Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Civil Islam'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Civil Islam.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Civil Islam.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Khairan, Ab Razak bin Mohd. "The influence of Islam in the military : comparitive study of Malaysia, Indonesia and Pakistan /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FKhairan.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Gaye Christoffersen, Seyyed Vali R. Nasr. Includes bibliographical references (p. 115-120). Also available online.
2
Chase, Anthony G. "Islam and human rights : clashing normative orders? /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2000.
Find full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph.D) -- Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2000.Adviser: Andrew Hess. Typescript. Vita. Bibliography: unnumbered leaves. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
3
Finessi, Martina. "Muslims' participation in Ethiopian Civil Society: findings from field research in Addis Ababa." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Historia, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-11852.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an investigation into the Ethiopian Civil Society, with a focus on Muslims’participation and activities. This research is the result of a series of interviews carried on in AddisAbaba during my staying there thank to a scholarship from Pavia University.Chapter One is a general introduction of the study, presenting the object, the methodology anduse of sources as well as the state of the current research of the topics covered by this research.Chapter Two is a framework chapter about Islām in Ethiopia offering an historical perspective aswell as focusing on its characteristics and current developments. Chapter Three deals withEthiopian Civil Society characteristics and with its legal framework. Chapter Four constitutes thecore of this research: in it, I collected the findings of my research describing the presence ofMuslims into Ethiopian Civil Society. I analyzed the activities and characteristics of the differentorganizations and associations that I met in Addis Ababa, their self-representation concerningtheir being related with Islām and their opinions on Muslims’ marginalization and lack of nonpoliticizationin Ethiopia. A set of conclusions constitutes the last section of the thesis.
4
Elfersy, Daphna. "The Muslim civil ethic and the concerting of secularism : Islam in France and the Netherlands." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0002.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude affirme que la grande majorité des musulmans européens promeut une laïcité harmonieuse, laquelle ne cherche pas à hiérarchiser les croyances religieuses et séculières dans les sociétés et les états démocratiques. cette étude interroge ce qui distingue les musulmans exprimant un soutien à une laïcité harmonieuse de leurs homologues européens, musulmans et non musulmans qui ne s’y reconnaissent pas. L’hypothèse principale avancée dans cette étude pose que les musulmans européens soutenant la laïcité harmonieuse ont connu un processus de transformation religieuse au cours duquel l’islam a été « ethnicisé » et conceptualisé devenant une source de valeurs pluralistes démocratiques largement partagées dans la société. cette étude définit cette constellation plurielle des valeurs socio religieuses comme étant l'éthique civile musulmane. Cet islam civil ethnicisé en plein essor permet d’expliquer l’approche particulière des musulmans quant à la laïcité harmonieuse. pour donner de la profondeur au cadre théorique ambitieux de notre étude et à l’hypothèse qui y est développée, nous sommes revenus à une analyse historique, l’hypothèse explorée étant, au final, validée par le travail de terrain quantitatif et qualitatif. Pour tester l’hypothèse selon laquelle un islam civil reformulé engendre un soutien des musulmans à une laïcité harmonieuse, cette étude a mené en France et aux Pays-Bas quatre-vingt-dix-sept entretiens avec des musulmans et a administré deux cents huit questionnaires avec des musulmans et des non musulmans. Ces pays constituent des cas d'étude intéressants dans une optique comparative. les preuves empiriques valident le cadre théorique et vérifient les relations entre adhésion à un islam civil reformulé et soutien à une laïcité harmonieuse. Ainsi, les résultats de cette étude montrent la pertinence de la méta théorie de la religion développée par weber ; ils révèlent son efficacité théorique et méthodologique pour explorer les relations entre religions éthiques et vie socio politique, en particulier pour analyser l’islam civil qui se développe actuellement en Europe et sa relation au concept de laïcité harmonieuseThis study asserts that the vast majority of European Muslims endorse a concerted secularism, a concept pertaining to a non-hierarchic approach to religious and secular reason in democratic societies and states. This study asks what distinguishes these Muslims that show support for a concerted secularism from their European Muslim and non-Muslim counterparts that present different approaches to secularism. the primary hypothesis advanced in this study is that European Muslims that advocate concerted secularism have undergone a process of religious transformation in which Islam was ‘ethicized’ and conceptualized as a source for pluralistically fashioned familial and democratic values. This study refers to this pluralist constellation of social values as the Muslim civil ethic. This emerging ethicized civil Islam, it is argued, serves to explain Muslims’ distinct approach of concerted secularism. A scholarly review and historical analysis substantiates this study’s ambitious theoretical framework and ensuing working hypothesis, although the salience of the explored hypothesis is ultimately affirmed through the quantitative and qualitative fieldwork. to test the premise that a reformatted civil Islam engenders Muslims’ support for a concerted secularism, this study conducted 97 interviews with Muslims and 208 surveys with Muslims and non-Muslims in France and the Netherlands. These countries present compelling cases for a comparative research. the empirical evidence validates the theoretical framework and verifies the hypothesized relations between the reformatted civil Islam and the endorsement of concerted secularism. the findings of this study substantiate the germaneness and authority of weber’s meta-theory of religion and reveals its theoretical and methodological efficacy for general explorations into the relations between ethical religions and sociopolitical life, and in particular, the burgeoning civil Islam in present day Europe and its relation to the notion of concerted secularism
5
Brigaitis, Peter. "Religious Engagement and Social Capital in the Islamic Context." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2005. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4788/.
Full textAbstract:
Social capital research has traditionally been conducted in western and Christian settings as a precursor of changes such as democratization and development. This paper focuses on Islamic religious engagement and its potential to foster social capital. The model presented here is designed to suggest whether the Islam's influence occurs through doctrinal channels, or through Islam's capacity to organize social structures. The analysis conducted is a linear regression model with measures of social capital as dependent variables and measures of religious engagement as independent variables. The analysis is conducted on data from the fourth wave of the World Values Survey. Results suggest that religious engagement and social capital have both belief and behavioral elements that should be treated as separate entities in quantitative research.
6
Kocamaner, Hikmet. "The Politics of the Family: Religious Affairs, Civil Society, and Islamic Media in Turkey." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/333348.
Full textAbstract:
Since the ruling pro-Islamist Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP hereafter) came to power in 2002, there has been a general transformation in Turkish politics from a secularist orientation toward a mainstream Muslim conservative line. This conservative political transformation manifests itself in the socio-cultural domain in terms of a proliferation of discourses on "family crisis" and the "decline of family values" as well as social programs and projects aimed at "strengthening the Turkish family." While the family crisis discourse situates the family as the source of socio-economic and demographic problems facing the Turkish society, strengthening the family is offered as the primary solution to these problems since the family is conceptualized as the foundation of a firm and stable social order. The Turkish state's intervention into the family sphere has occupied a central place in the governmental and legislative policies of the state since the rise of modern forms of governance in the nineteenth century in the Ottoman Empire. What is novel about the configuration of family governance under the AKP government, however, is the extension of family governance beyond the formal institutions of the state to a wide array of actors, institutions, mechanisms, and rationalities and the deployment of religious or religiously-inspired actors, institutions and organizations in the conceptualization, production, and implementation of social programs and projects aimed at "strengthening the Turkish family." Within the past decade, this concern for maintaining family values and fortifying the family institution has been widely circulated among Muslim conservative circles, and the family has constituted the foundation of most social projects designed and implemented by not only formal political institutions such as the Ministry of the Family and Social Policies and AKP-governed municipalities but also various religious or religiously-inspired organizations and institutions such as the Presidency of Religious Affairs, Islamic civil society organizations, and Islamic television channels. This dissertation focuses on the role of these religious or religiously-inspired actors, institutions, and organizations in shaping the politics of the family in contemporary Turkey. It argues that the increasing prominence given to the family by the state and these religiously-inspired institutions and organizations points to emerging forms of governance as well as reconfigurations of religion and secularism in contemporary Turkey. It also demonstrates how the dominant political discourse on declining family values and the social projects that aim at recuperating these values situate the family as an object of governmental intervention as well as a site of discursive proliferation, disciplinary practices, and biopolitical governance.
7
Shapoatov, Sayfiddin. "The Tajik Civil War: 1992-1997." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605036/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to analyzing the role of Islam, regionalism, and external factors (the involvement of the Russian Federation, Uzbekistan, Afghanistan, and Iran) in the Tajik Civil War (1992-97). It analyzes all these three factors one by one. In the thesis, it is argued that all of the three factors played an active and equal role in the emergence of the war and that in the case of the absence of any of these factors, the Tajik Civil War would not erupt. As such, none of the factors is considered to be the only player on its own and none of the factors is considered to be the basic result of other two factors.
8
Yeşilkağıt, Arif Kutsal. "Policy change under military rule : the politics of clergy training-colleges in Turkey /." [Leiden] : [s. n.], 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39190990x.
Full text
9
Khairan, Ab Razak bin Mohd. "The influence of Islam in the military: comparative study of Malaysia, Indonesia and Pakistan." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1663.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release, distribution is unlimitedIslam permeated throughout the military institutions of Malaysia, Pakistan and Indonesia and replaced the Western and foreign military cultures the military had inherited due to society becoming Islamized following the revival of Islam. The implementation of true Islamic model practices and values differ slightly from country to country depending first on the level of piousness of its existing military personnel, new personnel input and the military leadership. The second factor is the degree of motivational drive of the head of state in encouraging Islam. Islamized military institutions are also faced with the challenges created as a result of sects and schools that emerge in the form of Islamic parties and extremist groups. The argument will be that Islamic teachings in military affairs can result in peace, solidarity and solve the Civil-Military Relations (CMR) problems. In the final analysis, guided moderate Islamic influence' bring harmony to CMR in Malaysia, while the uncoordinated influence of Islam in the Indonesian military made the CMR problematic. It is different in Pakistan because the strong influence of Islam has encouraged the generals to wrest political power from civilians.
Lieutenant Colonel, Royal Malaysian Air Force
10
Harmsen, Egbert. "Islam, civil society and social work Muslim voluntary welfare associations in Jordan between patronage and empowerment = Islam, maatschappelijk middenveld en sociale zorg Gezaghebbende teksten, rituele praktijken en sociale identiteiten : Particuliere Islamitische welzijnsorganisaties in Jordanië tussen bevoogding en ontvoogding, met een samenvatting in het Nederlands /." Leiden : ISIM : Amsterdam University Press, 2008. http://www.netlibrary.com/urlapi.asp?action=summary&v=1&bookid=224150.
