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Journal articles on the topic 'Civil conflict and political mobilization'
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1
Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. "Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800361.
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Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.
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Malone, Iris. "Economic shocks and militant formation." Research & Politics 9, no. 2 (April 2022): 205316802210914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221091436.
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A prominent debate in the civil war literature asks whether commodity price shocks incentivize fighting, but existing analyses find inconsistent results. This paper shows these results arise, in part, because research conflates the decision to form a militant campaign with the start of civil conflict. Using original data on 973 militant groups, I sequentially disaggregate between civil conflict onset and the earlier stage of militant mobilization. I use fixed effect regression methods to test for indirect and interaction effects that could obscure the shock-civil conflict relationship. First, I estimate the effect of export commodity price shocks on mobilization onset. Second, I re-examine the shock-civil conflict relationship conditioning on the number of militant groups mobilizing at the time of the shock. The results show economic shocks indirectly increase the risk of civil conflict by driving militant formation. Disaggregating these stages of militant activity advances research about two-stage conflict processes as well as the indirect causes of violence.
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von Uexkull, Nina, Mihai Croicu, Hanne Fjelde, and Halvard Buhaug. "Civil conflict sensitivity to growing-season drought." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 44 (October 17, 2016): 12391–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1607542113.
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To date, the research community has failed to reach a consensus on the nature and significance of the relationship between climate variability and armed conflict. We argue that progress has been hampered by insufficient attention paid to the context in which droughts and other climatic extremes may increase the risk of violent mobilization. Addressing this shortcoming, this study presents an actor-oriented analysis of the drought–conflict relationship, focusing specifically on politically relevant ethnic groups and their sensitivity to growing-season drought under various political and socioeconomic contexts. To this end, we draw on new conflict event data that cover Asia and Africa, 1989–2014, updated spatial ethnic settlement data, and remote sensing data on agricultural land use. Our procedure allows quantifying, for each ethnic group, drought conditions during the growing season of the locally dominant crop. A comprehensive set of multilevel mixed effects models that account for the groups’ livelihood, economic, and political vulnerabilities reveals that a drought under most conditions has little effect on the short-term risk that a group challenges the state by military means. However, for agriculturally dependent groups as well as politically excluded groups in very poor countries, a local drought is found to increase the likelihood of sustained violence. We interpret this as evidence of the reciprocal relationship between drought and conflict, whereby each phenomenon makes a group more vulnerable to the other.
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Bormann, Nils-Christian, Lars-Erik Cederman, and Manuel Vogt. "Language, Religion, and Ethnic Civil War." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 4 (July 10, 2016): 744–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715600755.
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Are certain ethnic cleavages more conflict-prone than others? While only few scholars focus on the contents of ethnicity, most of those who do argue that political violence is more likely to occur along religious divisions than linguistic ones. We challenge this claim by analyzing the path from linguistic differences to ethnic civil war along three theoretical steps: (1) the perception of grievances by group members, (2) rebel mobilization, and (3) government accommodation of rebel demands. Our argument is tested with a new data set of ethnic cleavages that records multiple linguistic and religious segments for ethnic groups from 1946 to 2009. Adopting a relational perspective, we assess ethnic differences between potential challengers and the politically dominant group in each country. Our findings indicate that intrastate conflict is more likely within linguistic dyads than among religious ones. Moreover, we find no support for the thesis that Muslim groups are particularly conflict-prone.
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Rebrina, Larisa. "Conflict mobilization communities in social media as a soft power tool: problematization environmental risks." E3S Web of Conferences 311 (2021): 04005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202131104005.
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The object of the study is the protest communication practices of conflict mobilization in 2012-2021 by environmental communities in Russian-language social networks. Civil society is a significant actor in environmental policy. Social media as a soft power tool plays an important role today in informing, educating society about the environment and shaping a protesting regional environmental agenda. The system-communicative approach explores the patterns of discursive problematisation of environmental risks within the framework of civic political participation. Authors describe the types of publications constituting the content of environmental mobilization communities; analyse thematic dominants to identify frequent environmental threats constructed by the addressants of the publications; identify and systematise the strategies, tactics and relevant language tools used to problematise fragments of environmental reality; examine regular means of creating and maintaining online solidarity in environmental communities of conflict mobilization.
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Aswar, Hasbi, Danial Bin Mohd. Yusof, and Rohana Binti Abdul Hamid. "Conflict Between Hizb Ut-Tahrir And Islamic Civil Society In Indonesia:A Countermovement Approach." Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam 5, no. 2 (July 30, 2020): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35673/ajmpi.v5i2.892.
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In a social movement study, countermovement emerges when certain movement is considered to bring threat to the status quo or the current political and social condition. Social movement seeks for changing the existing situation while the countermovement pursues to keep it. As a result, the conflict between two becomes inevitable, where both will compete to win over the other. The existence of Hizb ut-Tahrir in Indonesia (HTI) for years is responded by some Islamic groups especially Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and its allies, as threat to the Indonesian life due to the idea brought by HTI. It becomes the root of conflict between HTI and other Islamic groups in Indonesia. This article aims to explain the conflict between HTI and other Islamic groups by elaborating the effort of the Islamic groups to counter the HTI narratives and mobilization by using countermovement approach in social movement studies. This article is a case study research and using mainly secondary data to analyze the issue. This article found that Nahdlatul Ulama as the main countermovement played significant role to counter Hizb ut-Tahrir`s religious and political narratives as well as its political mobilization.
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Salehyan, Idean. "Transnational Rebels: Neighboring States as Sanctuary for Rebel Groups." World Politics 59, no. 2 (January 2007): 217–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2007.0024.
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To what extent do international factors affect domestic conflict processes? How do external conditions affect the state's repressive capabilities and the opportunities for opposition groups to mobilize, launch an insurgency, and sustain it? This article argues that because state strength is limited by international boundaries, rebel groups often organize transnationally in order to evade repression. External bases, refugee communities, and characteristics of neighboring states are expected to increase the likelihood of civil war onset and continuation. Importantly, external mobilization is difficult for states to monitor and verify, a factor that exacerbates bargaining problems and increases the probability of armed conflict. These claims are tested through a quantitative analysis of civil conflicts from 1951 to 1999. Results suggest that weak neighbors, rival neighbors, and refugee diasporas contribute to rebellion and that conflicts endure longer when rebels have access to external bases.
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Clark, Janine A., and Bassel F. Salloukh. "ELITE STRATEGIES, CIVIL SOCIETY, AND SECTARIAN IDENTITIES IN POSTWAR LEBANON." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 731–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000883.
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AbstractThis article explains the endurance of sectarian identities and modes of political mobilization in Lebanon after the civil war. This is done by examining three case studies that demonstrate a recursive relation between sectarian elites and civil society actors: on one side of this relation, sectarian elites pursue their political and socioeconomic interests at the expense of civil society organizations (CSOs); on the other side, civil society actors instrumentalize the sectarian political system and its resources to advance their own organizational or personal advantage. These mutually reinforcing dynamics enable sectarian elites to penetrate, besiege, or co-opt CSOs as well as to extend their clientelist networks to CSOs that should otherwise lead the effort to establish cross-sectarian ties and modes of political mobilization or that expressly seek to challenge the sectarian system. The article fills a gap in the literature on sectarianism in postwar Lebanon and helps explain a puzzle identified by Ashutosh Varshney in the theoretical debate on ethnic conflict, namely the reasons behind the “stickiness” of historically constructed ethnic identities.
