Academic literature on the topic 'Civil conflict and political mobilization'
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Journal articles on the topic "Civil conflict and political mobilization"
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Kreft, Anne-Kathrin. "Responding to sexual violence: Women’s mobilization in war." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 220–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318800361.
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Gender scholars show that women in situations of civil war have an impressive record of agency in the social and political spheres. Civilian women’s political mobilization during conflict includes active involvement in civil society organizations, such as nongovernmental organizations or social movements, and public articulation of grievances – in political protest, for example. Existing explanations of women’s political mobilization during conflict emphasize the role of demographic imbalances opening up spaces for women. This article proposes a complementary driving factor: women mobilize politically in response to the collective threat that conflict-related sexual violence constitutes to women as a group. Coming to understand sexual violence as a violent manifestation of a patriarchal culture and gender inequalities, women mobilize in response to this violence and around a broader range of women’s issues with the goal of transforming sociopolitical conditions. A case study of Colombia drawing on qualitative interviews illustrates the causal mechanism of collective threat framing in women’s collective mobilization around conflict-related sexual violence. Cross-national statistical analyses lend support to the macro-level implications of the theoretical framework and reveal a positive association between high prevalence of conflict-related rape on the one hand and women’s protest activity and linkages to international women’s nongovernmental organizations on the other.
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Malone, Iris. "Economic shocks and militant formation." Research & Politics 9, no. 2 (April 2022): 205316802210914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20531680221091436.
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A prominent debate in the civil war literature asks whether commodity price shocks incentivize fighting, but existing analyses find inconsistent results. This paper shows these results arise, in part, because research conflates the decision to form a militant campaign with the start of civil conflict. Using original data on 973 militant groups, I sequentially disaggregate between civil conflict onset and the earlier stage of militant mobilization. I use fixed effect regression methods to test for indirect and interaction effects that could obscure the shock-civil conflict relationship. First, I estimate the effect of export commodity price shocks on mobilization onset. Second, I re-examine the shock-civil conflict relationship conditioning on the number of militant groups mobilizing at the time of the shock. The results show economic shocks indirectly increase the risk of civil conflict by driving militant formation. Disaggregating these stages of militant activity advances research about two-stage conflict processes as well as the indirect causes of violence.
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von Uexkull, Nina, Mihai Croicu, Hanne Fjelde, and Halvard Buhaug. "Civil conflict sensitivity to growing-season drought." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 44 (October 17, 2016): 12391–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1607542113.
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To date, the research community has failed to reach a consensus on the nature and significance of the relationship between climate variability and armed conflict. We argue that progress has been hampered by insufficient attention paid to the context in which droughts and other climatic extremes may increase the risk of violent mobilization. Addressing this shortcoming, this study presents an actor-oriented analysis of the drought–conflict relationship, focusing specifically on politically relevant ethnic groups and their sensitivity to growing-season drought under various political and socioeconomic contexts. To this end, we draw on new conflict event data that cover Asia and Africa, 1989–2014, updated spatial ethnic settlement data, and remote sensing data on agricultural land use. Our procedure allows quantifying, for each ethnic group, drought conditions during the growing season of the locally dominant crop. A comprehensive set of multilevel mixed effects models that account for the groups’ livelihood, economic, and political vulnerabilities reveals that a drought under most conditions has little effect on the short-term risk that a group challenges the state by military means. However, for agriculturally dependent groups as well as politically excluded groups in very poor countries, a local drought is found to increase the likelihood of sustained violence. We interpret this as evidence of the reciprocal relationship between drought and conflict, whereby each phenomenon makes a group more vulnerable to the other.
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Bormann, Nils-Christian, Lars-Erik Cederman, and Manuel Vogt. "Language, Religion, and Ethnic Civil War." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 4 (July 10, 2016): 744–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715600755.