Full text
11
Moses, Christopher. "Producing an Islamic institution : a London case study." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/275750.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis constitutes a case study of how an Islamic institution in London is produced as an object of knowledge. It develops an argument by Maussen about mosques in Western Europe, which suggests that they ‘do not have a self-evident, clear and constant meaning’. On the basis of a literature review, he points to how academics have shaped ‘the processes of the production of meaning’ regarding these mosques, something that has political consequences for knowledge. This thesis builds on his work by shifting the research focus to a specific example of an Islamic institution, and including a broader group of actors involved in its production as an object of knowledge. For this research, I undertook an ethnographic study of the institution, holding a junior position within the leadership as a way of learning about its everyday life. This material is complemented by other forms of data, such as research literature, archival sources, media accounts, Council documentation, Parliamentary proceedings, maps, images, and photographs. The thesis has three ‘threads’, which fall into six chapters. The ‘public sphere’ thread comprises three chapters, which look at the institution’s representation by and engagement with three sets of actors: researchers, state representatives, and journalists. A ‘community’ chapter explores local productions of meaning: specifically, how the community’s internal complexity shapes understandings of the institution. Finally, the ‘history’ thread comprises two explorations: perspectives on the meaning of its foundational moment, and its relationship with the history of its built environment. Each of the chapters offers a way of reading the institution, while there are also matters of internal heterogeneity, and further temporal and material complexities in its construction as an object of knowledge. The thesis conclusion proposes the metaphor of ‘palimpsest’ to describe the resultant complexity of meaning in play.
12
Haga, Rannveig Jetne. "Tradition as resource : transnational Somali women traders facing the realities of civil war /." Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-110298.
Full text
13
Rodriguez-Rey, Patricia. "A balancing act anti-terror financing guidelines and their effects on Islamic charities." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FRodriguez%5FRey.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Harold Trinkunas, Abbas Kadhim. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-84). Also available in print.
14
Jensen, Dennis L. "Enhancing homeland security efforts by building strong relationships between the Muslim community and local law enforcement." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FJensen.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.95-100). Also available online.
15
Todorof, Maria Borisof. "Viability of Derivatives in Radical Islam. A Comparative Assessment of the Technical and Shariah-Compliant Characteristics of the Main Islamic Financial Instruments: Contracts & Defaults in the Prospect of Revivalism." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/668696.
Full textAbstract:
This work examines the prospective viability of derivatives and financial contracts more generally under a strict application of Shariah law. The author adopts a cross-disciplinary approach in order to convey the idea that some of the most popular contracts and arrangements in Islamic finance law are deficient from a structural and Shariah-compliance perspective. The thesis argues that the investor protection issues arising from this conclusion are sufficiently serious to undermine the viability of these instruments not only in a radical but also in a more conservative environment.
This conclusion is arrived at after an in-depth analysis of the fundamental Shariah principles, relevant to finance, placing them in a historical, jurisprudential and political context. The work endeavours to guide the reader through the many turns of Islamic law, breaking down established concepts and questioning their application in modern Islamic law.
For example, the author unpacks the notion of wa‘d (promise), arguing that its extensive use in Islamic contracts renders much of the resulting complex transactions deficient from a structural perspective.
Furthermore, this work highlights technical and Shariah-related weaknesses in essential contract forms, with a particular focus on murabaha.
Importantly, the author approaches the research question from the viewpoint of contracts – comparing constructs of Islamic Contract Law to those of its Common Law counterpart, without ignoring relevant influences and inspirations coming from the civil law tradition. The purpose of this comparison is to establish that some of the most popular financial arrangements, such as sukuk, are deficient in their investor protection provisions. What is more, the author underlines that due to the hybrid characteristics of the sukuk instrument and the lack of tailor-made regulation, investors are inadequately provisioned for the event of issuer‘s default.
Starting with the idea that the sukuk instrument is structured on the basis of and resembles a number of conventional instruments, the thesis examines the possibility for a sukuk investor to obtain redress under US and UK law, as well as the comparable provisions in Malaysia and France.
Alongside this, the author delves into the beginnings, inspirations, main strands and important political leaders of Islamic Revivalism. The aim of this inquiry is to arrive to a convincing explanation about the political and economic developments in established and aspired to Islamic States. To this end, this work offers a case study of Iran and ISIS, including an analysis of the Iranian Islamic finance system and a hypothesis about the possible approach of a jihadi-salafist government to the financial framework of their aspired to State.
As a last point, the work considers how FinTech fits within the objectives of Shariah law and more specifically, its risk-management and social justice strategies.
The thesis offers conclusions which draw on the extensive research and map out a possible view of the future of financial instruments in a radical Islamic environment.Aquest treball examina la viabilitat potencial de derivats i contractes financers més generalment sota una estricta aplicació de la llei de Sharia. L‘autor adopta un enfocament interdisciplinari per tal de transmetre la idea que alguns dels contractes i arranjaments més populars en la legislació financera islàmica són deficients des d‘una perspectiva estructural i de compliment de la xaria. La tesi argumenta que els problemes de protecció dels inversors derivats d‘aquesta conclusió són prou greus per minar la viabilitat d‘aquests instruments no només en un entorn radical, sinó també en un entorn més conservador. Aquesta conclusió s‘arriba després d‘una anàlisi en profunditat dels principis fonamentals de la Sharia, rellevants per al finançament, situant-los en un context històric, jurisprudencial i polític. L‘obra s‘esforça a guiar el lector per les múltiples voltes del dret islàmic, desglossant conceptes establerts i posant en dubte la seva aplicació en el dret islàmic modern. Per exemple, l‘autor desaconsella la noció de wa‘d (promesa), argumentant que el seu ús extensiu en contractes islàmics fa que gran part de les transaccions complexes resultants siguin deficients des d‘una perspectiva estructural. A més, aquest treball posa de manifest les debilitats tècniques i relacionades amb la Sharia en les formes de contracte essencials, amb una particular atenció a la murabaha. És important destacar que l‘autor aborda la qüestió de la investigació des del punt de vista dels contractes: comparant construccions de la llei de contractes islàmica amb les de la seva contrapartida de dret comú, sense obviar les influències i inspiracions rellevants que provenen de la tradició del dret civil. L‘objectiu d‘aquesta comparació és establir que algunes de les disposicions financeres més populars, com sukuk, són deficitàries en les seves disposicions de protecció dels inversors. A més, l‘autor subratlla que, a causa de les característiques híbrides de l‘instrument sukuk i la manca de regulació a mida, els inversors no es disposen de manera adequada en cas d‘impagament de l‘emissor. A partir de la idea que l'instrument sukuk està estructurat a partir i s'assembla a diversos instruments convencionals, la tesi examina la possibilitat que un inversor sukuk obtingui redreçament segons la legislació nord-americana i del Regne Unit, així com les disposicions comparables a Malàisia i França. . Paral·lelament, l‘autor aprofundeix en els inicis, les inspiracions, les principals línies i importants líders polítics del revivalisme islàmic. L‘objectiu d‘aquesta investigació és arribar a una explicació convincent sobre els desenvolupaments polítics i econòmics dels Estats islàmics establerts i aspirants. Amb aquesta finalitat, aquest treball ofereix un estudi de cas d‘Iran i ISIS, incloent-hi una anàlisi del sistema financer islàmic iranià i una hipòtesi sobre el possible enfocament d‘un govern jihadi-salafista al marc financer dels seus aspirants a l‘Estat. Com a últim punt, el treball planteja com FinTech s‘encaixa dins dels objectius de la llei de Sharia i, més concretament, de les seves estratègies de gestió de riscos i de justícia social. La tesi ofereix conclusions que s‘extreuen en les àmplies investigacions i mostren una possible visió del futur dels instruments financers en un entorn islàmic radical.
Este trabajo examina la viabilidad prospectiva de derivados y contratos financieros de manera más general bajo una estricta aplicación de la ley Shariah. El autor adopta un enfoque interdisciplinario para transmitir la idea de que algunos de los contratos y arreglos más populares en la ley de finanzas islámica son deficientes desde una perspectiva estructural y de cumplimiento de la Shariah. La tesis argumenta que los problemas de protección de los inversores derivados de esta conclusión son lo suficientemente graves como para socavar la viabilidad de estos instrumentos no solo en un entorno radical sino también en un entorno más conservador. Se llega a esta conclusión después de un análisis en profundidad de los principios fundamentales de la Shariah, relevantes para las finanzas, colocándolos en un contexto histórico, jurisprudencial y político. El trabajo intenta guiar al lector a través de los muchos giros de la ley islámica, desglosando los conceptos establecidos y cuestionando su aplicación en la ley islámica moderna. Por ejemplo, el autor desempaqueta la noción de wa‘d (promesa), argumentando que su uso extensivo en los contratos islámicos hace que muchas de las transacciones complejas resultantes sean deficientes desde una perspectiva estructural. Además, este trabajo resalta las debilidades técnicas y relacionadas con la Shariah en las formas de contrato esenciales, con un enfoque particular en murabaha. Es importante destacar que el autor aborda la cuestión de la investigación desde el punto de vista de los contratos, comparando las construcciones del derecho contractual islámico con las de su contraparte del derecho consuetudinario, sin ignorar las influencias e inspiraciones relevantes que provienen de la tradición del derecho civil. El propósito de esta comparación es establecer que algunos de los arreglos financieros más populares, como el sukuk, son deficientes en sus disposiciones de protección al inversionista. Además, el autor subraya que debido a las características híbridas del instrumento sukuk y la falta de una regulación a medida, los inversores no cuentan con una provisión adecuada para el caso de incumplimiento del emisor. Comenzando con la idea de que el instrumento sukuk está estructurado en base a una serie de instrumentos convencionales y se asemeja a él, la tesis examina la posibilidad de que un inversor sukuk obtenga una reparación bajo las leyes de EE. UU. Y el Reino Unido, así como las disposiciones comparables en Malasia y Francia . Junto a esto, el autor profundiza en los comienzos, inspiraciones, líneas principales e importantes líderes políticos del revivalismo islámico. El objetivo de esta investigación es llegar a una explicación convincente sobre los desarrollos políticos y económicos en los Estados islámicos establecidos y aspirantes. Con este fin, este trabajo ofrece un estudio de caso de Irán e ISIS, que incluye un análisis del sistema financiero islámico iraní y una hipótesis sobre el posible enfoque de un gobierno yihadista- salafista al marco financiero de sus aspirantes al Estado. Como último punto, el trabajo considera cómo FinTech se ajusta a los objetivos de la ley islámica y, más específicamente, a sus estrategias de gestión de riesgos y justicia social. La tesis ofrece conclusiones que se basan en la extensa investigación y trazan una posible visión del futuro de los instrumentos financieros en un entorno islámico radical.