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Armand, Alex, Alexander Coutts, Pedro C. Vicente, and Inês Vilela. "Does Information Break the Political Resource Curse? Experimental Evidence from Mozambique." American Economic Review 110, no. 11 (November 1, 2020): 3431–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20190842.
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Natural resources can have a negative impact on the economy through corruption and civil conflict. This paper tests whether information can counteract this political resource curse. We implement a large-scale field experiment following the dissemination of information about a substantial natural gas discovery in Mozambique. We measure outcomes related to the behavior of citizens and local leaders through georeferenced conflict data, behavioral activities, lab-in-the-field experiments, and surveys. We find that information targeting citizens and their involvement in public deliberations increases local mobilization and decreases violence. By contrast, when information reaches only local leaders, it increases elite capture and rent-seeking. (JEL C73, D72, D74, O13, O17, Q33, Q34)
10
Krtsch, Roman. "The Tactical Use of Civil Resistance by Rebel Groups: Evidence from India’s Maoist Insurgency." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 7-8 (February 23, 2021): 1251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002721995547.
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Research on rebel behavior during conflicts has traditionally focused on the use of violent tactics. However, evidence from several intrastate wars suggests that armed groups also occasionally employ general strikes—a method of civil resistance that has typically been associated with nonviolent groups. But when do rebels resort to general strikes? I argue that these tactics have a particular function which can offset potential risks for rebels after they have suffered losses in previous battles: Through general strikes, rebels signal sustained authority to the local population. The argument is tested for districts in Eastern India using newly compiled, disaggregated data on contentious action during the Maoist conflict. The paper contributes to a burgeoning literature on wartime civilian activism in two ways: First, it shows that armed groups themselves rely situationally on civilian mobilization. Second, it investigates the effect of conditions endogenous to the conflict on these tactical choices.
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Chugunova, Elizaveta. "Civil Society Activities in Palestine." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2023): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310029207-5.
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The authentic political culture of Palestinians and the prototype of civil society began to arise as far back as the British Mandate period. Since then, it has passed several stages of its formation, and due to the influence of several domestic and foreign policy factors it has, on the one hand, become the main element of general mobilization towards liberation of Palestine and the creation of the Palestinian self-identity. On the other hand, because of its dependence on foreign financial help, it has started to promote international institutions’ values and stopped focusing on domestic crucial issues of Palestine exclusively. Civil society in Palestine is a kind of exceptional subject of the political process, as it exists in absence of a state, in context of the decades-long Arab-Israeli conflict and with a low level of the Palestinian National Authority’s support. This paper addresses directions and social, political and economic problems the Palestinian civil society faces and creates, and special attention was paid to online activism and its features.
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Krause, Jana. "Restrained or constrained? Elections, communal conflicts, and variation in sexual violence." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (January 2020): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319891763.
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Anecdotal evidence suggests that sexual violence varies significantly across cases of election violence and communal conflicts but systematic research is scarce. Post-election violence is particularly likely if electoral mobilization further polarizes longstanding communal conflicts and political elites do not instruct security forces to intervene decisively. I comparatively analyse two prominent cases of post-election violence in Kenya (2007/8) and Nigeria (2008) that exhibit stark variation in sexual violence. Patrimonial networks and norms of violent masculinity that increase the probability of (gang) rape were present in both cases and do not explain variation. Civil war research has identified three explanations for the variation in sexual violence: situational constraints; ordered sexual violence or restraint; and bottom-up dynamics of sexual violence or restraint. I examine these for the context of post-election violence. I argue that the type of communal conflict triggered by electoral mobilization explains variation in sexual violence. In Kenya, pogroms of a majority group against a minority allowed for the time and space to perpetrate widespread sexual violence while in Nigeria, dyadic clashes between similarly strong groups offered less opportunity but produced a significantly higher death toll. These findings have important implications for preventing election violence. They demonstrate that civilian vulnerability is gendered and that high levels of sexual violence do not necessarily correspond to high levels of lethal violence. Ignoring sexual violence means underestimating the real intensity of conflict and its impact on the political process.
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Sokolov, Aleksandr, and Asya Palagicheva. "FEATURES OF POLITICAL MOBILIZATION OF CITIZENS IN PROTEST IN MODERN RUSSIA." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 2 (2021): 82–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-2-82-95.
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The article deals with the concept of political demobilization of citizens. The weakening of citizen participation in protests is regulated through political demobilization, which divides and reduces the ability of social movements to develop. The processes of demobilization in modern Russia are most clearly reflected in the conflict between the participants of collective actions and the authorities. The applied mechanisms of demobilization have an impact on the political behavior of citizens, the development of civil activity in general, as well as on the further interaction between the government and society.Based on the data of an empirical study conducted by a survey of experts in the subjects of the Russian Federation in the period from 2014-2020, as well as the analysis of a number of protest campaigns by the case study method, the impact of demobilization measures on civil activity, the system of interaction between the authorities and society, and the reaction of citizens to the demobilization actions of the authorities is revealed.The increase in mobilization processes in 2020 indicates the existing imbalance in public relations. The increased intensity of the implementation of measures to counter protest activity leads to radicalization of online activity, the growth of apathy and social tension offline.
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Costalli, Stefano, and Andrea Ruggeri. "Indignation, Ideologies, and Armed Mobilization: Civil War in Italy, 1943–45." International Security 40, no. 2 (October 2015): 119–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00218.
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Ideas shape human behavior in many circumstances, including those involving political violence. Yet they have usually been underplayed in studies of the causes of armed mobilization. Likewise, emotions have been overlooked in most analyses of intrastate conflict. A mixed-methods analysis of Italian resistance during the Fascist regime and the Nazi occupation (1943–45) provides the opportunity to theorize and analyze empirical evidence on the role of indignation and radical ideologies in the process of armed mobilization. These nonmaterial factors play a crucial role in the chain that leads to armed collective action. Indignation is a push factor that moves individuals away from accepting the status quo. Radical ideologies act as pull factors that provide a new set of strategies against the incumbent. More specifically, detachment caused by an emotional event disconnects the individual from acceptance of the current state of social relations, and individuals move away from the status quo. Ideologies communicated by political entrepreneurs help to rationalize the emotional shift and elaborate alternative worldviews (disenchantment), as well as possibilities for action. Finally, a radical ideological framework emphasizes normative values and the conduct of action through the “anchoring” mechanism, which can be understood as a pull factor attracting individuals to a new status.
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Lustick, Ian S., and Nathaniel Shils. "The Palestinians, Israel, and BDS." Israel Studies Review 37, no. 3 (December 1, 2022): 28–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2022.370303.
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Abstract Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.
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Chiba, Daina, and Kristian Skrede Gleditsch. "The shape of things to come? Expanding the inequality and grievance model for civil war forecasts with event data." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 2 (February 22, 2017): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343316684192.