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Are certain ethnic cleavages more conflict-prone than others? While only few scholars focus on the contents of ethnicity, most of those who do argue that political violence is more likely to occur along religious divisions than linguistic ones. We challenge this claim by analyzing the path from linguistic differences to ethnic civil war along three theoretical steps: (1) the perception of grievances by group members, (2) rebel mobilization, and (3) government accommodation of rebel demands. Our argument is tested with a new data set of ethnic cleavages that records multiple linguistic and religious segments for ethnic groups from 1946 to 2009. Adopting a relational perspective, we assess ethnic differences between potential challengers and the politically dominant group in each country. Our findings indicate that intrastate conflict is more likely within linguistic dyads than among religious ones. Moreover, we find no support for the thesis that Muslim groups are particularly conflict-prone.
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Rebrina, Larisa. "Conflict mobilization communities in social media as a soft power tool: problematization environmental risks." E3S Web of Conferences 311 (2021): 04005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202131104005.
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The object of the study is the protest communication practices of conflict mobilization in 2012-2021 by environmental communities in Russian-language social networks. Civil society is a significant actor in environmental policy. Social media as a soft power tool plays an important role today in informing, educating society about the environment and shaping a protesting regional environmental agenda. The system-communicative approach explores the patterns of discursive problematisation of environmental risks within the framework of civic political participation. Authors describe the types of publications constituting the content of environmental mobilization communities; analyse thematic dominants to identify frequent environmental threats constructed by the addressants of the publications; identify and systematise the strategies, tactics and relevant language tools used to problematise fragments of environmental reality; examine regular means of creating and maintaining online solidarity in environmental communities of conflict mobilization.
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Aswar, Hasbi, Danial Bin Mohd. Yusof, and Rohana Binti Abdul Hamid. "Conflict Between Hizb Ut-Tahrir And Islamic Civil Society In Indonesia:A Countermovement Approach." Al-Adalah: Jurnal Hukum dan Politik Islam 5, no. 2 (July 30, 2020): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35673/ajmpi.v5i2.892.
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In a social movement study, countermovement emerges when certain movement is considered to bring threat to the status quo or the current political and social condition. Social movement seeks for changing the existing situation while the countermovement pursues to keep it. As a result, the conflict between two becomes inevitable, where both will compete to win over the other. The existence of Hizb ut-Tahrir in Indonesia (HTI) for years is responded by some Islamic groups especially Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and its allies, as threat to the Indonesian life due to the idea brought by HTI. It becomes the root of conflict between HTI and other Islamic groups in Indonesia. This article aims to explain the conflict between HTI and other Islamic groups by elaborating the effort of the Islamic groups to counter the HTI narratives and mobilization by using countermovement approach in social movement studies. This article is a case study research and using mainly secondary data to analyze the issue. This article found that Nahdlatul Ulama as the main countermovement played significant role to counter Hizb ut-Tahrir`s religious and political narratives as well as its political mobilization.
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Salehyan, Idean. "Transnational Rebels: Neighboring States as Sanctuary for Rebel Groups." World Politics 59, no. 2 (January 2007): 217–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2007.0024.
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To what extent do international factors affect domestic conflict processes? How do external conditions affect the state's repressive capabilities and the opportunities for opposition groups to mobilize, launch an insurgency, and sustain it? This article argues that because state strength is limited by international boundaries, rebel groups often organize transnationally in order to evade repression. External bases, refugee communities, and characteristics of neighboring states are expected to increase the likelihood of civil war onset and continuation. Importantly, external mobilization is difficult for states to monitor and verify, a factor that exacerbates bargaining problems and increases the probability of armed conflict. These claims are tested through a quantitative analysis of civil conflicts from 1951 to 1999. Results suggest that weak neighbors, rival neighbors, and refugee diasporas contribute to rebellion and that conflicts endure longer when rebels have access to external bases.
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Clark, Janine A., and Bassel F. Salloukh. "ELITE STRATEGIES, CIVIL SOCIETY, AND SECTARIAN IDENTITIES IN POSTWAR LEBANON." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 731–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000883.