16
Hajjar, George Jude. "Voices and visions of Christian-Muslim relations in post-civil war Lebanon : an overview of causes, effects and the question of identity 2000-2008." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3649/.
Full textAbstract:
The status of Christian–Muslim relations (CMR), which are difficult to assess, has been ambiguous in contemporary Lebanon. Analysts, as well as individuals within Lebanese communities in Lebanon and within the diaspora have made conflicting claims. One major claim has been that CMR are better now than before the Lebanese Civil War because the civil war ended in 1991 and a reoccurrence has never materialized. Furthermore, the Ţā’if agreement, a working document aimed at ending the civil war and promoting solid CMR, was signed by most of the major communities of Lebanon in 1991. For these reasons and more, Lebanese CMR were believed to have improved post-civil war. Nevertheless, this writer explored the veracity of this proposition. Through comprehensive quantitative and qualitative research, the poor state of CMR in contemporary Lebanon was revealed. In face-to-face interviews in Lebanon, field experts reflected on the weakened condition of CMR and the reasons for the same. University students participated in a survey to ascertain their feelings concerning CMR and the possible causes of problems within CMR. Focus was also placed on the role identity has had in CMR. These causes of CMR conflict and, at times, consensus were reviewed and compared for a clear understanding of the state of present-day CMR. Finally, based on an understanding of these factors, recommendations for improvement, further study, and the future of CMR were given.
17
Widianti, Ezki. "The ulama in Aceh in time of conflict, tsunami and peace process an ethnographic approach /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2006. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1150410650.
Full text
18
Mackenthun, Tamara C. "Continuity in Iranian leadership legitimization : farr-i izadi, Shi'ism, and vilayet-i'faqih /." [Boise, Idaho] : Boise State University, 2009. http://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/td/53/.
Full text
19
Farman, Mursal. "Examining Ibn 'Umar's stance during Fitan times and its impact : Re-reading his approaches to peace and conflict." Phd thesis, Australian Catholic University, 2022. https://acuresearchbank.acu.edu.au/download/efa322b46499dfc4cd9f5deb4d2639660f7c8521420335dc44e47be0c684c8e0/2038016/Farman_2022_Examining_Ibn_Umars_stance_during_Fitan.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Conflict over the Caliphate after the assassination of the third Caliph, ʿUthmān b. ʿAffān (d. 35/656), has remained a matter of serious concern amongst the Muslim academia and intellectual circles. This conflict resulted in schism among Muslims and caused two series of civil wars. These wars seem to have been a conflict of approaches (theological, socio-political and tribal) towards the Caliphate.
ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿUmar (610 – 73/693), a famous companion of the Prophet, opted for an approach distinct from the prevailing various approaches. Besides his meritorious active role in restoration of peace and harmony, Ibn ʿUmar is a prominent scholar too. His command over the traditional Islamic disciplines (tafsīr, ḥadīth, fiqh, sīrah, tārīkh, etc) is exemplary. His life, traditions, viewpoints, and activities are prominently highlighted in the Islamic literatures.
Despite the mention of Ibn ʿUmar in many sources reporting his peace promoting efforts, however, there is no comprehensive analytical research focusing on his role for the restoration of peace and harmony, its impact upon contemporary people and legacy in post-Ibn ʿUmar period. There seems to be a gap which this study aims to fill through a critical analysis of his views, activities and dealing with fitan through different measures.
This dissertation deals with three aspects of Ibn ʿUmar’s life. First, the positive role that he played during the period of fitan. On the ground of the extensive Islamic literature in Arabic, English and Urdu languages, an attempt has been made to examine the nuances of his approaches to fitan through a chronological study of his life. Second, the impact of Ibn ʿUmar’s role during post-Ibn ʿUmar period. Based on the analysis of the comments on his approaches in fitan and on the comparison of his views with that of Ahl al-Sunnah, an effort has been exerted to measure his influence on later Muslim generations. Third is the leadership model that Ibn ʿUmar offers. On the account of the analysis of his leadership moments specially in fitan times and its comparison with leadership styles, it is aimed to examine his leadership style. Thus, this study argues that with his thoughts and leadership in the times of fitan, Ibn ʿUmar left deep impression on future generations.
20
Ratelle, Jean-Francois. "Radical Islam and the Chechen War Spillover: A Political Ethnographic Reassessment of the Upsurge of Violence in the North Caucasus Since 2009." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23791.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation seeks to analyse the upsurge of insurgent violence in the North Caucasus following the end of the counter-terrorist operation in Chechnya in 2009. By looking at the development of radical Islam and the impact of the Chechen spillover in the region, this research suggests that these factors should be analysed and contextualized in each republic. By comparing the cases of Kabardino-Balkaria, Ingushetia, and Dagestan, this dissertation seeks to demonstrate the importance of vendetta, criminal activity, religious repression and corruption as local factors that contribute to the increase of violence. By focusing on the case of Dagestan, the author proposes a political ethnographic approach to study the mechanisms and details of religious repression and corruption in everyday life. This analysis permits us to map out the different pathways towards the participation in insurgent groups in Dagestan. By doing so, it demonstrates that one can identify three different generations of insurgent fighters in Dagestan. This dissertation demonstrates that the role of Salafist ideology is often marginal in the early stages of the process of violent radicalisation, and slowly gains importance as the involvement in violence increases. The emphasis should be placed on vengeance and religious repression as crucial triggering factors as they provoke a cognitive opening for young people in Dagestan to engage in violence.
21
Ngarassem, Nathan. "La rébellion « Codos » au Tchad. Une guerre Nord-Sud sans fin." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30007.
Full textAbstract:
Au Tchad, le Nord contraste avec le Sud. Alors que le Nord, aride consacré à l’élevage, est majoritairement de culture arabo-islamique, le Sud, savane boisée propice à l’agriculture, a épousé la culture occidentale. Avec la colonisation, puis avec les présidents sudistes Tombalbaye et Malloum, cette dichotomie s’est accrue ethniquement, religieusement... Le Frolinat, taxant les régimes sudistes de dominants, a pris le pouvoir après la guerre civile de 1979 et depuis lors, le Nord l’a confisqué, même si, une opposition politico-militaire sudiste, l’a contesté en permanence : face à Goukouni, les FAT, reliquat de l’ancienne armée nationale, coiffées par un organe politique, le Comité Permanent créé en 1979 lors du repli des sudistes au Sud, puis face à Habré une opposition armée dénommée Codos, créés pour résister à l’invasion très meurtrière du Sud par les forces de Habré. Les Codos purent s’imposer lors d’engagements considérables mais jamais déterminants. En effet, l’appui extérieur obtenu par Habré pour le conflit d’Aouzou, l’existence de multiples groupes de Codos, l’absence de base arrière... les rendirent vulnérables. Mais leur action a amené Habré à la négociation permettant un rééquilibrage politico-militaire. Les Codos (ré)intégreront les organes administratifs militaires et civils. Beaucoup de lycéens reprendront leurs études. Certains leaders seront nommés à de hautes fonctions et d’autres militaires prendront leur retraite. Ainsi émerge un Codo, Tokinon P. K. qui est devenu un homme d’affaires sans désavouer le Codoriste leader sudiste, Kamougué qui occupa plusieurs hautes fonctions politiques et créa son parti politique en 1992. Est-ce la fin de la guerre Nord-Sud ?In Chad, the North contrasts with the South. While the arid and mostly arabic-islamic North is devoted to the breeding of animals, the South with its wooded bush appropriate to agriculture has adopted the Western culture. With colonization then with the Southern presidents, Tombalbaye and Malloum, the dichotomy has increased considering ethnic and religious matters. Criticizing the southern regimes to be dominant, Frolinat has overthrown the southern power after the 1979 civil war and since then, the North confiscated it, even if an opposition politico-soldier Southerner, disputed it permanently : against Goukouni, the FAT, the remnants of the former national army lead by a political organ, the Permanent Committee created in 1979 during the southerners’ withdrawal in the South, and against Habré and an armed opposition called the Codos. The Codo movement was created to resist against the extremely bloody invasion of the South by Habré’s forces. The Codos managed to resist with considerable commitments but not conclusive. Indeed, the fact that Habré obtained an outside support for the Aouzou conflict, and the existence of multiple groups of Codos, and the absence of a rear base, the Codos got vulnerable. But their action lead Habré to the negociations which permitted a new military and political balance. The Codos would then incorporate administrative, military and civil organisms. Many students would go back to school. Some leaders will be named with high positions and other soldiers will take their retirement. Then, one Codo emerged, Tokinon P. K, who became a businessman without downgrading the influence of Kamougué, the Codorist Southern leader who dealt with several high political functions and created his political party in 1992. Is this the end of the North-South war?
22
Nilsson, Henrik. "Kultur och utbildning : – en tolkning av två grundskolors mångkulturella kontexter." Doctoral thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för pedagogik (PED), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39423.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation deals with the sort of culture that forms the organization of education and its contents of two multicultural nine-year compulsory schools. The analysis is based on ethnographic work on the municipal school Tallskolan and the free independent Muslim school Jibrilskolan. To illustrate the sorts of social integration offered by Tallskolan and Jibrilskolan and explain whence they came, I have used Alexander’s (2006) conception of incorporation and civilsphere. In relation to the concepts, landscapes of meaning and systems of meaning (Reed, 2011) I ask what they can tell us about the expectations which members of society direct towards themselves, and in particular pupils with an immigrant background and the multicultural schools which they expect to help them into society.The result shows that the prioritizing of Tallskolan's school heads and the municipality changes at the same rate as that of the social geography of the residential district. School politics have tried in different ways to desegregatethe pupils through closing down the intermediate school stage and offeringschool attendance at other schools, but have failed due to parental protest.Overall changes that have been realised during the latter period is a drive to give further educational training to teachers of Swedish as a second language. When looked at through the theoretic concepts of the dissertation these priorities mirror an adaptation to society's main cultural practice. The result for Jibrilskolan shows that the school prioritizes the development of the pupils' Muslim identity and their self-confidence. The school consists of teachers with both Swedish and Muslim backgrounds. The actual teaching activates different opinions as to the degree that religion influences the teaching. Divergent opinions are overruled, however, as teachers with a Swedish background see that Islam can also be used as a resource. The Muslim teachers help the teachers with a Swedish background to explain and convince the Muslim parents to let their children participate in activities which they otherwise would probably not have done. Based on the theoretic concepts of the dissertation the prioritizing mirrors a great variety of different perspectives on knowledge, values and norms.