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We examine if dynamic information from event data can help improve on a model attempting to forecast civil war using measures reflecting plausible motivation and grievances. Buhaug, Cederman, and Gleditsch predict the risk of civil war using a horizontal inequality model with measures reflecting motivation and relevant group characteristics at the country level. The predictions from their model outperform in an out-of-sample forecast conventional country-level models of civil war, emphasizing vertical inequality and country characteristics. However, most grievance measures change little over time. We surmise that a model reflecting potential motivation for conflict can be improved with more dynamic information on mobilization and the behavior of actors. Our conjecture receives some support in the empirical analysis, where we consider both conflict onset and termination over territorial and governmental incompatibilities in the Uppsala/PRIO Armed Conflict Data, and find some evidence that event data can help improve forecasts. Moreover, models with the original grievance measures do better than purely event based models, supporting our claim that both structure and event based components can add value to conflict prediction models. However, the contribution of events to improving predictive power is modest and not entirely consistent, and some types of conflict events seem easier to forecast than others.
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Huang, Reyko. "Rebel Diplomacy in Civil War." International Security 40, no. 4 (April 2016): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00237.
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In the midst of civil war, rebel groups often expend significant resources opening offices in foreign capitals, meeting with heads of state, expanding their overseas networks, appealing to international organizations, and contacting foreign media. Existing scholarship has generally neglected international diplomacy as an aspect of violent rebellion, focusing instead on rebel efforts at domestic organization. A systematic documentation of rebel diplomacy in post–1950 civil wars using new quantitative and qualitative data shows that rebel diplomacy is commonplace and that many groups demonstrate as much concern for overseas political campaigns as they do for domestic and local mobilization. Diplomacy, furthermore, is not a weapon of the militarily weak, but a tactical choice for rebel groups seeking political capital within an international system that places formidable barriers to entry on nonstate entities. An original analysis of the diplomacy of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in the Angolan civil war using archival sources further demonstrates why rebels may become active diplomats in one phase of a conflict but eschew diplomacy in another. More broadly, the international relations of rebel groups promise to be an important new research agenda in understanding violent politics.
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Chenoweth, Erica, Cullen S. Hendrix, and Kyleanne Hunter. "Introducing the Nonviolent Action in Violent Contexts (NVAVC) dataset." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (January 21, 2019): 295–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318804855.
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Scholarship on civil war is overwhelmingly preoccupied with armed activity. Data collection efforts on actors in civil wars tend to reflect this emphasis, with most studies focusing on the identities, attributes, and violent behavior of armed actors. Yet various actors also use nonviolent methods to shape the intensity and variation of violence as well as the duration of peace in the aftermath. Existing datasets on mobilization by non-state actors – such as the Armed Conflict Events and Location (ACLED), Integrated Conflict Early Warning System (ICEWS), and Social Conflict Analysis Database (SCAD) – tend to include data on manifest contentious acts, such as protests, strikes, and demonstrations, and exclude activities like organizing, planning, training, negotiations, communications, and capacity-building that may be critical to the actors’ ultimate success. To provide a more comprehensive and reliable view of the landscape of possible nonviolent behaviors involved in civil wars, we present the Nonviolent Action in Violent Contexts (NVAVC) dataset, which identifies 3,662 nonviolent actions during civil wars in Africa between 1990 and 2012, across 124 conflict-years in 17 countries. In this article, we describe the data collection process, discuss the information contained therein, and offer descriptive statistics and discuss spatial patterns. The framework we develop provides a powerful tool for future researchers to use to categorize various types of nonviolent action, and the data we collect provide important evidence that such efforts are worthwhile.
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Warren, T. Camber. "Not by the Sword Alone: Soft Power, Mass Media, and the Production of State Sovereignty." International Organization 68, no. 1 (January 2014): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000350.
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AbstractScholars of civil conflict have long recognized the importance of state strength in the suppression of nascent insurgencies. However, previous empirical investigations have generally focused on the material and coercive dimensions of state power, obscuring the critical role played by the generation of widespread voluntary compliance through processes of political communication, that is, the production of “soft power.” In contrast, in this article I focus on a factor—mass communication technology—that can enhance state capacity only by strengthening the state's ability to broadly and publicly disseminate political messages. I argue that the enhanced capacities for large-scale normative influence generated by mass communication technologies can be expected to produce substantial barriers to the mobilization of militarized challenges to state rule, by strengtheningeconomies of scale in the marketplace of ideas. Utilizing newly compiled cross-national data on mass media accessibility in the post–World War II period, I show that densely constituted mass media systems dramatically reduce the probability of large-scale civil violence, thereby providing new evidence for the fundamental importance of nonmaterial state capacities in the suppression of internal armed conflicts.
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Jöst, Prisca. "MOBILIZATION WITHOUT ORGANIZATION: GRIEVANCES AND GROUP SOLIDARITY OF THE UNEMPLOYED IN TUNISIA*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 265–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-2-265.
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The article investigates the role of social grievances, emotions and group solidarity in the spontaneous mobilization of unemployed university graduates in post-revolutionary Tunisia. Using a mixed method approach, I rely on interviews with political and civil actors conducted during fieldwork in 2018, protest event data from the Armed Conflict and Event Data Project, Facebook posts, and secondary literature including additional media reports. My findings indicate that in January 2016, unemployed citizens organized autonomously in response to perceived social grievances and increasing levels of corruption among established trade unions and unemployed organizations. In the case of Tunisia, shared feelings of relative deprivation, compared to the coastal regions, strengthened in-group solidarity among the unemployed in the interior and south and resulted in their collective mobilization.
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Lindemann, Stefan, and Andreas Wimmer. "Repression and refuge." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 3 (March 7, 2018): 305–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317747337.
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This article asks why ethnic exclusion from executive-level state power leads to armed conflict in some cases but not in others. To resolve this puzzle, it focuses on the possible role of five additional, qualitatively coded factors that have been considered by either grievance or opportunity theories of civil war but for which quantitative data are not readily available. To assess the combined relevance of these factors, the authors use qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) to explore the diverging conflict trajectories of 58 ‘most similar’ ethnic groups. These groups have a uniformly high conflict propensity because they are politically excluded, situated in poor countries, live geographically concentrated, and comprise substantial parts of the population; yet, only 25 of them actually experienced violent conflict. The results show that the resentment created by ethno-political exclusion translates into violent conflict if the state reacts against initial protests and mobilization with indiscriminate violence, and if there is a refuge area either within or outside the country that allows regime opponents to organize armed resistance. Moreover, a more processual analysis of conflict dynamics reveals that the conditions conducive to ethnic rebellion appear in a particular temporal sequence with a clear and universal escalation pattern.
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Denisova, Galina, Evgenij Avdeev, and Sergej Vorobev. "Risks of inter-ethnic conflict in the North Caucasus in the perceptions of youth." Science. Culture. Society 29, no. 3 (October 5, 2023): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/nko.2023.29.3.11.