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AbstractThis article explains the endurance of sectarian identities and modes of political mobilization in Lebanon after the civil war. This is done by examining three case studies that demonstrate a recursive relation between sectarian elites and civil society actors: on one side of this relation, sectarian elites pursue their political and socioeconomic interests at the expense of civil society organizations (CSOs); on the other side, civil society actors instrumentalize the sectarian political system and its resources to advance their own organizational or personal advantage. These mutually reinforcing dynamics enable sectarian elites to penetrate, besiege, or co-opt CSOs as well as to extend their clientelist networks to CSOs that should otherwise lead the effort to establish cross-sectarian ties and modes of political mobilization or that expressly seek to challenge the sectarian system. The article fills a gap in the literature on sectarianism in postwar Lebanon and helps explain a puzzle identified by Ashutosh Varshney in the theoretical debate on ethnic conflict, namely the reasons behind the “stickiness” of historically constructed ethnic identities.
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Armand, Alex, Alexander Coutts, Pedro C. Vicente, and Inês Vilela. "Does Information Break the Political Resource Curse? Experimental Evidence from Mozambique." American Economic Review 110, no. 11 (November 1, 2020): 3431–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20190842.
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Natural resources can have a negative impact on the economy through corruption and civil conflict. This paper tests whether information can counteract this political resource curse. We implement a large-scale field experiment following the dissemination of information about a substantial natural gas discovery in Mozambique. We measure outcomes related to the behavior of citizens and local leaders through georeferenced conflict data, behavioral activities, lab-in-the-field experiments, and surveys. We find that information targeting citizens and their involvement in public deliberations increases local mobilization and decreases violence. By contrast, when information reaches only local leaders, it increases elite capture and rent-seeking. (JEL C73, D72, D74, O13, O17, Q33, Q34)
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Krtsch, Roman. "The Tactical Use of Civil Resistance by Rebel Groups: Evidence from India’s Maoist Insurgency." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 7-8 (February 23, 2021): 1251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002721995547.
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Research on rebel behavior during conflicts has traditionally focused on the use of violent tactics. However, evidence from several intrastate wars suggests that armed groups also occasionally employ general strikes—a method of civil resistance that has typically been associated with nonviolent groups. But when do rebels resort to general strikes? I argue that these tactics have a particular function which can offset potential risks for rebels after they have suffered losses in previous battles: Through general strikes, rebels signal sustained authority to the local population. The argument is tested for districts in Eastern India using newly compiled, disaggregated data on contentious action during the Maoist conflict. The paper contributes to a burgeoning literature on wartime civilian activism in two ways: First, it shows that armed groups themselves rely situationally on civilian mobilization. Second, it investigates the effect of conditions endogenous to the conflict on these tactical choices.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Civil conflict and political mobilization"
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Linebarger, Christopher. "International Learning and the Diffusion of Civil Conflict." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699990/.
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Why does civil conflict spread from country to country? Existing research relies primarily on explanations of rebel mobilization tied to geographic proximity to explain this phenomenon. However, this approach is unable to explain why civil conflict appears to spread across great geographic distances, and also neglects the government’s role in conflict. To explain this phenomenon, this dissertation formulates an informational theory in which individuals contemplating rebellion against their government, or “proto-rebels,” observe the success and failure of rebels throughout the international system. In doing so, proto-rebels and governments learn whether rebellion will be fruitful, which is then manifested in the timing of rebellion and repression. The core of the dissertation is composed of three essays. The first exhorts scholars of the international spread of civil violence to directly measure proto-rebel mobilization. I show that such mobilization is associated with conflicts across the entire international system, while the escalation to actual armed conflict is associated with regional conflicts. The second chapter theorizes that proto-rebels learn from successful rebellions across the international system. This relationship applies globally, although it is attenuated by cultural and regime-type similarity. Finally, the third chapter theorizes that governments are aware of this process and engage in repression in order to thwart it. I further argue that this repression is, in part, a function of the threat posed by those regimes founded by rebels.