23
Torrekens, Corinne. "La visibilité de l'islam au sein de l'espace public bruxellois: transaction, reconnaissance et identité." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210562.
Full textAbstract:
L’objectif principal de cette recherche consiste à restituer dans un cadre analytique la présence et la visibilisation de l’islam à Bruxelles. Il s’agit en l’occurrence de produire une connaissance scientifique des islams présents à Bruxelles, d’identifier leurs impacts sur la vie de certains quartiers et de repérer leurs modes d’organisation locale. En rendant compte des liens possibles entre les institutions de l’islam local, comme les moquées, et d’autres institutions belges, et tout particulièrement les autorités politiques locales, cette thèse entend traiter plus spécifiquement des transactions politiques intervenant entre les mosquées et les institutions politiques, essentiellement locales. Elle entend donc révéler comment se construit un islam par le bas qui s’enracine dans des pratiques et des relations entre acteurs locaux et ce, en rendant compte des transactions politiques qui président à sa reconnaissance et son institutionnalisation locale. Dans ce cadre, notre objectif est de mener une analyse politique de l’enracinement local de l’islam bruxellois et des transactions politiques qui émergent à son égard, bien loin des déchirements induits par la passion médiatico-politique. Nous y formulons l’hypothèse qu’il existe, au sein de ce que l’on pourrait globalement appeler la « communauté musulmane » bruxelloise, une lutte menée par une nouvelle catégorie de leaders, les présidents de mosquées, qui prend appui sur des dimensions identitaires communes à référents islamiques transcendant les différents clivages structurant le tissu associatif musulman et visant à exprimer le déni de reconnaissance et de légitimité de la visibilité de l’islam. Cette protestation émerge au niveau local car, et il s’agit de notre deuxième hypothèse, l’action du pouvoir communal offre une structure d’opportunités politiques aux représentants de mosquées en termes d’accès à certaines ressources tant matérielles (infrastructure, financement, agenda) que symboliques (reconnaissance, représentativité, légitimité) en même temps qu’elle catégorise cette mobilisation politique, qu’elle influe sur celle-ci en l’obligeant à s’inscrire dans un registre limité (la gestion de l’islam local) et qu’elle implique des transactions aux niveaux des référentiels de l’action (visibilité de l’islam/neutralité voire laïcité de l’espace public).Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
24
Aydin, Gulsen. "Authoritarianism Versus Democracy In Uzbekistan: Domestic And International Factors." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12604690/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The objective of this thesis is to analyze the authoritarian Karimov regime in post-Soviet Uzbekistan on a comprehensive basis and shed light on the domestic and international factors that has shaped this regime. The thesis consists of three main parts. The first part of the study defines the concepts of democracy and authoritarianism and provides the criteria to determine if a regime is democratic or authoritarian. The second part applies the theoretical framework developed in the first part to Uzbekistan. The third part deals with the factors that helped Karimov to strengthen his authoritarian rule in the country. The main argument of this study is that the incumbent leadership in Uzbekistan has failed to take steps to establish democracy in the country in post-Soviet period. The changes that were introduced proved to be only decorative, they lacked substance. The president of the country, Islam Karimov, has aimed at consolidating his own authority rather than establishing democracy and that his attempts to realize this aim resulted in the strengthening of executive branch in Uzbekistan at the expense of legislative and judiciary, silencing of the opposition forces, curtailment of the civil and political rights of the citizens, restriction of autonomy of civil society organizations and media.
25
Levin, Amat. "From Cursed Africans to Blessed Americans : The Role of Religion in the Ideologies of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X, 1955-1968." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Gender, Culture and History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1675.
Full textAbstract:
Up until the 19th century, religion was used as a way of legitimizing slavery in America. With the rise of the civil rights movement religion seems to have played a quite different role. This essay aims to explore the role of religion in the ideologies of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X. The speeches, writings and actions of these two men have been analysed in hope that the result will contribute to the larger study of American civil rights history.
This essay proposes that both Martin Luther King, Jr. and Malcolm X infused their political message with religious ideas and that they leaned on religion for support and inspiration. By analysing the discourse headed by King and X it becomes clear that in direct contrast to how religion was used during slavery, religion was used as a way of legitimizing equality (and in some cases black superiority) between races during the civil rights movement.
26
Ahmed, Tanveer. "The role of moderate Muslims in combating violent Jihad." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FAhmed.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-72). Also available in print.
27
Tchouar, Djilali. "Causes de nullité de mariage et causes de divorce en droit algérien." Rennes 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987REN11021.
Full textAbstract:
Comment sont reglementes le divorce et la nullite de mariage dans le code algerien de la famille, exclusivement dans leurs causes ? la question ne manque pas d'importance, ne serait ce que de savoir si le legislateur de 1984 a adapte le droit positif aux exigences de la vie moderne. Le code de la famille du 9 juin 1984, qui est le premier du genre en algerie, admet le divorce et la nullite dans des multiples hypotheses. A une dissolution du mariage par divorce pour faute, contrecarre une dissolution pour d'autres causes allant du divorce sans juste motif jusqu'au divorce pour maladie ou infirmite. Quant a la nullite, elle est maintenue dans certains cas suivant que le mariage est ou non consomme. Ses effets sont donc limites a la cause qui l'a entrainee et a la nature du mariage. Si, d'une part, le code de la famille realise un progres certain sur les regles eparses et contradictoires du droit musulman, il presente, d'autre part, un grave defaut, en ce sens il manque d'ensemble et d'unite. Cette remarque fait presumer que la conception algerienne du "demariage" a des defauts serieux. Son principal defaut reside dans le fait qu'elle n'est pas en harmonie avec les nouveaux besoins de la societe et les progres de la science. Comment, par exemple, le defaut de la condition dotale ou celui du consentement du tuteur ou encore l'absence des temoins entraine-t-il la nullite du mariage, alors que cette nullite peut etre couverte par une circonstance completement incompatible avec l'objectif poursuivi. En matiere de divorce, la loi de 1984 presente de nombreuses imperfections, mais sa principale, c'est d'avoir maintenir au nombre des causes de divorce celle qui est, de nos jours, la plus scandaleuse et la plus injuste : le divorce-repudiation. Ainsi, fondee sur un systeme qui flatte l'orgueil du sexe masculin, la loi de 1984 n'a pas mis le mariage, a l'abri des degouts que de vains caprices enfantent.
28
Benussi, Matteo. "Aspiring Muslims in Russia : form-of-life and political economy of virtue in Povolzhye's 'halal movement'." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/276156.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with the ways in which Muslims in Russia’s Povolzhye region define, and strive towards, spiritual and material well-being. It explores how pious subjectivities are cultivated in a secular and often politically hostile environment. In addition, it deals with Povolzhye Muslims’s pursuit of worldly success in the context of social change brought about by Russia’s transition to a market economy. Povolzhye is a prosperous, multi-ethnic and multi-confessional historical region, home to Russia’s second largest ethnic group, the Volga Tatars. Although the Tatars have been Sunni Muslims for centuries, the post-Soviet emergence of cosmopolitan, scripturalist piety trends – which I collectively refer to as Povolzhye’s ‘halal movement’ – has raised unprecedented concerns and disputes about the meaning of Muslimness and the place of Muslims in Russian society. Scripturalist virtue-ethics projects have been underrepresented within the expanding body of anthropological literature concerning Islam in the former USSR, and particularly in the Russian Federation. With its explicit ethnographic focus on Povolzhye’s halal movement, this work aims at filling this gap. The halal movement is characterised by its hypermodern transnational imagery as well as significant discursive overlapping with the realms of business and economy. The pursuit of a virtuous existence is particularly appealing to those ascending sectors of society that most successfully engage with Russia’s post-socialist free-market environment, while the idiom of piety both communicates and dissimulates novel forms of stratification and exclusion. This project brings together anthropological theories of ethical self-cultivation with approaches that focus on power, social change, and political economy. In order to explore the political life of the halal movement vis-à-vis both state institutions and the market, I employ Giorgio Agamben’s notions of ‘form-of-life’ and ‘rule/law’, which shed light on the relationship between power and virtue in original ways. In addition, particular attention is given to the social distribution of virtue and the role it plays in reproducing distinction, status, and a ‘capitalist spirit’.
29
Omar, Abdurahman. "The Ethiopian Muslims Protest in the Era of Social Media Activism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-419675.
Full textAbstract:
The Islamic movement study mostly focused on radical, extremist, violent, or military aspects. The current research was carried out to examine the nonviolent elements of the Islamic movement. Based on the ethnographic photo research conducted in the Ethiopian Muslims Protest, the Islamic movements nonviolent aspect investigated. The Ethiopian Muslims were organized social media-led protests called Let Our Voices be Heard for their religious rights between 2011 and 2015. The study first examined where this Let Our Voices be Heard protest fits in civil resistance studies. Second, it investigated Facebook's role in initiating, organizing, and sustaining the nonviolent Islamic movement in Ethiopia. Using Johnston's defining terms of social movement theory, the Let Our Voices be Heard protest tested. The result shows that the protest well fit with the dimensions and components of social movement theory. The result indicates that the Let Our Voices be Heard protest exemplifies nonviolent Islamic movement in the Eastern Africa region, Ethiopia. The study further shows that Facebook, when used for a common goal, is a robust platform for successfully mobilizing nonviolent Islamic movements.
30
Gyves, Clifford M. "Policing toward a de-clawed jihad antiterrorism intelligence techniques for law enforcement." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FGyves.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Thomas Bruneau, María Rasmussen. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 129-158). Also available in print.
