allude to the particularities presented in this precept, highlighting: that the scope of the indemnification obligation is also extensible to the parents of the innocent promiser and even to third parties; the extent of the compensable damage, limited to the “expenses incurred” and “obligations incurred” because of the promise and, that the compensation be set at the discretion of the judicial authority. Finally, we analyze art. 1,595 CC. Except with which it has been saved concerning the term of the expiration of the actions both to demand the obligation of restitution [arts. 1.592 and 1.593 CC], as for the indemnity obligation [art. 1.594 CC].

Cette thèse vise à appréhender la condition juridique des couples non mariés, à travers près de cinq siècles. Le droit canonique du mariage relégua le concubinage à un état permanent de péché, et, au XVIe siècle, le concile de Trente prescrivit des sanctions sévères à l'encontre des concubinaires. Les pères du concile édictèrent des règles encadrant la célébration du mariage. Puis, l'autorité séculière s'arrogea peu à peu la compétence en matière matrimoniale, par les lois et par la jurisprudence. La frontière entre mariage et concubinage était dorénavant strictement établie. Si l'ancien droit ne regarda pas le concubinage comme un délit, il fustigea les bâtards en les soumettant à un statut d'infériorité. Sous la Révolution, la sécularisation du mariage ne remit pas en cause la forme traditionnelle de l'union conjugale, toutefois, les législateurs accordèrent des droits aux enfants naturels reconnus. En 1804, le Code civil ignora absolument le concubinage. Le fondement de la famille était le mariage ; et, les enfants naturels furent, de nouveau, les victimes de la prééminence de l'union légitime. Dés le milieu du XIXe siècle, la rigueur du Code envers la famille naturelle fut atténuée grâce à un courant d'idées progressistes. Puis, au début du XXe siècle, la reconnaissance officielle du concubinage fut opérée par une série de mesures législatives lui conférant des effets juridiques, et la voie vers un pluralisme juridique des modèles familiaux se trouva ouverte.

L’étude du mariage au Congo-Brazzaville met en évidence, le fondement des relations qui existent entre le droit étatique et le droit coutumier en matière de formation et de rupture du lien conjugal. Notre thèse a pour objet de mettre en lumière la nature de ces relations à travers le prisme du mariage civil et du mariage coutumier. En effet, le régime juridique attaché au droit de la famille et au mariage dans le cadre de la politique héritée du droit civil français et qui se développe dans le Code congolaisde la famille, présente deux visions opposées sur le plan juridique et sociologique. En amont, nous avons un système juridique qui privilégie le droit étatique au détriment du droit coutumier. En aval, on assiste à une résurgence des pratiques coutumières dont la résistance et l’insistance fragilisent les institutions judiciaires et le droit étatique. Par conséquent les rapports entre époux présentent une organisation matrimoniale qui est basée sur un principe d’égalité. Cette égalité est pourtant fragilisée par la place réservée au mari au nom de la puissance maritale, et qui présente une forme de domination de la femme par ce dernier. Aussi, alors que la monogamie est le régime de droit commun, le droit congolais autorise la polygamie. Par ailleurs, la dot qui jadis n’avait qu’une valeur sociologique et anthropologique, revêt désormais une valeur juridique dans le Code de la famille, qui fait de celle-ci, une condition préalable à la formation du mariage civil, en échafaudant une institution coutumière appelée pré-mariage. A ce titre, le système juridique congolais, présente un système dualiste sous forme de règle de conflit juridique, qui donne compétence à deux sources de droit différentes pour régir les conditions de formation et de rupture dulien matrimonial. Ce qui nous amène finalement à nous interroger si la codification du droit de la famille de façon générale et du mariage en particulier n'a pas été un rendez-vous manqué pour le législateur congolais ?
The study of marriage in Congo-Brazzaville highlights the basis of the relations that exist between state law and customary law in matters of the formation and termination of the marital bond. Our thesis aims to shed light on the nature of these relationships through the prism of civil marriage and customary marriage. Indeed, the legal regime attached to family law and marriage within the framework of the policy inherited from French civil law and which is developed in the Congolese Family Code, presents two opposing visions on the legal and sociological level. Consequently, we have a legal system that favors state law to the detriment of customary law. Downstream, we are witnessing a resurgence of customary practices whose resistance and insistence weaken judicial institutions and state law. As such, the relationship between spouses presents a matrimonial organization which is based on a principle of equality. This equality is however weakened by the place reserved for the husband in the name of marital power, and which presents a form of domination of the woman by the latter. Also, while monogamy is the common law regime, Congolese law allows polygamy. In addition, the dowry, which formerly had only a sociological and anthropological value, now has legal value in the Family Code, which makes it a prerequisite for the formation of civil marriage, by building a customary institution called pre-marriage. As such, the Congolese legal system presents a dualistic system in the form of a rule of legal conflict, which gives jurisdiction to two different sources of law to govern the conditions of formation and termination of the matrimonial bond. Which ultimately leads us to wonder if the codification of family law in general and marriage in particular was not a missed appointment for the Congolese legislator?