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Pepe, Armando. "Conflit civil dans le Midi de l’Italie à l'aube du Risorgimento : le cas de la Terre de Labour (1806-1825)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Grenoble Alpes, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024GRALH017.
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La thèse de doctorat d'Armando Pepe s’intitule « Conflit civil dans le sud de l’Italie à l’aube du Risorgimento : le cas de la Terre de Labour (1806-1825) » et vise à enquêter sur la lutte contre le brigandage tant à l’époque napoléonienne, pendant la Décennie française, qu’au cours de la première Restauration Bourbon.En ce qui concerne la période napoléonienne, apparaissent de nombreux brigands, certains connus, comme Fra’ Diavolo, d’autres moins connus sinon inconnus, comme Vincenzo Matera, de Viticuso, les cousins Saltarelli, de Castelforte, et les frères Giannantonio, originaires de Guardiaregia, dans le Comté du Molise, mais fortement opérationnels des deux côtés des montagnes du Matese.Aux brigands s’opposèrent des hommes tenaces, comme le capitaine Antonio Acciaioli, commandant des gardes civiques provinciales du district de Venafro, tué dans une embuscade avec seize gardes par Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta et d’autres brigands.De nombreux soldats d’origine corse participèrent activement à la lutte contre le brigandage, dont le major Natale Amici, engagé dans les zones montagneuses de la Terre de Labour, notamment dans la chaîne des Mainarde.Les journaux de guerre de 1806 du général français Antoine Girardon, restitués pour la première fois en transcription, constituent la suite de ceux, datant de 1799, déjà publiés par Critelli et Segarini. Le général Girardon contracta le paludisme dans les marais de Minturno et mourut en 1806.On voit explicitement dans la thèse le rôle joué par l’Armée française dans la lutte contre le brigandage et les directives données par le ministre Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, qui a suivi la situation au quotidien.Non moins intéressantes sont les initiatives prises après le retour de la dynastie des Bourbons sur le trône pour réprimer le brigandage, notamment dans les zones frontalières avec l’État pontifical, où opérait la bande de Michele Macaro, connu sous le nom de « Mezzapenta ».La thèse se déroule en six chapitres en plus des conclusions.Par commodité, la division en chapitres est rapportée : 1) Chapitre I, Le Royaume de Naples entre la Révolution et la Restauration (1799-1825) ; 2) Chapitre II, Brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission Militaire de Castellone (Nord de la Terre de Labour, 1806) ; 3) Chapitre III, Les actions de brigandage de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (Sud de la Terre de Labour, 1807-1810) ; 4) Chapitre IV, Une tentative de coordination entre États : extraditions de brigands et enjeux diplomatiques avec l’État pontifical et avec le Premier Empire français (1806-1811) ; 5) Chapitre V, Les bandes de brigands de l’époque napoléonienne dans la zone de juridiction de la Commission militaire de Capoue (1807-1810) ; 6) Chapitre VI, Le brigandage pendant la deuxième Restauration des Bourbons (1815-1825).Viennent ensuite les conclusions. La thèse est accompagnée de cinq cartes géographiques, de 215 annexes, presque toutes inédites, et d’index des noms de personnes et de lieuxArmando Pepe’s doctoral thesis is entitled «Civil conflict in Southern Italy at the dawn of the Risorgimento: the case of Terra di Lavoro (1806-1825)» and aims to investigate the fight against brigandage both in Napoleonic, during the French Decade, and during the first Bourbon Restoration.As regards the Napoleonic period, numerous brigands appear, some known, such as Fra’ Diavolo, others less known if not unknown, such as Vincenzo Matera, from Viticuso, the Saltarelli cousins, from Castelforte, and the Giannantonio brothers, from Guardiaregia, in Molise earldom, but strongly operational on both sides of the Matese mountains.The brigands were opposed by tenacious men, such as Captain Antonio Acciaioli, commander of the provincial civic guards of the Venafro district, killed in an ambush together with sixteen guards by Vincenzo Matera, Benedetto Panetta and other brigands.Many soldiers of Corsican origin actively participated in the fight against banditry, including Major Natale Amici, who were engaged in