31
Hashemi, S. Ahmad. "The question of freedom within the horizon of the Iranian Constitutional Movement (1906-1921)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74388230-d9c6-4c17-850b-bdbceaa0848b.
Full textAbstract:
The present DPhil research attempts to develop an appropriate method for the historiography of ideas by taking into consideration cultural, linguistic and socio-political limitations and obstacles to free thinking in a predominantly closed society like Qajar Iran. By applying such a method the study then investigates the history of the idea of freedom in Iran during one of the most important periods in the evolution of this concept. The research method is grounded in a hermeneutical interpretation of Collingwood's logic of question and answer. It also employs MacCallum's meta-theoretical frame of analysis which states that freedom is always of something (an agent or agents), from something (conditions), to do something (actions). Using this methodological framework, the research shows how most locutions about freedom uttered in the last century of the Qajar period were formed within the horizon of the question of decline and were somehow related to remedy such situations. It then explores how late Qajar interpretations of the three variables of freedom manifest themselves in the socio-political life of early 20th century Iran. During the first constitutional period (August 1906-June 1908), the major concern of the first majlis was to establish the rule of law. In legislating the constitution and its supplement, the majority of the majlis believed that the main obstacle to freedom was arbitrary rule. Therefore, they endeavoured to restrain the government’s illegal and arbitrary interferences in the people's freedom. However, they did not develop a rational criterion for identifying legitimate and justifiable legal interferences. During the second constitutional period (July 1909– February 1921), the main concern of the second majlis was to restrain chaos and to strengthen the central government in order to put an end to domestic insecurity and foreign threats. To rectify such a situation, the majlis empowered the government to interfere even in the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution. As a result, the situation began to turn from chaos towards arbitrary rule. The research also argues that in most of their interpretations of the aim of freedom, constitutionalists considered an action permissible only if it was compatible with public interest as well as the material and spiritual progress of individuals and society. Theoretically, the aim of freedom could not have been the doing of an action that harmed another person or violated his/her freedom. Furthermore, 'the right to be wrong,' even if it harmed no one, was never defended. Nonetheless, in practice, freedom turned into chaos and licence in both the first and in the second constitutional periods. Finally, this study investigates how the Iranian pioneers of the freedom-seeking movement responded to the question of the eligibility of the agent of freedom, and the question of the equality of agents in having freedom. Iranian society was taking its first steps in experiencing the rule of law and had a long way to go to rectify its discriminatory culture and to establish equal rights. In such conditions, accepting a set of equal fundamental rights for all Iranians should be considered a great achievement for the constitutional movement.
32
Svärd, Veronica. "Identitet i den somaliska diasporan : en intersektionell studie av kvinnors jag och delaktighet i samhället." Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Social Work, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6878.
Full textAbstract:
This work applies intersectionality to five Somali women self-narratives and focuses on their identities and positions in Swedish society, but also their relation to Somali society. Since people constructs in relation to the environment, this work studies the impact of environmental confirmations of their own self. Intersectionality is brought into the social work with an operational attempt, and shows how critics of power and interplay between theories and empirics can provide new knowledge. Intersectionality also demands some alterations of the social constructionists’ idea of the ego. Therefore this work outline a model of analysis that considers the critic of power. According to this work, intersectionality implies that social work is essentially about power. The women’s egos seem to be closely united different strongly. The more different identifications the women describes and the more ambivalent they are allowed to be in different milieus, the greater assets has the women in their ability to move between milieus and to pass between positions of power. But the tighter united some of their identifications are in their egos; the firmer is their assumptions of what constitute a good behaviour. And the stronger united the ego is, the space to pass through positions of power in different arenas is shrinking.
This work emphasizes the importance of making shifts of power in identification categories visible in order to localize resistance strategies among exposed individuals. This work also suggest that social work should consider the supplementary vulnerable situation that signify the position in intersection between power orders and contradictory norms, since that could lead to too simplified conclusions that create additional isolation. Being sensitive to the experience and resolution of these women’s own experiences and resolutions is therefore crucial in achieving good social work. Accordingly, lack of knowledge is an obstacle to resist discrimination and oppression. Another conclusion is that social work and social politics should aim to strengthen the ego of immigrant women in order to release their driving forces that in turn may lead to participation, not only to the Swedish society. These Somali women appear as peace endeavours, whose political voices has been marginalised both in the Somali and the Swedish context, which obstacle peace making in the Somali society.
33
Sharafeldin, Marwa. "Personal status law reform in Egypt : women's rights : NGOs navigating between Islamic law and human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d389f66-f8f6-4c0a-8755-1f7d2186a1ba.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the ways in which Islamic law and human rights interact within the work of women’s rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that advocate the reform of the Egyptian Personal Status Law (PSL) in the period between 2006 and 2010. The thesis shows the relevance of the human rights framework as well as the flexibility of Islamic legal discourse in the work of the NGOs. Drawing on both Islamic law and human rights enabled NGOs to develop a more gender-sensitive religious discourse, which supported their PSL reform demands. However the interaction between these two frameworks was largely affected by several important factors, which sometimes led NGOs to dilute some of their demands. These factors included the implications of the change in the form of Shari‘a as codified law under the modern nation-state; the Egyptian political context both internally and externally; the common local perception that human rights are a Western production and an extension of Western colonialism; the dominant religious but patriarchal discourse governing the PSL; the implications of activism through the NGO structure; and the personal religiosity of individual activists. The thesis explores NGOs’ PSL reform demands in depth bearing in mind these factors. It investigates NGOs’ discourse and shows its strengths and weaknesses. It shows that the interaction between Islamic law and human rights within NGOs’ work in this particular Egyptian context produced reform demands that were innovative and practically appealing on one hand, but epistemologically problematic in some instances, on another.
34
Kilcullen, David J. Politics Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "The political consequences of military operations in Indonesia 1945-99 : a fieldwork analysis of the political power-diffusion effects of guerilla conflict." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Politics, 2000. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38709.
Full textAbstract:
Problem Investigated. This dissertation is a study of the political effects of low-intensity warfare in Indonesia since 1945. In particular, it examines the interaction between general principles and contextual variables in guerrilla conflict, to determine whether such conflict causes the diffusion of political power. Analysis of insurgent movements indicates that power structures within a guerrilla group tend to be regionalised, diffuse and based on multiple centres of roughly equal authority. Conversely, studies of counter-insurgency (COIN) techniques indicate that successful COIN depends on effective political control over the local population. This tends to be exercised by regional or local military commanders rather than by central authority. Based on this, the author???s initial analysis indicated that one should expect to see a diffusion of political authority from central leaders (whether civilian or military) to regional military leaders, when a society is engaged in the conduct of either COIN or guerrilla warfare. The problem investigated in this dissertation can therefore be stated thus: To what extent, at which levels of analysis and subject to what influencing factors does low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 demonstrate a political power-diffusion effect? Procedures Followed. The procedure followed was a diachronic, qualitative, fieldwork-based analysis of two principle case studies: the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-1962 and the campaign in East Timor 1974-1999. Principle research tools were: ??? Semi-structured, formal, informal and group interviews. ??? Analysis of official and private archives in Australia, Indonesia, the Netherlands and the UK. ??? Participant observation using anthropological fieldwork techniques. ??? Geographical analysis using transects, basemapping and overhead imagery. ??? Demographic analysis using historical data, cartographic records and surveys. Research was conducted in Australia, Indonesia (Jakarta and Bandung), the Netherlands (The Hague and Amsterdam) and the United Kingdom (London, Winchester, Salisbury and Warminster). Fieldwork was conducted over three periods in West Java (1994, 1995 and 1996) and one period in East Timor (1999-2000). General Results Obtained. The two principal case studies were the Darul Islam insurgency in West Java 1948-62 and the campaign in East Timor since 1974. The fieldwork data showed that low-intensity warfare in Indonesia between 1945 and 1999 did indeed demonstrate the political power-diffusion effect posited by the author. This effect was triggered by the outbreak of guerrilla warfare, which itself flowed from crises generated by processes of modernisation and change within Indonesian society from traditional hierarchies to modern forms of social organisation. These crises were also affected by events at the systemic and regional levels of analysis ??? the invasion of the Netherlands East Indies by Japan, the Cold War, the Asian financial crisis and increasing economic and media globalisation. They resulted in a breakdown or weakening of formal power structures, allowing informal power structures to dominate. This in turn allowed local elites with economic, social or religious influence and with coercive power over the population, to develop political and military power at the local level while being subject to little control from higher levels. This process, then, represented a power diffusion from central and civilian leadership levels to local leaders with coercive means ??? most often military or insurgent leaders. Having been triggered by guerrilla operations, however, the direction and process by which such power diffusion operated was heavily influenced by contextual variables, of which the most important were geographical factors, political culture, traditional authority structures and the interaction of external variables at different levels of analysis. Topographical isolation, poor infrastructure, severe terrain, scattered population groupings and strong influence by traditional hierarchies tend to accelerate and exacerbate the loss of central control. Conversely good infrastructure, large population centres, good communications and a high degree of influence by nation-state and systemic levels of analysis ??? particularly through economic and governmental institutionalisation ??? tend to slow such diffusion. Moreover, while power may be diffusing at one level of analysis (e.g. nation-state) it may be centralising at another (e.g. into the hands of military leaders at local level). Analysis of the Malayan Emergency indicates that, in a comparable non-Indonesian historical example, the same general tendency to political power diffusion was evident and that the same broad contextual variables mediated it. However, it would be premature to conclude that the process observed in Indonesia is generally applicable. The nature and relative importance of contextual factors is likely to vary between examples and hence additional research on non-Indonesian examples would be necessary before such a conclusion could be drawn. Further research on a current instance of guerrilla operations in Indonesia is also essential before the broader contemporary applicability of these findings can be reliably demonstrated. Major Conclusions Reached. Based on the above, the theses developed to answer the initial problem can be stated thus: The command and control (C2) structures inherent in traditional, dispersed rural guerrilla movements that lack access to mass media or electronic communications tend to lessen the degree of control by central (military or political) leaders over regional leaders. If COIN or Internal Security Operations are conducted, two factors will operate. First, there will be an increase in the degree of control over the civil population by local military leaders, at the expense of local or central political leaders. Second, where military command structures are pyramidal or segmentary, there will be an increase in control by local commanders at the expense of central military leaders. Where the central government is civilian or has interests divergent from the military???s, the first of these factors will dominate. Where the government is military or has interests largely identical to those of the military, the second factor will be dominant. The process of power diffusion can thus be summarised as follows: A crisis driven by processes of societal change or by external causes, leads to the outbreak of violence, one facet of which may include guerrilla operations. If guerrilla operations do occur, the C2 structures inherent in such operations give a high degree of autonomy and independence to local military leaders. The same (or a contemporaneous) crisis produces a breakdown of formal power structures, causing organisations to fall back upon informal power structures. The nature of these informal power structures is determined by geography, political culture, patterns of traditional authority within the society and the degree of interaction of systemic/regional factors with local events. Thus the guerrilla operations and the concomitant breakdown in formal power structures form the trigger for political power diffusion. The precise nature and progress of this diffusion is then determined by contextual variables.