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The article analyzes the assessments and perceptions of the North Caucasus youth about the state of interethnic relations in the region. The North Caucasian region is distinguished by a high level of significance of confessional, ethnic and group identities, which creates the risk of conflict in interethnic relations. Significant differences remain in the degree of ethnic and confessional self-awareness among Russian and North Caucasian youth. The issues of compatibility of various value and socio-cultural foundations of the worldview of young people, the formation of unifying civil and cultural-civilizational foundations of the all-Russian identity are gaining importance. The purpose is to determine the conflict potential of interethnic relations in the North Caucasus in the perceptions of youth. Objectives are to identifying the causes of interethnic tension, determining the ethno-confessional factors of the conflict potential of inter-ethnic relations among young people, the degree of readiness to personally participate in ethno-confessional conflicts in the interests of their ethnic and confessional group, the significance of the main macro-identities: all-Russian, ethnic and confessional. When working on the research methodology, special attention was paid to modern Russian and foreign theoretical and methodological approaches to inter-ethnic conflicts, the role of ethno-political and economic factors of conflict potential and the determination of the causes of inter-ethnic tension in a multi-ethnic environment. Empirical data were obtained by a survey-questionnaire conducted in February-March 2023. 1,400respondents were interviewed– students of leading universities in the North Caucasus. A sub-sampling was carried out according to nationality and attitude to religion. The level of interethnic tension in the North Caucasus is assessed by the respondents as low. At the same time, the potential for conflict and the mobilization potential of ethnicity, their dependence on national identity, remains. Most of the respondents singled out socio-cultural reasons as the main reasons for interethnic tension in the North Caucasus: rejection of the culture and values of other peoples, hostility and prejudice towards other peoples. The all-Russian identity has been formed and is significant for all groups of respondents. Ethnic and confessional identities are also of great importance for North Caucasian youth. In the North Caucasus, there remain latent risks of conflict in interethnic relations among the youth, the mobilization potential of ethnic and confessional identity. The main causes of interethnic tension are of a value-ideological nature. In the minds of young people there is a high significance, along with the all-Russian, ethnic and confessional identity. There is a tendency for the "field of conflict" to flow from the ethno-political into the socio-cultural sphere. Emotional-psychological and socio-cultural reasons for young people are of greater importance than socio-economic and ethno-political ones.
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Kumm, Mattias. "Who is Afraid of the Total Constitution? Constitutional Rights as Principles and the Constitutionalization of Private Law." German Law Journal 7, no. 4 (April 1, 2006): 341–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200004727.
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In 1931 Carl Schmitt published an article titled “the turn to the total state.” The total state that Schmitt describes is not yet a totalitarian state. Germany is still a liberal democracy and the Weimar Constitution is still the supreme law of the land. But the total state Schmitt describes is a state in which the traditional lines between the sphere in which the private law society governs itself and the sphere of state intervention, or the public domain, have been undermined. According to Schmitt, the pluralistic forces of civil society have captured the state and made it an instrument to serve their purposes. Everything is up for grabs politically. It is a state of political mobilization and deep ideological conflict, reflected in the plurality of deeply divided political parties in parliament. It is possible to distinguish between three features, which together illustrate the total prevalence of politics over law underlying “the turn to the total state.”
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King, Charles. "The Micropolitics of Social Violence." World Politics 56, no. 3 (April 2004): 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2004.0016.
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The debates of the 1990s over the causes of and responses to substate conflict were significant and wide ranging; there is now a sizable literature on ethnic conflict and civil war. But this literature makes few connections to long traditions of scholarly theorizing about collective violence in political science and in allied fields. This article examines two recent books by Mark Beissinger and Ashutosh Varshney that help turn mainstream theorizing about mass violence back toward its roots in problems of social order, state-society relations, and group mobilization. They break down the intellectual wall that has grown up between the study of something called “ethnic” or “nationalist conflict” and a long line of work on collective action in political sociology and cognate disciplines. These books are part of a new micropolitical turn in the field:a concern with uncovering the precise mechanisms by which individuals and groups go about trading in the benefits of stability for the inherently risky behavior associated with mass killing. The final section of the article assesses what such a turn might mean for research methods and theory making in comparative politics and international relations as a whole.
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Takdir, Mohammad, M. Mushthafa, and Rozinah AS. "The Dynamics of Religious Conflict in Indonesia: Contestation and Resolution of Religious Conflicts in The New Order Age." Al-Adyan: Journal of Religious Studies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15548/al-adyan.v2i2.3184.
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Social conflicts in Indonesia are often associated with political turmoil and disappointment with the hegemony of power. Therefore, it is important to understand comprehensively how the dynamics of religious conflict in Indonesia, especially during the New Order era. As we know that this research is a literature study to understand the contestation of religious conflicts and how conflict resolution was implemented by the government in resolving ethnic-religious conflicts during the New Order era. Using qualitative methods, this study finds that there are several factors of ethnic and religious conflicts in Indonesia, especially during the New Order era, namely group identity conflicts, levels of chaos and social mobilization, repressive actions by power groups, and collective conflicts between communal groups. This study also shows that for the resolution of social conflicts, the government uses a repressive and security approach to control the community, and there is also a cultural approach from civil society as a form of resistance for the government. Civil society also plays an active role in promoting peace agreements between conflicting groups.Konflik sosial di Indonesia seringkali dikaitkan dengan kekacauan politik dan kekecewaan terhadap hegemoni kekuasaan. Karena itu, penting untuk memahami lebih komprehensif bagaimana dinamika konflik agama di Indonesia, khususnya pada masa Orde Baru. Sebagaimana kita ketahui bahwa. Penelitian ini merupakan studi kepustakaan untuk memahami kontestasi konflik agama dan bagaimana resolusi konflik yang diterapkan oleh pemerintah dalam penyelesaian konflik agama-etnis pada masa Orde Baru. Menggunakan metode kualitatif, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa ada beberapa faktor konflik etnis dan agama di Indonesia, khususnya pada masa Orde Baru, yaitu konflik identitas kelompok, tingkat kekacauan dan mobilisasi sosial, tindakan represif oleh kelompok kekuasaan, dan konflik kolektif diantara kelompok komunal. Penelitian ini juga menunjukkan bahwa untuk penyelesaian konflik sosial, pemerintah menggunakan pendekatan represif dan keamanan untuk mengontrol masyarakat, dan juga ada pendekatan budaya dari masyarakat sipil sebagai salah satu perlawanan bagi pemerintah. Masyarakat sipil juga berperan aktif dalam mendorong kesepakatan damai antara kelompok-kelompok yang berkonflik.
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Costalli, Stefano, and Andrea Ruggeri. "The Long-Term Electoral Legacies of Civil War in Young Democracies: Italy, 1946-1968." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 6 (July 16, 2018): 927–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018784057.
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Are there long-term legacies of civil wars on the electoral geography of post-conflict democracies? We argue that parties derived from armed bands enjoy an organizational advantage in areas where they fought and won the war. Former combatants can create a strong local party organization that serves as a crucial mobilization tool for elections. Parties have strong incentives to institutionalize this organizational advantage and retain electoral strongholds over time. We test our theory on the case of Italy (1946-1968). Our findings indicate that, on average, the communist party managed to create a stronger organization in areas where its bands fought the resistance war against Nazi-Fascist forces—and left-wing parties had a better electoral performance in those areas in subsequent elections. A stronger party organization is correlated with a positive electoral performance for many years, while the direct effect of civil war on electoral patterns decays after few years.
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Taha Al-Rudaini, Youssef Abdel Karim, Saddam Khalifa Obaid, and Ahmed Ali Abdullah. "The Ottoman-Austrian conflict over Hungary 1566-1592 AD Prof." Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities 29, no. 8, 2 (August 24, 2022): 258–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jtuh.29.8.2.2022.14.