the mountainous areas of Terra di Lavoro, especially in the Mainarde chain.The war diaries of 1806 of the French general Antoine Girardon are returned in transcription for the first time, which constitute the sequel to those, dating back to 1799, already published by Critelli and Segarini. General Girardon contracted malaria in the Minturno marshes and died in 1806.We can explicitly see the role played by the French army in combating brigandage and the directives given by the minister Antoine-Christophe Saliceti, who monitored the situation daily.No less interesting are the initiatives taken upon the return of the Bourbon dynasty to the throne to repress brigandage, particularly in the border areas with the Papal State, where the group of Michele Macaro, known as «Mezzapenta», operated.The thesis is divided into six chapters in addition to the conclusions.For convenience, the division into chapters is reported: 1) Chapter I, the Kingdom of Naples between the Revolution and the Restoration (1799-1825); 2) Chapter II, Brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Castellone (North of Terra di Lavoro, 1806); 3) Chapter III, The brigandage actions of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (South of Terra di Lavoro, 1807-1810); 4) Chapter IV, An attempt at coordination between states: extraditions of brigands and diplomatic issues with the Papal State and with the First French Empire (1806-1811); 5) Chapter V, The groups of brigands of the Napoleonic era in the area of jurisdiction of the Military Commission of Capua (1807-1810); 6) Chapter VI, Brigandage during the second Bourbon Restoration (1815-1825).Then the Conclusions follow. The thesis is accompanied by geographical maps, 215 appendices, almost all unpublished, and indexes of places and names of person
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Grewal, Ramneek. "Transnational advocacy networks : the case of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9707.
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The purpose of this study is to ascertain and explain the effectiveness of Roma political activism in contesting state oppression in Macedonia and Serbia. More specifically, this thesis seeks to investigate the divergent treatment of Roma communities in the respective states by analyzing the role of state institutions, civil society, political parties and international organizations. The thesis seeks to provide a multi-level analysis of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia by addressing the domestic and international factors that influence Roma political activism, and relies on two main theoretical concepts within the social movement literature: the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model and 'transnational advocacy networks.' The POS model is a comprehensive framework to assess if Roma political activism has been effective in Macedonia and Serbia. This study uses the following components to describe the domestic factors that may facilitate or constrain Romani activism in the respective states: state repression and/or facilitation, institutional access, influential domestic and international allies. This thesis attempts to provide a detailed analysis of movement dynamics by taking into account the inter-relationship between actors and contesting groups. The limitations of the domestic opportunity structure regarding Roma advocacy in Macedonia and Serbia are outlined by describing the political context concerning minority inclusion, institutional mechanisms, and NGO/political party activities. As domestic opportunity structures are 'closed,' Roma activists and NGOs seek international allies to influence and change domestic policy on Roma inclusion. This study, while recognizing the importance of other international initiatives, specifically focuses on various institutions of the European Union as the main international actor influencing Roma inclusion policies in Eastern Europe. The thesis outlines the main EU initiatives on Roma inclusion to provide an overview of the opportunities and challenges in the international arena. Furthermore, it analyzes the interaction between international and civil society organizations assessing the effectiveness of the 'transnational advocacy networks.' Finally, the thesis provides a comparative analysis of Roma political activism in Macedonia and Serbia, indicating coordinated action has not been successful.