35
Sandenbergh, Hercules Alexander. "How religious is Sudan's Religious War?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3470.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2006.Sudan, Africa’s largest country has been plagued by civil war for more than fifty years. The war broke out before independence in 1956 and the last round of talks ended in a peace agreement early in 2005. The war started as a war between two different religions embedded in different cultures. The Islamic government constitutionalised their religious beliefs and imposed them on the whole country. This triggered heavy reaction from the Christian and animist people in the South. They were not willing to adhere to strict marginalising Islamic laws that created cleavages in society. The Anya-Anya was the first rebel group to violently oppose the government and they fought until the Addis Ababa peace accord that was reached in 1972. After the peace agreement there was relative peace before the government went against the peace agreement and again started enforcing their religious laws on the people in the South. This new wave of Islamisation sparked renewed tension between the North and the south that culminated in Dr John Garang and his SPLM/A restarting the conflict with the government in 1982. This war between the SPLA and the government lasted 22 years and only ended at the beginning of 2005. The significance of this second wave in the conflict is that it coincided with the discovery of oil in the South. Since the discovery of oil the whole focus of the war changed and oil became the centre around which the war revolved. Through this research I intend to look at the significance of oil in the conflict. The research question: how religious is Sudan’ Religious war? asks the question whether resources have become more important than religion.
36
Marinello, Frank Charles. "The Interaction of Civic Nationalism and Radical Islam: A Theoretical Examination and Empirical Analysis." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32578.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis engages the question of the impact of religion on civic nationalism in the western European context. Civic nationalism, it suggests, is an identarian nationalist construct that is pursued by a liberal state's population through various historical linkages, myth construction, modern outlook, and propaganda. (Smith 2001) (Gellner 1997) The central question is whether civic nationalism, as a method of unifying a population, can compete with the concentrated cultural influence of an equally viable identity construction. Radical Islam is the focus point of this comparison. A powerful religious identity, radical Islam instills in its members a similar sense of unity through belief in core values and utilizes the existence of external threats to reinforce its allegiances. Through this theoretical and empirical exercise, the profound challenge of the civic nation to maintain feelings of unity without inspiring the imagination and mysticism usually inherent in nationalism is investigated. A victim of its own values, the civic nation aspires to harness the unifying force of more negative forms of nationalism without the hateful and exclusive practices usually associated with such group identities while also denying the deep theocratic roots that give nationalism its impermeable quality. The competition of these identarian constructions is empirically examined through a multi-form analysis of reactions to the July 7th, 2005 terrorist bombings of the London transportation system.Master of Arts
37
De, Villiers Shirley. "Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
Full textAbstract:
The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
38
Aleu-Baak, Machar Wek. "Perceptions and Voices of South Sudanese About the North-South Sudan Conflict." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/184.
Full textAbstract:
The conflict in Sudan reflects historic hatred and ethnic discrimination between Northern Arab Muslims and Southern African Christians and Animists. The longest and worst conflict began in 1983 and ended in 2005, when African Christians and Animists struggled to form an interim autonomous government. This conflict claimed 2 million lives from both sides and displaced almost 4 million people from the South. This thesis attempts to understand how people from Southern Sudan perceive the root causes and sustaining factors of the Sudanese conflict between Arab Muslims and African Christians. This research looks specifically into the roles of ethnic differences and religion. In this study, 10 emigrants from South Sudan were chosen to present their perceptions and views about the conflict, in the form of written responses to 22 questions. Analysis of their responses in light of conflict resolution literature suggests that the North-South Sudan conflict involves complex issues primarily fueled by ethnic and religious differences. This research reveals that South Sudanese refugees from varying backgrounds and professions expressed similar experiences of racial, religious discrimination and political and economic marginalization, and suggests that Sudan's July, 2011 declaration of independence, creating two separate nations, North and South Sudan, was a positive solution to achieving a just peace.
39
Ahmed, Laoura. "La construction d'un système juridique : la confrontation de la coutume et de la loi à Mayotte." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA022/document.
Full textAbstract:
A Mayotte, le droit privé régit la situation juridique civile des Mahorais fondant leur vie maritale sur les coutumes du mahr, la répudiation, la polygamie et le logement familial chez la femme mariée. Sa réforme insiste sur le réalisme dans la modernisation du droit régissant les rapports juridiques de ces derniers. Elle tend à focaliser ses sources sur une législation écrite qui respecte la lettre des dispositions du Code civil. Elle oriente le rapport de la coutume et de la loi sur leur concurrence et non leur complémentarité. Elle implique la primauté et l'établissement de l'exclusivité des sources écrites légiférées. Elle favorise une application ne distinguant pas les statuts civils d'appartenance des Mahorais. Elle aligne le statut civil établi par les coutumes sur le statut civil défini par les articles 75 et 34 de La Constitution en vigueur. Elle revient sur le maintien des droits coutumiers, rendant difficile, voire impossible leur exercice. Elle entraine des situations de non-droit et non-saisies par le droit. Le mariage de droit coutumier est rapproché du concubinage et non du mariage civil. L'intention matrimoniale des Mahorais n'est pas reconnue par le droitIn Mayotte, the private law governs the civil legal situation of Mahorais basing their marital life on the customs of the mahr, the repudiation, the polygamy and the family housing at the married woman. Its reform emphasizes on the realism in the modernization of the law governing the legal reports of the latter. It tends to focus its sources on a written legislation which respects the letter of the clauses of the civil code. It directs the report of the custom and the law on their competition and not their complementarity. It involves the superiority and the establishment of the exclusivity of the legislated written sources. It promotes an application without distinguishing the civil statutes of membership of Mahorais. It aligns the civil statute established by the customs on the civil statute defined by articles 75 and 34 of the current Constitution. It returns on the preservation of the common laws, making difficult, even impossible their exercise. It entails situations of lawlessness and unapprised by the law. The marriage of common law is moved closer to the cohabitation and not to the civil wedding. The matrimonial intention of Mahorais is not recognized by the law
40
El, Omeyri Racha. "L'obligation de dialogue et de rebéllion dans l'Islam : une contribution à la théorie générale de la résolution des conflits." Thesis, Paris 11, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA111004.
Full textAbstract:
Depuis deux décennies, le monde musulman, dans ses deux volets arabe et asiatique, regorge d’exemples sur la violence organisée, de la prise du pouvoir des talibans en Afghanistan, en passant par la guerre en Irak, et en atterrissant dans le berceau du Printemps arabe. Ce dernier ayant touché de nombreuses dictatures arabes dans lesquelles le dialogue s’est vu écarté de l’espace politique arabe, de par la violence et la répression sanglante des mouvements de contestation populaires contre les régimes autoritaires en place depuis des décennies. Cette vague révolutionnaire fait appel à l'urgence du "dialogue" qui s'avère une obligation générale dans le système musulman en cas de rébellion, une telle expression peut paraître inappropriée à l'Islam souvent perçu comme étant une religion de violence et de contrainte. Or, dans l’ordre international comme interne prévu par le droit musulman, il y a une concomitance de la violence et du dialogue, une coexistence de la norme et de son exception interprétée selon la nécessité, la question centrale qui se pose est celle de savoir si le dialogue, comme un instrument de règlement pacifique des différends reste alors d'actualité dans le cas de rébellion dans les sociétés arabo-musulmane. Cette thèse essaie de répondre, en premier lieu, à la question suivante pourquoi et comment le système musulman maintient-il l'obligation générale du dialogue, en tant que régime de la paix, même en cas de rébellion ou conflits armés internes dans l’Islam ? Ensuite, elle examine la résistance du régime de la paix à l'éventuel recours à la forceOver the last two decades, the Muslim world, in his Arabic and Asian components has been witnessing organized violence, ever since the Taliban ruled Afghanistan, followed by the Iraq War, until the Arab Spring arrived in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, where dialogue has been practically non-existent with the authoritarian regime who could only respond to the protests with bloody repression.This revolutionary wave of demonstrations calls for an urgent need for "dialogue", which will result in a general obligation in the Muslim system in cases of rebellion, such an expression may seem inappropriate to Islam which is often perceived as a religion of violence and coercion.However, there is a concomitance between the violence and the dialogue, and a coexistence of the rule with its exception, under the plea of necessity as per the existing norms in domestic and international Islamic law.The central question that arises is whether the dialogue, as an instrument of peaceful settlement of disputes, remains relevant in cases of rebellion and domestic armed conflicts in the Arab-Muslim societies.This thesis attempts to answer, first, to the following question: why and how does the Muslim system maintain the general obligation of dialogue, as a regime of peace, even in cases of rebellion or domestic armed conflicts in Islam. Then, it examines the resistance of the regime of peace to the eventual use-of-force
41
Ehazouambela, Doris. "L’islam au Gabon : socio-anthropologie politique d’une minorité confessionnelle." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0675.