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This research aims to know the history of the Ottoman-Austrian conflict over Hungary during the period between (1566-1592 AD), as this conflict was part of the conflict that extended from the Ottoman Empire and the Roman Empire throughout the sixteenth century AD, and the research period begins since the death of the Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent in 1566 AD until 1592 AD. The research included an introduction, a historical introduction, three sections and a conclusion. The introduction came with a historical presentation of what is within the research. 1. Sultan Selim II, who assumed power after the death of his father, Suleiman the Magnificent, did not possess his father’s competence and political and military capabilities, and because of the difficult internal and external conditions that he faced, made him unqualified from the beginning to continue his father’s expansionist policy in the Balkans. a. Through the study, it became clear to us that the great European alliance led by Pope Pius V is nothing but an attempt to gather and mobilize a large European, and make the conflict religious with distinction, but this mobilization did not affect militarily or politically on the Ottoman Empire. p. Through our assessment of what happened in Hungary, an important fact became clear to us that the presence of the Ottoman military did not represent an occupation as much as it represented the preservation of civil peace and the protection of the population from the repeated Austrian attacks.
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Karpik, Lucien. "Lawyers and Politics in France, 1814–1950: The State, the Market, and the Public." Law & Social Inquiry 13, no. 04 (1988): 707–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1988.tb01133.x.
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Throughout the 19th century, lawyers in France were deeply involved in political action to pursue an overriding goal–to become recognized as spokesmen for the public. This strategy governed their history; it explains their brilliant social ascent and their subsequent slow decline. As long as the conflict between state and civil society raged, lawyers were able to we assets–political mobilization, the power of the word, the esteem enjoyed by law–which had allowed them faithfully to embody public opinion in its struggle to limit state powers. From this embodiment of public ideals they derived independence, prestige, and a dominant position in the state. But when the nature of the political regime ceased to be a bone of contention and when public life became organized around other cleavages, lawyers were gradually deprived of their representative function. This marked the beginning of a social decline that became visible between the two world wars and lasted until the 1950s.
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Polo, Sara M. T., and Belén González. "The Power to Resist: Mobilization and the Logic of Terrorist Attacks in Civil War." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 13 (April 8, 2020): 2029–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020912264.
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Existing research has argued that terrorism is common in civil war because it is “effective.” Surprisingly, however, only some groups use terrorism during civil wars, while many refrain altogether. We also see considerable variation in the use of terrorism over time. This article presents a theory of terrorism as a mobilization strategy in civil war, taking into account benefits, costs, and temporal dynamics. We argue that the choice and the timing of terrorism arise from the interaction between conditions for effective mobilization and battlefield dynamics. Terrorism can mobilize support when it provokes indiscriminate government repression or when it radicalizes rebels’ constituency by antagonizing specific societal groups. The timing of attacks, however, is influenced by battlefield losses, which increase rebels’ need to rally civilian support. The analyses of new disaggregated data on rebels’ terrorist attacks during conflicts (1989–2009) and of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) tactics in Iraq and Syria support our theoretical argument.
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SHNEIDERMAN, SARA, LUKE WAGNER, JACOB RINCK, AMY L. JOHNSON, and AUSTIN LORD. "Nepal's Ongoing Political Transformation: A review of post-2006 literature on conflict, the state, identities, and environments." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 6 (November 2016): 2041–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000202.
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AbstractThis review article provides a reading guide to scholarly literature published in English about Nepal's political transformation since 2006, when Nepal's decade-long civil conflict between Maoist and state forces formally ended. The article is structured around four major themes: (1) the Maoist insurgency or ‘People's War’; (2) state formation and transformation; (3) identity politics; and (4) territorial and ecological consciousness. We also address the dynamics of migration and mobility in relation to all of these themes. Ultimately, we consider the Maoist movement as one element in a much broader process of transformation, which with the benefit of hindsight we can situate in relation to several other contemporaneous trajectories, including: democratization, identity-based mobilization, constitutional nationalism, international intervention, territorial restructuring, migration and the remittance economy, and the emergence of ecological and other new forms of consciousness. By looking across the disciplines at scholarship published on all of these themes, we aim to connect the dots between long-standing disciplinary traditions of scholarship on Nepal and more recent approaches to understanding the country's transformation.
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Berrey, Ellen. "MAKING A CIVIL RIGHTS CLAIM FOR AFFIRMATIVE ACTION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 12, no. 2 (2015): 375–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x15000156.
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AbstractThe politics of affirmative action are currently structured as a litigious conflict among elites taking polarized stances. Opponents call for colorblindness, and defenders champion diversity. How can marginalized activists subvert the dominant terms of legal debate? To what extent can they establish their legitimacy? This paper advances legal mobilization theory by analytically foregrounding the field of contention and the relational production of meaning among social movement organizations. The case for study is two landmark United States Supreme Court cases that contested the University of Michigan’s race-conscious admissions policies. Using ethnographic data, the paper analyzes BAMN, an activist organization, and its reception by other affirmative action supporters. BAMN had a marginalized allied-outsider status in the legal cases, as it made a radical civil rights claim for a moderate, elite-supported policy: that affirmative action corrects systemic racial discrimination. BAMN activists pursued their agenda by passionately defending and, at once, critiquing the university’s policies. However, the organization’s militancy remained a liability among university leaders, who prioritized the consistency of their diversity claims. The analysis forwards a scholarly understanding of the legacy of race-conscious policies.
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Oommen, T. "State, Civil Society, and Market in India: The Context of Mobilization." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 1, no. 2 (September 1, 1996): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.1.2.262012375475p427.
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Western societies have accomplished relative autonomy of the state, civil society, and market. The current thrust of social transformation in post-colonial and post-socialist societies also point in the same direction. This article traces the trajectory of autonomization achieved and/or attempted in these societies, and identifies the implications of the processes involved for theory construction. It is argued that in the context of mobilizing for change, privileging either state, civil society, or market would be a rash prejudgment. The possessive individualism of the West articulated in its rapacious market mechanisms alienates individuals destroys communal life. With reference to India, I trace out how the current tendency of privileging civil society as the sole agency to reestablish democratic values in past socialist societies-and relegating the state to the background-may foment serious intergroup conflicts. The recently initiated process of economic liberalization in the part-colonial democratic societies often ignores that there is nothing much to chose between the behemoth of the market and the leviathan of a state. It is suggested that only an equipoise between the state, society and market can produce a 'good society."
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Chernienko, Denis Arkadievich. "ETHNO-POLITICAL VALUES OF THE POPULATION OF UDMURTIA (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF SOCIOLOGICAL RESEARCH)." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 14, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 699–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2020-14-4-699-709.
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The article presents preliminary results of a sociological survey on the subject " Ethnic factor in socio-political life of Russian regions: from ethnopolitical mobilization to civil integration (the Republics of Bashkortostan, Mari El, Mordovia, Udmurtia, Chuvashia)". This issue is an integral part of the Federal program of fundamental and applied scientific research on "Ethnocultural diversity of Russian society and strengthening of national identity" for the period 2020-2022. The survey was aimed at finding out the opinion of citizens on topical issues and problems of modern national policy at the level of a particular region concerning the all-Russian population census, peculiarities of different identities, interethnic relations in the country and the Republic, participation of citizens in ethnopolitical processes, migration and the acceptance of migrants by the local population. According to the preliminary results, active and motivated participation of citizens in the upcoming 2021 census is expected; positive trends are noted in the process of forming a political civil nation; the population's confidence in maintaining stability and non-conflict in the sphere of multinational relations in Udmurtia is recorded; the population recognizes the important role of national and cultural organizations; at the same time, there are concerns related to the possible mass arrival of foreigners to the region. The results of the study will be used to develop practical recommendations to various levels of government, public organizations, and discuss important socio-political issues in the development of civil society institutions.