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Nedrebo, Oystein. "Transnational dimensions of civil conflict severity." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2123.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In an otherwise broad literature on civil conflict little attention has so far been paid to actual conflict violence and variation in severity. Existing work is also hampered by a reliance on a ‘closed polity’ model of the state, leading to disregard of the transnational dimensions of internal conflict, and by a dependence on over‐aggregated data. The present inquiry expands on the existing explanatory framework for variation in civil conflict severity by including transnational factors and characteristics of sub‐national actors. Data on conflict battle deaths are combined with recently available data on transnational ethnic linkages, transnational support and neighbouring conflict as well as other actor and country characteristics. Results from ordinary least squares regression analysis indicate that support for rebel groups from external non‐state actors increase conflict severity, while rebel presence in other states is associated with less severe conflicts. In addition, severity increases with duration but with a diminishing marginal return. Internal armed conflicts are less severe in democratic and ethnically polarised countries but rebel territorial control increases the level of violence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die andersins omvangryke literatuur oor burgerlike konflik is daar tot op hede min aandag geskenk aan werklike konflikgeweld en variasie in felheid (vernietigende omvang). Bestaande werk word ook belemmer omdat dit staat maak op ’n model van die staat as ‘geslote regering’, wat lei tot verontagsaming van die transnasionale dimensies van interne konflik, en staat maak op oor‐geaggregeerde data. Hierdie ondersoek brei uit op die bestaande verklarende raamwerk vir variasie in felheid van burgerlike konflik deur transnasionale faktore en eienskappe van subnasionale deelnemers in te sluit. Data oor konflikgevegsterftes is gekombineer met onlangse data oor transnasionale etniese koppelings, transnasionale steun en naburige konflik, sowel as ander deelnemer‐ en landeienskappe. Resultate van gewone kleinstekwadrate‐regressie‐analise dui daarop dat steun aan rebellegroepe deur eksterne nie‐staatsdeelnemers konflikfelheid laat toeneem, terwyl rebelleteenwoordigheid in ander lande geassosieer word met minder fel konflikte. Felheid neem ook toe saam met duur maar met ’n afnemende marginale opbrengs. Interne gewapende konflikte is minder fel in demokratiese en etnies gepolariseerde lande, maar rebellebeheer oor grondgebied verhoog die vlak van geweld.
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England, Martha Elizabeth. "Ethnic Conflict and Contemporary Social Mobilization: Exploring Motivation and Political Action in the Sri Lankan Diaspora." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/35026.
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Members of the diaspora are conflict actors with an agency that is important to include in conflict theories and analysis of international relationships. Scholarship suggests its origins, and thereafter changes in the conflict cycle effect decision-making and mobilization in the diaspora, but the conditions and mechanisms that inform these processes are undertherorized. The Sri Lankan conflict and its Toronto based diasporas are used to explore processes of diasporization and mobilization in the context a changed political landscape. A series of semi-structured interviews and a short survey asks respondents to assess their motivations for mobilization. The comparative work is within and between ethnic groups. New Institutionalism underscores this project. Butler’s (2001) epistemology, Brinkerhoff’s (2005) identity-mobilization framework, the political process model and insights from the New Social Movement literature are used to situate politicized identities and political activism directed toward the homeland. Attention is paid to factor processes.
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Thyne, Clayton Lynn. "Cheap Signals, Costly Consequences: How International Relations Affect Civil Conflict." Diss., University of Iowa, 2007. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/144.
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Given the appalling consequences of civil wars, why are the competing actors within a state unable to come to a settlement to avoid the costs of conflict? How might external parties affect the likelihood that a civil war begins? How do their actions affect the duration and outcome of civil conflicts that are already underway? This project draws on three main approaches--bargaining theory, signaling theory, and rational expectations--to examine how external actors might affect the onset, duration and outcome of civil wars.