Full textAbstract:
La présente étude porte sur l’islam au Gabon en milieu urbain. Cette étude entend montrer que l’islam, contemporain de la colonisation, en tant que phénomène essentiellement urbain, fait aujourd’hui partie de l’environnement social, religieux, économique et politique gabonais. Considérée comme une religion socialement minoritaire, et pratiquée de surcroît par une population surtout issue de l’immigration, l’islam occupe pourtant, eu égard aux conversions, la deuxième place parmi les religions du Livre au Gabon. Cette dynamique spécifique de l’islam au Gabon permet d’appréhender la réalité sociale non seulement sous l’aspect des modèles, des schèmes, qui la régissent en partie, mais aussi sous l’aspect des pratiques, notamment religieuses qui révèlent que la société gabonaise est constamment en voie de se faire. Ce qui donne à voir comment l’islam structure les situations historiques et l’organisation sociale, ainsi que les décalages existant entre les aspects « officiels » de la société et les pratiques sociales. C’est donc une religion minoritaire qui a accompli son institutionnalisation en construisant sa singularité sur le plan local, aidée par des membres de la « société politique » convertis à la foi de Mahomet : les Mamadou. Ces derniers considèrent l’islam comme un autre de leurs domaines de gestion, susceptible de renforcer les pouvoirs du bloc hégémonique. De ce fait, cette conversion à l’islam du président El Hadj Omar Bongo-Ondimba et de son entourage, et surtout sa longévité au pouvoir, ont institué un imaginaire au sein de la société gabonaise. C’est-à-dire comme lieu de la construction de son histoire sociale, de l’économique et du politique, avant et après l’indépendance du pays. Ainsi, l’islam au Gabon est pour la « société politique » un des éléments participant au pouvoir politique et économique, il est constitutif de la dialectique de l’accumulation des « puissances » du règne du président Omar Bongo-Ondimba. En inscrivant les populations gabonaises dans des contingences nouvelles, notamment religieuses, la modernité africaine a tendance à substituer le lignage, le clan par la communauté nationale, l’Eglise ou la Mosquée. On se trouve alors face à une déparentélisation qui a pour conséquence une accentuation des rapports sociaux et politiques. Ainsi, par le fait de la conversion des déparentélisés, les Mamadou et les Makaya, l’islam reconfigure et recompose les positionnements et les rapports sociaux et politiques au sein de la société gabonaise. Dès lors, l’islam au Gabon participe à ce dispositif de pouvoir dit « Pouvoir fantôme » qui opère à la fois sur la base de la visibilité et de l’invisibilitéThis study deals with Islam in urban areas in Gabon and aims at showing that Islam, as a primarily urban phenomenon, is now an integral part of the social, religious, economic and political environment of Gabon. Islam is considered a minority religion on a social level, and is practiced by a population consisting primarily of immigrants. However, due to conversions Islam currently occupies the second place among the religions of the Book in Gabon. The unique dynamics of islam in Gabon allow us to understand Gabonese social reality not only through the study of models and patterns, which preside over it in part, but also through the lens of religious practices, which demonstrate that that society is constantly in the process of renewing itself. In this way, we can examine how Islam structures historical situations and social organizations, as well as the existing gaps between "official" aspects of society and its social practices. Islam in Gabon is a minority religion that accomplished its social development and constructed its uniqueness on the local level, assisted by members of "political society" themselves converted to the faith of Mohammed, the Mamadous. These individuals consider Islam as one of their managing domains capable of reinforcing the power of the hegemonic block. In this way, the conversion to islam of President El Hadj Omar Bongo Ondimba and his entourage, combined with his political longevity, has established an imaginary in the Gabonese society, that is to say, a place for the construction of its social, economic and political history, both before and after the independence of the country. Thus, for the "political society", Islam in Gabon is one of the central elements of political and economic power, and it is constitutive of the dialectic of accumulation of "powers" of the reign of President Omar Bongo Ondimba. By bringing Gabonese population into new contingencies – notably religious - African modernity has tended to substitute lineages : that of the clan by that of the national community, that of the Church by that of the Mosque. This is "deparentelisation" which means an emphasis on social and political relations. Thus, through the conversion of deparentelized persons, the Mamadou and the Makaya, islam reconfigures and reconstructs the positions of the social and political relations in Gabonese society. Therefore, Islam in Gabon is part of the power structure called "phantom power" that operates on the basis of both visibility and invisibility
42
Id, Yassine Rachid. "Islam et régionalisme européen : territoire, religion et identité en Catalogne française." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0018.
Full textAbstract:
Dans le Roussillon contemporain, les identités catalane, française et européenne se mêlent et s’entremêlent, marquant leurs empreintes sur un même territoire et dans la vie ordinaire de la population locale. L’émergence de la religiosité musulmane au sein d’une société civile structurée autour d’une identité régionale, s’illustre comme catalyseur d’un débat interne aux État-nations européens. L’Europe est redéfinie par les interactions à l’échelle locale où les musulmans font l’expérience d’une acculturation catalane encore indécise. À travers l’articulation des méthodes qualitatives (ethnographie) et quantitatives (questionnaire), cette enquête inédite fournit un matériau empirique abondant, dessinant un portrait relativement exhaustif des musulmans de Catalogne française dont l’identité s’avère être d’une formidable complexité. Échappant à toute réification, le phénomène identitaire est ici conçu comme une fluence appréhendée à l’aide d’une modélisation systémique des rapports entre islamité et catalanitéIn contemporary Roussillon, Catalan, French and European identities crisscross and intermingle, marking their footprints on the same territory and in the ordinary life of the local population. The emergence of Muslim religiosity within a society structured around a regional identity, catalyses internal debates among European nation-states. Europe is redefined by local interactions whereby Muslims experience a still undecided Catalan acculturation. Through the articulation of qualitative (ethnography) and quantitative (questionnaire) methods, this new study provides abundant empirical material, drawing a fairly comprehensive portrait of Muslims in French Catalonia whose identity proves to be extraordinarily complex. Beyond any reification, the phenomenon of identity is here conceived as a flow, which is apprehended through a system modeling of the relationship between Islamity and Catalanity
En el Rosselló contemporània, les identitats català, francès i europeu es barregen i s’entrellacen, marcant les seves empremtes en mateix territori i en la vida quotidiana de la població local. El sorgiment de la religiositat musulmana en una societat estructurada entorn d'una identitat regional, s’illustra com un catalitzador per al debat intern als Estats-nació europeus. Europa s’ha redefinit per les interaccions a nivell local on els musulmans estan experimentant aculturació català encara no està decidit. A través de l’articulació dels mètodes qualitatius (etnografia) i quantitatius (qüestionari), aquest nou estudi proporciona una abundant material empíric, formant una imatge relativament completa dels musulmans de Catalunya francesa, la identitat resulta ser de gran complexitat. Més enllà de qualsevol essencialització, el fenomen de la identitat és concebuda com una flux aprehendido per mitjà d’un model sistèmic de la relació entre la islàmitat i la catalanitat
43
Karam, Christian da Camino. "Da revolução política ao reformismo socioeconômico: Hizballah, islamo-nacionalismo e economia de redes no Líbano do pós-guerra civil (1992-2006)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03082011-102645/.
Full textAbstract:
Este estudo busca fornecer subsídios para uma interpretação científica inovadora acerca de um fenômeno político e social pouco estudado na academia brasileira e, portanto, praticamente desconhecido do público nacional: a ascensão de um tipo especial de Islã político e militante representando no partido xiita libanês Hizballah durante a chamada guerra civil libanesa, cujo armistício coincidiu com o fim da Guerra Fria em 1989-91. Os grupos políticos e milicianos conservadores, progressistas e reformistas do conflito libanês, bem como a ingerência externa regional e internacional em favor de uns ou de outros e nos assuntos internos libaneses representaram o impulso que faltava para a culminação de um processo político e social que, desde os anos 1960, encontrava-se em gestação na comunidade xiita, historicamente à margem das instituições estatais e do controle das relações sociais de produção libanesas. Após o fim do conflito, o Hizballah adaptou e aprofundou um protagonismo político, econômico e social nunca antes observado entre os xiitas libaneses ao decidir participar das primeiras eleições parlamentares e municipais do pós-guerra. A partir do ano 2000, o partido adotou a defesa de uma espécie de nacionalismo concorrente de outras comunidades e grupos libaneses, e contrário a determinados agentes e interesses externos no Líbano. Ademais, o Hizballah assumiu a projeção e a execução de programas econômicos e sociais de assistência a parcelas da sociedade libanesa, sobretudo xiitas, destroçadas pelo conflito que recém findara e desamparadas por um Estado frágil e quase inexistente em diversas esferas.This study intends to come up with an innovative scientific approach on a social and political phenomenon which is not a common subject or case study amongst Brazilian academics and, therefore, is deeply unknown to its national audience, i.e.: the rise of a special category of political and militant Islamist movement which is represented in the Lebanese Shiite party known as Hizballah during the Lebanese Civil War, whose armistice has coincided with the ending of the Cold War between 1989 and 1991. The conservative, progressive and reformist political groups and militias which have taken part in the Lebanese conflict, as well as foreign intervention be it regional or international in support of one or another of those parties at war and on Lebanese internal affairs have represented the impetus that lacked for the culmination of a social and political process which, since the 1960s, had been maturing among the Shiite community, historically marginalized and at bay respect to the states structure and services and to the control of Lebanese social relations of production. After the ending of the war, Hizballah has adapted and deepened its political, economic and social activism in a way that has never been observed before amongst Lebanese Shiites, especially when, back in the 1990s, the party decided to participate in the first parliamentary and municipal elections held in Lebanon after the war was over. In the 2000s, Hizballah has adopted the defense of a specific type of nationalism which competes with other Lebanese groups and sects and which is contrary to several foreign interests and agencies on Lebanon. Besides, Hizballah has taken on elaborating and performing social and economic welfare programs aimed at the Lebanese society, especially the Shiites, who have been devastated by the turmoil that not long ago had come to an end and hence felt helpless and abandoned by a fragile and absent state in many different ways and stances.
44
Lamont, Sarah. "Deconstructing the Dichotomy: Muslim American University Students' Perceptions of Islam and Democracy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1336083346.