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Izuegbunam, Chioma. "The social functions of female voice in politics and national development in selected political speeches of Patience Jonathan." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 20, no. 3 (October 30, 2020): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v20i3.11.
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Over the years, political and socio-economic participation in African society have been asymmetrical, and full of gender inequality. Women’s participation in politics has been very low in Africa especially Nigeria due to the patriarchal structure of the society. Women and their voices are often made to appear irrelevant in issues that affect their lives and society; they are sometimes regimented to ‘kitchen’ and’ bedroom’ responsibilities alone. However, the influence of women’s voice in conflict resolution, socio-economic status of different homes and the society at large cannot be underpinned. This could be seen in the role of Aba women’s riot of 1929. Their engagement in civil society, politics and social movements help to shape their society, and lobby the government towards the development of their areas. Several efforts and agitation both from women quarters and UN Right of Women to ensure that female voices are heard in politics, and policy making and decision taking of the society have been made, yet not much has been achieved in the political structure of Nigeria. This study investigates the social roles of female voice towards national development in selected political speeches of voices in politics encourage social mobilization and collective action towards political success, and resolving conflicts and crisis that bedevil the national development. Again, Women’s voice in politics helps to create social dynamism in politics and serves as agent of change.
Keywords: Social Functions, Female Voice, Political Speech, National Development
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Klausen, Jytte. "Social Rights Advocacy and State Building: T. H. Marshall in the Hands of Social Reformers." World Politics 47, no. 2 (January 1995): 244–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100016099.
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This article argues that it is a fallacy to regard “social citizenship” as granting social rights equivalent to civil rights and suffrage. The argument is based partly upon a textual analysis showing that in formulating his influential “trinity” of citizenship, T. H. Marshall obfuscated differences between the distributional logic of redistributive policy and political and civil rights. The second part of the argument is based upon an empirical discussion of how social citizenship arguments have been applied to create comprehensive social reform.The Scandinavian welfare states play a central role in the discussion as examples of the inclu-sionary benefits of social citizenship. Three instances of welfare state expansion are discussed: the passage of legislation establishing flat-rate retirement benefits, the institution of supplementary earnings-related retirement benefits, and feminist mobilization in the 1980s for a “woman-friendly” welfare state. It is shown that claims to social citizenship are used by out-groups to demand inclusion in electoral coalitions aiming at welfare state expansion.The article concludes that social citizenship is inextricably linked to redistributive political conflict between in-groups and out-groups and depends upon state capacity to raise revenues and to police entitlement. A key difference between social rights and political and civil rights is that consumption of the former hinges on both the consent of the community and the willingness of others to pay for such consumption, while consumption of the latter does not impose direct costs upon others.
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Cederman, Lars-Erik, Andreas Wimmer, and Brian Min. "Why Do Ethnic Groups Rebel? New Data and Analysis." World Politics 62, no. 1 (December 18, 2009): 87–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887109990219.
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Much of the quantitative literature on civil wars and ethnic conflict ignores the role of the state or treats it as a mere arena for political competition among ethnic groups. Other studies analyze how the state grants or withholds minority rights and faces ethnic protest and rebellion accordingly, while largely overlooking the ethnic power configurations at the state's center. Drawing on a new data set on Ethnic Power Relations (EPR) that identifies all politically relevant ethnic groups and their access to central state power around the world from 1946 through 2005, the authors analyze outbreaks of armed conflict as the result of competing ethnonationalist claims to state power. The findings indicate that representatives of ethnic groups are more likely to initiate conflict with the government (1) the more excluded from state power they are, especially if they have recently lost power, (2) the higher their mobilizational capacity, and (3) the more they have experienced conflict in the past.
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Mosinger, Eric S. "Brothers or others in arms? Civilian constituencies and rebel fragmentation in civil war." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 1 (March 10, 2017): 62–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343316675907.
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Why do united rebel fronts emerge in some insurgencies, while in other insurgencies multiple rebel groups mobilize independently to challenge the state, and often, each other? I develop a diffusion model of rebel fragmentation in which participation in rebellion spreads, completely or incompletely, through networks of civilians and dissidents. Using this theoretical framework I hypothesize that two factors jointly determine whether a rebel movement remains unified or fragments: the rebels’ investment in civilian mobilization, and the overall level of civilian grievances. The theory predicts that widely shared grievances motivate the formation of many small dissident groups willing to challenge the regime. Given the difficulty of collective action between disparate opposition actors, an emerging rebel movement will tend towards fragmentation when popular grievances are high. Yet extremely high civilian grievances can also help rebels activate broad, overlapping civilian social networks that serve to bridge together dissident groups. Mass-mobilizing rebel groups, benefiting from the participation of broad civilian networks, are most likely to forge and maintain a unified rebel front. I test this theory alongside several alternatives drawn from cross-national studies of conflict using regression analysis. The quantitative evidence lends considerable credence to the role of rebel constituencies in preventing or fomenting rebel fragmentation.
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Escolar, Diego. "Huarpe Archives in the Argentine Desert: Indigenous Claims and State Construction in Nineteenth-Century Mendoza." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 3 (August 1, 2013): 451–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2210867.
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Abstract The narrative of indigenous extinction and the construction of a “white” Argentina entailed an ethnogeographic imaginary by which the territories of the former Spanish colonies were inhabited since the nineteenth century by gauchos or eventually peasants. The population classified as indigenous, in this view, was projected outside the central areas controlled by the nation-state, beyond the frontiers of the Pampas, Patagonia, and the Chaco. Historical writing accepted and contributed to the formation of this image by characterizing the political mobilization of gauchos or peasants (especially in their bellicosity as montoneras — irregular militia units) as a natural reflection of the projects of elites, factions, patrons, or parties. That historiography dismissed as irrelevant any demands stemming from the gauchos and peasantry themselves, such as those based on the long historical experience of indigenous peoples. Based on documents preserved by inhabitants of the travesía, or the desert, of Guanacache, in the central Cuyo region, the descendants of the Huarpe Indians who were considered extinct in the seventeenth century, this analysis stresses the continuity of indigenous claims and the political strategies of the communities of the countryside during the nineteenth century. While recognizing that other factors were involved in political mobilization, this analysis shows the primary importance of indigenous claims in an area of traditional montonero rebellion and civil conflict, and the active participation of the region in the construction of the state beginning in the 1820s. Indigenous leaders who also served as government officials pressed for institutionalized recognition of indigenous rights. That pressure eventually led to the acceptance of their claims and the maintenance of relative political autonomy until the 1870s.
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Boix, Carles. "Economic Roots of Civil Wars and Revolutions in the Contemporary World." World Politics 60, no. 3 (April 2008): 390–437. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100009047.