Signals from external actors are important because they represent a potential increase (or decrease) in fighting capabilities for the government or the opposition if a war were to begin. Costly signals should not affect the probability of civil war onset because they are readily observable ex ante, which allows the government and opposition to peacefully adjust their bargaining positions based on changes in relative capabilities. In contrast, cheap hostile signals make civil war more likely by increasing the risk that an opposition group overestimates its ability to stage a successful rebellion with external support. Cheap supportive signals work in the opposite manner because they represent increased fighting capabilities for the government.
Furthermore, signals sent in the pre-war period have important implications for the duration and outcome of civil conflicts because competing intrastate actors develop expectations for future interventions prior to deciding to fight. Expected interventions should have little consequence for the duration and outcome of the conflict because they are endogenous to the pre-war bargaining positions. In contrast, unexpected interventions should drastically reduce the fighting time as one side finds itself far weaker than expected when the war began.
This theory is tested by examining the likelihood of civil war onset, the duration and the outcome of all civil wars since 1945. Empirical tests provide strong support for each component of this theory. I conclude by offering specific advice to US policy-makers to prevent the outbreak of civil conflict in states most at-risk for civil war, and to help end those that are currently underway.
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Krusell, Joshua. "Executive Constraints and Civil Conflict Onset." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-420328.
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Do institutional constraints on a regime's executive decrease the likelihood of civil conflict onset? An unconstrained executive is free to loot state resources undermining the state's capacity to effectively deal with nascent rebellions, and may be more likely to engage in violent repression, especially in the form of indiscriminate violence. This can encourage political grievances, lead to a loss of legitimacy for the regime, and provide the opportunity for would be rebel groups to attract new members by offering protection against government violence. Furthermore, the lack of guaranteed checks to executive power may incentivise actors to avoid bargained solutions if they fear future extralegal retributions. Taken together, where there is a lack of effective constraints against the executive there may be an increased risk for the onset of civil conflict. To test this proposition I employ a bayesian latent variable model which estimates executive constraint as a latent factor derived from several manifest variables and relate it to a binary measure of civil conflict onset through a logistic regression. The primary finding is that there is a negative relationship such that the predicted probability for civil conflict is lower where there exists higher levels of executive constraints. However, this is conditional on the level of GDP per capita; for low-income country-years the relationship between executive constraints and civil conflict onset is indeterminate possibly because it is easier to recruit and mobilize fighters in such settings regardless of the overall level of executive constraints. The model, however, is a poor fit to the data meaning that the presented results should be considered tentative at best. Nonetheless, this study helps to further the work on examining specific political institutions as potential risk factors for the onset of civil conflict.
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Black, Nathan Wolcott. "The spread of violent civil conflict : rare state-driven, and preventable." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/74274.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012.This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Cataloged from student-submitted PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
This dissertation advances and tests an explanation for the spread of violent civil conflict from one state to another. The fear of such "substate conflict contagion" is frequently invoked by American policymakers as a justification for military intervention in ongoing substate conflicts -- the argument these policymakers often make is that conflicts left uncontained now will spread and become a more pertinent security threat later. My State Action Explanation is that substate conflict contagion is not the sole product of nonstate factors such as transnational rebel networks and arms flows, nor of the structural factors such as poverty that make internal conflict more likely in general. Rather, at least one of three deliberate state government actions is generally required for a conflict to spread, making substate conflict contagion both less common and more state-driven -- and hence more preventable -- than is often believed. These state actions include Evangelization, the deliberate encouragement of conflict abroad by former rebel groups that have taken over their home government; Expulsion, the deliberate movement of combatants across borders by state governments in conflict; and Meddling with Overt Partiality, the deliberate interference in another state's conflict by a state government that subsequently leads to conflict in the interfering state. After introducing this State Action Explanation, I probe its empirical plausibility by identifying 84 cases of substate conflict contagion between 1946 and 2007, and showing that at least one of these three state actions was present and involved in most of these 84 cases. I then conduct two regional tests of the explanation, in Central America (1978-1996) and Southeast Asia (1959-1980). I argue that state actions appear to have been necessary for most of the contagion cases in both of these regions, and that the absence of state actions appears to best explain the cases in which conflicts did not spread.
by Nathan Wolcott Black.