Full text
45
Khoshroo, Sajjad. "Islamic finance : the convergence of faith, capital, and power." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0ab321e8-0d54-40d6-a1ef-3a37a0a5ffe6.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation assesses how Islamic finance fares as an example of 'civil compromise' in Islamic law. By focusing on the Islamic project finance sector, my research examines how the industry's main stakeholders (representing faith, capital, and power) cooperate and compete to bring about this compromise through the 'Game of Islamic Bank Bargains'. The Islamic finance industry is a work in progress, and while it has made some significant strides, it is still a niche in the global conventional financial order rather than an alternative to it. It has fallen short of fulfilling its originally-stated social justice aspirations, but has provided a previously unavailable form of banking and finance for Muslims to transact, at least formalistically, in accordance with widely-believed tenets of their faith. Thus, those who hold up Islamic finance as a universal panacea or dismiss it outright as a fraud have both got it wrong. It is neither. It is, rather, a complex myriad of incentives and aspirations of a multitude of stakeholders muddled together across numerous geographies and evolving incrementally and constantly. The state of the industry is the result of how the stakeholders (the shariah scholars, lawyers, bankers, government officials, and customers) have pursued their self-interest in the Game of Islamic Bank Bargains. My research examines who are the 'winners' and 'losers' of this game, and what religious, commercial, and political factors have influenced this outcome. I assess what may incentivise the incumbent 'winners' to guide the Islamic finance industry away from a formal and legalistic approach towards one that also incorporates principles from Islamic economics. I explore how the 'losers' - whose interests are not accounted for due to their lack of sufficient financial and political clout - can sway the outcome of the game in their favour.
46
Ouedraogo, Lassane. "Muslim Youth at a Crossroads: Media and Civic Engagement in Burkina Faso." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou157547720848127.
Full text
47
Javid, Mohammad Javad. "Droit naturel et droit divin comme fondements de la légitimité politique : une étude comparative du christianisme et de l'islam." Toulouse 1, 2005. http://publications.univ-tlse1.fr/699/.
Full textAbstract:
La légitimité politique est une notion qui a fait l'objet de plusieurs approches, mais malgré des nombreuses pages de littérature politique, même au sein de la société moderne, elle ne recueille pas sérieusement encore les faveurs de la théorie du droit naturel ni celle du droit divin. Notre recherche a pour objet d'apporter un éclairage comparatiste à cette étude d'une philosophie du droit, controversée et méconnue. Elle se divise en trois parties successivement consacrées à l'identification et à la construction, à la déstructuration et à la reconstruction de la relation politique entre le droit naturel et le droit divin. La première justifie leur unanimité même, par l'étude des divergences dans l'explication philosophique du droit naturel. Cette approche philosophique permet également de définir l'objet d'étude en tenant à lui attribuer un statut juridico-politique dont il est à première vue dépourvu. La deuxième partie traite de l'apparition théologique du droit naturel et de sa dissociation avec le droit divin tant au sein des doctrines politiques que des interprétations juridiques. Le constat d'une telle expansion conduit à l'étude prospective de leur méthode au sein des doctrines du droit divin qui vise une perspective de réconciliation entre les deux droits dans le christianisme et dans l'islam qui pour l'instant ne se connaissent que peu. L'approche de la troisième partie est humaniste et concerne la reconstruction de cette relation à partir d'une étude rationnelle moderne spécialement à travers l'étude des droits de l'homme. Ce dernier axe de recherche permet d'observer les conditions de l'autorité politique légitime et les modes d'attribution des droits naturels, notamment par le biais d'une relecture du droit naturel classique et du droit divin classique ; il conduit ainsi à la reconnaissance des droits politiques naturels qui confirme qu'il n'y a qu'un système de légitimation unique : celui qui passe par la voie du droit naturelThe political legitimacy is a concept which was the subject of several disciplines, but in spite of comprehensive political literature, even within the modern society, it has noted seriously neither the natural right theory nor the divine right one yet. This research is aimed at highlighting this argued and ignored study in philosophy of the right. Three successive parts of this research is devoted to the identification and construction, destruction and rebuilding of the political relation between the natural right and the divine right. The first part, even by study of the divergences in the philosophical explanation of the natural right, justifies their unanimity. This philosophical approach also makes it possible to define the object of study by presenting a juridical-political structure which at first sight was deprived. The second part is devoted to the theological appearance of the natural right and its dissociation with the divine right as well within the political doctrines as juridical interpretations. The acceptance of such an explanation leads to the exploratory study of their method within the doctrines of the divine right which aims at a prospect for reconciliation between the two rights in Christianity and in Islam which for the moment know themselves only little. The approach of the third part is humanistic and especially relates to the rebuilding of this relation starting from a modern rational study and through the study of the human right. The latter research orientation makes it possible to observe the conditions of the legitimate political authority and the modes of attribution of the natural rights, in particular by the means of a return reading of the traditional natural right and traditional divine right; it leads thus to the recognition of the natural political rights which confirms that there is only one system of single legitimacy: which passes through the natural right way
48
Pettinato, Davide Domenico. "Understanding the discourse of British Muslim NGOs : Islamic relief and MADE as case studies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33164.
Full textAbstract:
Inspired by the increasingly high visibility of British Muslim NGOs (BMNGOs), by the lack of research on their discourses and by the growing salience of frames theory within the mainstream NGO sector, this thesis offers a significant and original contribution by exploring, describing, and analysing the discourse of two BMNGOs carefully selected as case studies: Islamic Relief (IR) and MADE (Muslim Action for Development and the Environment). The primary aim of the thesis is empirical, driven by the research question: ‘what frames seem to be at work in the discourse of BMNGOs?’ Through an in-depth analysis of a range of public documents produced by the two case studies (e.g. annual reports and websites), the thesis identifies and analyses the main frames used by IR and MADE to articulate three key aspects of their discourses: i) organisational identity; ii) mobilisation efforts; and iii) conceptualisations of their supporter base. Guided by this overarching research question, the thesis offers an original and interdisciplinary insight into the nuances of the case studies’ meaning systems, thereby showing their complexities and resonance with multiple narratives and ideational repertoires. The emerging ‘thick descriptions’ of IR and MADE represent, in and of themselves, the main results of the study, which is intended to enable readers from different disciplinary backgrounds to gain a nuanced insight into BMNGOs’ discourses. At a secondary level, the thesis also pursues the theoretical aim to start exploring how the frames identified in the study inform the two research sub-questions: ‘how to think about BMNGOs?’ and ‘how to think about British Muslim civic engagement?’ Several observations are put forward in this regard. Taken together, these suggest that IR can be understood as a faith-based organisation that simultaneously draws on a range of heritages and increasingly offers opportunities for active citizenship among British Muslims within the framework of what is broadly characterizable as a ‘NGO-led order’. On the other hand, the thesis suggests that MADE can be understood as an exemplar of the current era of ‘loose activist networks’, more precisely as a ‘Muslim lifestyle’ social movement organisation that promotes among British Muslims a multifaceted form of civic engagement inspired by an Islamic ethical framework.
49
Younes, Ahmad. "Le fanatisme religieux et les pratiques éducatives familiales en Syrie." Thesis, Normandie, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020NORMR065.
Full textAbstract:
De nos jours, nous assistons à une montée de vagues de violence et de fanatisme religieux, particulièrement en Syrie. Le paradoxe qui intrigue c’est que ces actes criminels, teintés des couleurs de la barbarie et de l'horreur ne sont pas perpétrés par des criminels reconnus, des délinquants ou des aliénés avérés, mais, tout au contraire, que les auteurs de ces crimes sont des individus réputés normaux, n'ayant pas de casier judiciaire. Comment comprendre ce phénomène du point de vue de la société et de l’éducation des jeunes ? La société syrienne, entre autres, a vécu, de fortes pressions provoquant des changements accélérés qui constituent un terrain fertile pour les différents phénomènes de violence, de meurtre, de pillage, de saccage, de destruction, et de fanatisme tant ethnique que religieux. À ce propos, notre recherche tente d’éclairer la notion de fanatisme, d’en dégager quelques processus, d'expliquer les mécanismes et les causes du fanatisme, à commencer par examiner le rôle de la famille dans la constitution et la formation de telles tendances. La question de recherche est d’interroger le lien qu’il pourrait y avoir entre les pratiques éducatives parentales et le phénomène du fanatisme religieux en Syrie. En nous appuyant sur une approche croisée à la fois psycho-éducative, socio-anthropologique et philosophique. Concernant le rapport entre les pratiques éducatives parentales en Syrie et le degré du fanatisme religieux, la recherche montre l'existence d'un lien très fort, notamment chez les garçons. Plus ces pratiques éducatives parentales sont autoritairitaristes, plus les garçons ont tendance à être fanatiquesNowadays, we are witnessing a rising tide of violence and religious fanaticism, particularly in Syria. The intriguing paradox is that these criminal acts, tinged with the colors of barbarism and horror, are not perpetrated by recognized criminals, delinquents or proven lunatics, but, on the contrary, the perpetrators of these crimes are individuals deemed normal, with no criminal record. How to understand this phenomenon from the point of view of society and the education of young people? Syrian society, among others, has experienced strong pressures causing accelerated changes that constitute fertile ground for various phenomena of violence, murder, looting, looting, destruction, and fanaticism both ethnic and religious. In this regard, our research attempts to shed light on the notion of fanaticism, to identify some of its processes, to explain the mechanisms and causes of fanaticism, starting by examining the role of the family in the constitution and formation of such trends. The research question is to question the link that there could be between parental educational practices and the phenomenon of religious fanaticism in Syria. By relying on a crossed approach that is at the same time psycho-educational, socio-anthropological and philosophical. Regarding the relationship between parental education practices in Syria and the degree of religious fanaticism, research shows the existence of a very strong link, especially among boys. The more authoritarian are these parenting practices, the more the boys tend to be fanatical
50
Mallet, Myriam. "Au-delà de l'injonction religieuse : les pratiques pieuses des Égyptiennes musulmanes en Italie." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/25172.
Full textAbstract:
Depuis peu, l'Italie s'est ouvert à l'immigration et accueille de plus en plus de mains-d'œuvre étrangères provenant de l'Afrique du Nord. Les Égyptiens prennent part à cette immigration et forment une communauté transnationale dans le Nord du pays, plus particulièrement à Milan. Or, l'Italie subit des tensions économiques et politiques qui ne présagent pas de meilleures conditions d'accueil pour les immigrants musulmans. Comment conjuguer les exigences du pays d'accueil et habiter les normes auxquelles on adhère? Afin d'explorer la relation entre le sujet agissant et la dimension religieuse, l'étude se dégage de la perspective oppressive et cherche à comprendre comment les Égyptiennes de foi musulmane expriment leur piété à la fois dans leur pratique et dans leur propos, et ce, dans un contexte de migration en Italie. Ces femmes habitent les normes musulmanes et cela implique une manière d'être et d'agir inspirant tous les actes religieux et quotidiens.