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To explain the distribution of civil wars, guerrilla warfare, and revolutionary outbreaks, the literature on modern political violence has shifted, broadly speaking, from a modernization perspective that emphasized the role of material conflict and of grievances to a more recent research program that stresses the geographical and organizational opportunities that insurgents may have to engage in violence. Drawing on those lines of inquiry equally, this article offers an integrated analytical model that considers both the motives and the opportunities of states and rebels. Civil wars, guerrillas, and revolutionary outbreaks are seen as a result of the nature and distribution of wealth in each country. Systematic and organized violent conflicts are most likely in economies where inequality is high and wealth is mostly immobile, that is, in societies where those worse off would benefit substantially from expropriating all assets. Violence is conditional on the mobilizational and organizational capacity of challengers and on the state capacity to control its territory. The theory is tested on data on civil wars from 1850 to 1999 for the whole world and on data on guerrilla warfare and revolutionary episodes spanning the years from 1919 to 1997 across all countries.
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Raison, Françoise. "Une transition achevée ou amorcée ?" Politique africaine 52, no. 1 (1993): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/polaf.1993.5707.
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Achieved or initiated transitions ? The mobilization of Madagascar civil society for huge demonstrations in July-August 1991, was provoked by the denunciation of the 1989, presidential elections marred with irregularities. The lower middle class of towns and villages formed the crowd of demonstrators, Churches were a driving force through the FFKM, but the political community didn’t change much. Meanwhile sharp economic conflicts took place behind the scene around privatizations and it is to a lot of very important reconversions in the economic activity that the regions will be confronted tomorrow.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000432.
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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Bensel, Richard. "Southern Leviathan: The Development of Central State Authority in the Confederate States of America." Studies in American Political Development 2 (1987): 68–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001735.
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War has probably been the single most important influence on the development of central state authority in the United States. Although the state-centered mobilization of economic resources and manpower that accompanies military conflict is commonly conceded to have had this effect throughout American history, the centralizing influence of the Civil War on the southern Confederate government has not been accorded the precedent-setting importance it deserves. The consolidation of economic and social controls within the central government of the Confederacy was in fact so extensive that it calls into question standard interpretations of southern opposition to the expansion of federal power in both the antebellum and post-Reconstruction periods. Southern reluctance to expand federal power in those periods has been attributed variously to regional sympathy for laissez-faire principles, the “precapitalist” cultural origins of the plantation elite, and a general philosophical orientation hostile to state development.
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Grisinger, Joanna L. "“South Africa is the Mississippi of the world”: Anti-Apartheid Activism through Domestic Civil Rights Law." Law and History Review 38, no. 4 (December 11, 2019): 843–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000397.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a small group of antiapartheid activists, led by the American Committee on Africa and chair of the House Subcommittee on Africa Rep. Charles Diggs Jr., launched a campaign against South African Airways' new flights into the United States. Using the legal and political strategies of the American civil rights movement, and the fragmentation of power within the American political system, activists tried to turn South African apartheid into an American civil rights problem that American government institutions could address. The strategy was indebted to the political and legal strategies of the civil rights movement, but framing demands around existing civil rights law necessarily limited what activists could ask for and what domestic institutions could provide. In practice, the campaign's successes were limited and legalistic; where domestic civil rights law directly conflicted with apartheid law, airlines could comply with the former without really challenging the latter. And the foreign policy context meant more failures than successes, as domestic legal institutions were reluctant to involve themselves with foreign policy concerns. Their successes and failures nonetheless tell us much about legal mobilization and institutional behavior in a period of globalization where sovereignty and jurisdictional lines were overlapping and conflicting.
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Dzhygalyuk, Nataliya. "MAIN IMPACTS ON THE SYRIA’S CRISIS." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (4) (October 25, 2018): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2018-02-99-107.
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The historical background that have influenced the Syria’s crisis is described, geographical position and demographic composition that makes Syria a convenient base for opposition forces, political contacts between France, Great Britain and Russia considering the situation in Syria are characterized. The attention is focused on the prerequisits that have lead to the crisis in Syria including both inner and external factors.
In the article is mentioned two unsolved territorial disputes: the Shebaa Farms and Hatay region. Another issue, that makes Syria more diverse is Kurdish question. Colonial powers divided Middle East by not existing boarders. It has led Egypt and Syria to unite and establish the United Arab Republic. One more important question is coup d’état, which was led by representatives of the military elite Salah Jadid, Hafez al-Assad, Salim Hatum, Mustafa Tlas.
The author mentioned that the civil war in Syria is mistakenly concidered to be a religious conflict. The origins of the Syrian vulnerability derive not from the sectarian divisions. In fact the deterioration of situation in Syria hugely depended on social and economic factors.
Another important issue discussed in the article is that Bashar’s rulling led to the so-called Damascus Spring, which represented the most important civil society mobilization preceding the 2011 uprising.
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Woźniak, Wojciech. "Politics, sport mega events and grassroots mobilization. Anticipated triumph and unexpected failure of political elite in Poland." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52, no. 4 (October 23, 2019): 367–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2019.10.002.
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Sport mega events are the most prominent manifestations of the multidimensional and global interrelation between sport and politics. The purpose of the paper is to present the contrasting cases of two Polish SMEs: UEFA European Championships in football (Euro, 2012) and the bid for Winter Olympic Games Cracow 2022. This article pays special attention to the role of Polish political elite in promoting both events and to the grassroots movement that effectively ended the bidding for the latter event. It also discusses how the allegedly successful Euro 2012 tournament was presented in the public discourse in order to avoid conflicts and debates about the very idea of hosting the games. This proved unsuccessful in the latter case. This case deserves scrutiny as it is an unusual example of effective bottom up mobilization of civil society against the whole political elite.
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Boulianne, Shelley. "Campaigns and conflict on social media: a literature snapshot." Online Information Review 40, no. 5 (September 12, 2016): 566–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-03-2016-0086.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to discuss the themes identified in the submissions to this volume. The findings are contextualized in recent scholarship on these themes. Design/methodology/approach The discussion is organized around predicting social media use among candidates, organizations, and citizens, then exploring differences in the content of social media postings among candidates, organizations, and citizens, and finally exploring the impact of social media use on mobilization and participatory inequality defined by gender, age, and socio-economic status. Findings This volume addresses whether social media use is more common among liberal or conservative citizens, candidates, and organizations; the level of negativity in social media discourse and the impact on attitudes; the existence of echo chambers of like-minded individuals and groups; the extent and nature of interactivity in social media; and whether social media will reinforce participation inequalities. In sum, the studies suggest that negativity and interactivity on social media are limited and mixed support for echo chambers. While social media mobilizes citizens, these citizens are those who already pre-disposed to engage in civic and political life. Originality/value This paper explores key topics in social media research drawing upon 60 recently published studies. Most of the studies are published in 2015 and 2016, providing a contemporary analysis of these topics.
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Al-Ariqi, Iftikhar Yusuf Abdulmoghni Saeed, and Mir Mohsin. "The Milieu of English Learning in Conflictaffected Zones: An Analytical Study on Yemeni Undergraduate Learners." International Journal of English Learning & Teaching Skills 5, no. 4 (July 3, 2023): 3509–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15864/ijelts.5408.