This chapter considers the impact of the Canon law on the later, i.e. post-Reformation (1560) Scots law of marriage and divorce. It also considers one of the blackest chapters in Scottish legal history, the story of the law on the prohibited degrees of matrimony and incest, in which the continuing influence of the medieval Canon law is all too apparent. The interest of the post-Reformation story of marriage and divorce, however, lies in contrast, rather than comparison. The law in Scotland developed very differently from that in England or in Ireland. Irregular marriage survived in Scotland long after Lord Hardwicke’s Act (1753), while civil celebration of regular marriage was introduced only in 1940. In Scotland divorce was open to all immediately after the Reformation on the grounds of adultery and desertion; the law showed no preference to either sex; and actions were determined in courts which became secular in all but name. The Scottish Reformers’ predilection for incorporating moral offences into the criminal code turned the Canon law into an engine of death, the more so as in the new law, unlike the old, there was no provision for dispensation. Here, indeed, Canon law proved to be a damnosa haereditas.

The frequency of Communion was an issue in episcopal times; and continued to be so after 1690. The ‘occasion’ as civic ‘theatre’ in Stirling is described in detail and shows that the social status of elders was a factor in what roles they assumed. The responses of participants are considered although evidence is slim. The texts preached from and the effects of a communion season on the local economy are also considered. The potential for disorder at Communion services is acknowledged but no evidence seems to survive of its actually happening. The Sacrament of Communion is shown to be a symbolic ritual emphasising the centrality of the church to society. Baptism is shown to be a much more private, understated affair but a sacrament much more frequently celebrated. The surviving records can be used both to give a guide to the support for the new regime when numbers are shown to rise after an episcopal incumbent is deposed, and also to show the effect of the famine years of the 1690s where the birth rate (though not the marriage rate) dropped significantly. Clandestine baptisms and a local parody of baptism are also considered.

Girolamo marries off all five daughters to Friulian nobles—three to feudal lords, two to wealthy city dwellers—thus strengthening the family network of alliances. Alvise and Giovanni become priests, the latter destined to follow his uncle Michele into high church office. Girolamo’s oldest son, Sigismondo, seeks his fortune in service of the Hapsburgs. His first marriage brings him the feud of Spessa, complete with castle, in Gorizia, and a son and heir, Carlo, named after the archduke. A second marriage into a collateral Della Torre line based in imperial territory ties him ever more firmly to the Hapsburgs. Girolamo expands the castle at Villalta, grafting a seigneurial Renaissance country villa onto the medieval fortress, the complex becoming a metaphor for a feudal family that now embraces Venetian republican values. Michele is featured in Paolo Paruta’s Della perfezione della vita politica (1579), a treatise celebrating politics as civil discipline.

Abstract Traditional Ukrainian village weddings are rites of passage that affect the young couple, their families, and the entire village. Rural Ukrainians live in close proximity to one another with fields fanning out from the occupied center, a pattern that produces involvement in neighbors’ lives. Traditional weddings begin with rites of courtship that involve all unmarried young women and men. The marriage ceremony itself lasts several days and has songs, gift exchanges, and processions aimed at cementing the union of the couple and easing tensions between the family that surrenders their daughter to a different household and the groom’s home that takes in a stranger. The entire village is invited to the wedding, and once the wedding is complete, villagers continue celebrating by staging a carnival. Modern urban weddings are more private affairs with a limited number of guests. Elements of Soviet civil weddings have been incorporated in cities and villages.