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Despite that the international community agrees on the importance of education as an important tool for the emotional, physical and social stability of its members, education falls victim to the humanitarian crises across the globe. Due to instability and political unrest in conflict areas, accessing education becomes a dream for local young people residing in such places. It is agreed that war prevents students from their simplest right of pursuing education. It foils governments from functioning, teachers and students often flee their homes, and continuity of learning is greatly disrupted (UNICEF, 2021). Conflicts cause damage of schools, absence of teachers and students, delays in or even cancellation of the opening of the academic year. In the case of Yemen, Arab country located at the southwest of Middle East, war has killed tens of thousands, forced 4 million to flee and pushed the country to the rim of famine (Xinhua, 2022). In worst cases, students have to drop out of school and migrate to escape ongoing conflicts. Some of the students in such areas have become internally displaced, refugees or even fighters. For these harsh conditions, the schools and universities remain tremendously far-fetched. Education in conflict-affected areas has always been given a very low priority in humanitarian aid by organizations. Yemen, as a conflict-ridden area since 2015, has sunken into an unmerciful war which creates not only different security problems for Yemeni learners to carry on their regular formal learning, but also a number of economic and socio-cultural barriers as a result of instability in the area. Yemen's status before war as a "failed State" has merged with war to create critical lasting challenges (Cordesman, 2017). Yemen has been facing widespread corruption, diminishing resources, very high unemployment, poverty, political partitions, and recurrent conflict even before war (Kendall, 2020). During war, Yemeni people have found themselves in a fragmented country with a distorted economy, its social unity torn apart and narrow paths forward – often to the theatre of war and distress (Al-Jeddawy, 2022). War has been currently taking a huge psychological and material trauma on Yemeni young students as their schools and universities are being deliberately under attack (Qasem, 2017). The country is in keen need to sustain peace and face Yemen's economic and progress ch allenges which is possible only through education, research, and effective mobilization of human and natural resources in the country (Zakham, Vapalahti, Lashuel, 2020). This study is an attempt to explore the context of English learning at universities. It tries to investigate the challenges faced by undergraduate students to carry on their education in conflict zones. It seeks to understand the effect of civil conflict on the progress of higher education to suggest an immediate remedy to the adequate design of policies geared towards those individuals who have been affected by violence and faced by many obstacles. The possible significance of this study is threefold. First, the study will endeavor to reveal the setting of higher education in the English departments in the conflict zone, Yemen. Second, the study will disclose the intricacies that are involved in augmenting performance of learners in conflict zones and suggest some points to be followed in order to upgrade the current higher education system. Third, the study will provide recommendations to government, disputed parties and even international community for rescuing the future of young people.
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Vorontsov, Vladimir Stepanovich, and Denis Arkadievich Chernienko. "INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN THE REPUBLICS OF MARI EL, MORDOVIA AND UDMURTIA IN THE ASSESSMENTS OF EXPERTS." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 16, no. 4 (December 26, 2022): 618–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2022-16-4-618-627.
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The article presents some results of an expert survey conducted in 2021 in the framework of a scientific research project entitled "The Ethnic Factor in the Socio-Political Life of Russia's Regions: from Ethno-political Mobilization to Civic Integration (Republics of Bashkortostan, Mari El, Mordovia, Udmurtia and Chuvashia)". The materials received enabled to analyse the opinions of experts - specialists in the field of national and youth policy regarding the role and significance of the ethnic factor in contemporary socio-political processes, assessments of the interethnic situation and proposed measures for strengthening ethno-political stability. The relevance of the study during this period was related to two important national campaigns - elections to the State Duma of the Russian Federation and the All-Russian Population Census. To some extent, the coronavirus pandemic and related socio-economic crises may have affected the state of ethno-confessional relations. In addition, contemporary Russia is influenced by a number of unfavourable external factors that can affect the situation in the regions and generate tensions in the system of ethno-political system of ethno-political relations. An analysis based on expert opinion shows that the Finno-Ugric republics in the Volga federal district present a model of longstanding stability in interethnic relations and relative non-conflict, even though they experience the same difficulties as other Russian regions, often with greater economic potential and higher levels of social development. Therefore, the model of conflict-free, sustainable social development in the Finno-Ugric republics requires further systemic analysis. On the whole, the results obtained indicate the current dominance of regional socio-economic problems over inter-ethnic contradictions.
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Ahmad, Mumtaz. "Toward Explaining Communal and Ethnonational Resurgence and Separatism." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 1 (April 1, 1992): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i1.2595.
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Liberalism and the Quest for Islamic Identity in the Philippines, by KennethE. Bauzon. Published by the Acorn Press, Durham, NC, in association withDuke University Islamic and Arabian Development Studies, 1991, pp. xx + 219.Ethnicity, Pluralism and the State in the Middle East, edited by Milton J. Esmanand Itamar Rabinovich. Published by Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London,1988, pp. viii + 296.Ethno-National Movements of Pakistan, by Tahir Amin. Published by Instituteof Policy Studies, Islamabad, Pakistan, 1988, pp. xxix + 285.Most of the scholarly writings on Muslim minorities have focused on thesocioeconomic and political issues and religious concerns that tend to dividethese minorities from the mainstream of their respective societies. Particularemphasis is often given to the religious nature of the conflict between the Muslimminority and the non-Muslim majority communities, especially as it relatesto the pracesses of socioeconomic change and modernization in the larger society.This conflict is also explained in terms of integration versus separatism,universalism versus particularism, and secularism versus communalism.Theorists of the civil society persuasion have looked at the politics of minorityunrest as essentially a product of socioeconomic changes brought about bythe processes of modernization, including social mobilization, and the expansionof education and mass communication. Hence, according to this perspective,ethnic and religious particularism in postcolonial societies is a necessaryconcomitant of modernity. The statist view, on the other hand, regards thepolitics of religious and ethnic separatism as a function of public policies.Nothing is predetermined and inevitable; public policies can restructure andreshape the environment within which communal and ethnonational movementscan either flourish or disappear ...
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Slyuschynskyi, Bogdan. "Aspects of aocio-cultural transformation of the modern community of Ukrainian Azov region." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: Philosophy, culture studies, sociology 10, no. 20 (2020): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-20-125-130.
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The article is devoted to the analysis and research of the current state of the community of the Ukrainian Azov region, which today is in a very tense situation due to hostilities in eastern Ukraine, and the Azov region in this case is a frontline territory. In addition, in any society there are continuous changes, which are caused by many factors. As you know, only three generations coexist together, which are already different from each other. Each generation receives its own level of culture, which comes to them from the period of life and state of society that surrounds them at the time of their birth and the beginning of their perception of the natural and social environment. Conflicts, that took place during the years of development of the Ukrainian state system and now in the period of settlement conflict and development of the world on East of Ukraine, that envisages a search and being of successful combination of interests, resources and their mobilization that can and must provide the protracted world, influence on socio-cultural transformation of modern society. Supposition is pulled out in research, that strengthening of possibilities of civil society on a way to the settlement of conflict on East of Ukraine it maybe to attain by means of dialogue and consolidation of civil organizations, and also leveling of forces, that harm peaceful. The article is conditioned by the search of methodological ways that would answer the requirements of time and newest realities of cultural development of modern Ukrainian society of the East region of Ukraine modern sociology. In fact problem of socio-cultural transformation of society during aspiring to acquisition the European standards them important enough. Today in this world there are different crisis situations and enormous changes that touch absolutely all spheres of human existence. Them not it maybe not to notice, but no longer to react those. Many scientists of contemporaneity try to investigate and analyze those changes that today take place not only in Ukraine but in the world in оn the whole. The aim of the article consists in the scalene review of modern problem of Ukrainian society, that is caused by socio-cultural transformation, integration influences of the European countries and different political, economic factors and crisis phenomena that today take place in the world and affects public relations of the Azov region.