Ph.D.
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Coetzee, Wouter Hugo. "The New War in Darfur : ethnic mobilization within the disintegrating state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1537.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2009.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In the context of the present conflict in Darfur, and in the years preceding it, the distinction between so-called African and Arab tribes has come to the forefront, and the tribal identity of individuals has increased in significance. These distinctions were never as clear cut and definite as they are today. The ‘Arab’ and ‘African’ distinction that was always more of a passive characteristic in the past has now become the reason for standing on different sides of the political divide. What then are the main factors which contributed to this new violent distinction between Arab and African? How is it possible for people and communities who have a positive history of cooperation and tolerance to suddenly plunge into a situation of such cruelty and hate towards one another. The thesis uses the New War framework to look at the current situation in Darfur. The most definitive version of this new framework is presented by scholars such as Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin van Creveld (1991) and Helfried Münkler (2005). The thesis then shows how the war in Darfur, exactly in line with the new war argument, has political goals with the political mobilization occurring on the basis of identity. Kaldor (2006) argues that the political goals in the new wars are about the claim to power based on seemingly traditional identities, such as Arab or African. Defining identity politics as “movements which mobilize around ethnic, racial or religious identity for the purpose of claiming state power” (Kaldor, 2006: 80), it becomes apparent that Darfur has become subject to this these kind of new war politics. The study therefore questions the popular argument that ethnic conflict arises out of an “ancient hatred” or “tribal warfare”. Chapters three and four illustrates how this new distinction between Arab and African should rather be seen as the cumulative effects of marginalization, competing economic interests and, more recently, from the political polarization which has engulfed the region. Most of the factors leading to the current Arab/African antagonism were traced to contemporary phenomena. The study also looks at factors such as loss of physical coercion on behalf of the state, loss of popular legitimacy and effective leadership, underdevelopment, poverty, inequality, and privatization of force. The study then concludes that politics of identity should more often be seen as a result of individuals, groups or politician reacting to the effects of these conditions then as the result of ethnic hatred.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die konteks van die huidige konflik in Darfur, en die jare wat dit voorafgaan, het die verskille tussen sogenaamde ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ stamme na vore gekom. So ook het die stamverband van individue kenmerkend toegeneem. Hierdie onderskeid was nooit so noukeurig afgebaken en bepalend soos wat dit vandag is nie. Die ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ onderskeid wat in die verlede meer van ’n passiewe kenmerk was, het ontaard in die rede waarom beide kante hulself vandag in ’n politieke skeiding bevind. Wat dan is die hoof faktore wat bydra tot hierdie nuwe gewelddadige onderskeid tussen ‘Afrikane’ en ‘Arabiere’? Hoe is dit moontlik vir mense en gemeenskappe met ’n positiewe geskiedenis van samewerking en verdraagsaamheid om skielik ’n toestand van soveel onmenslikheid en haat teenoor mekaar te ervaar? Die tesis maak gebruik van die Nuwe oorlog denkrigting in ’n poging om die huidige oorlog in Darfur te beskryf. Die mees bepalende weergawe van hierdie denkrigting word voorsien deur akademici soos Mary Kaldor (2006), Martin Creveld (1991) en Helfried Münkler (2005). Die tesis fokus op hoe die oorlog in Darfur (in lyn met die Nuwe Oorlog denkrigting) politieke doelwitte aan die dag lê, met die gepaardgaande politieke mobilisering wat geskied op grond van identiteit. Kaldor (2006) argumenteer dat die politieke doelwitte in die nuwe oorloë berus op die aanspraak tot mag op grond van skynbare tradisionele identiteite of stamwese, soos ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’. As ’n mens identiteitspolitiek definieër as ’n beweging wat mobiliseer rondom etnisiteit, ras of geloof, met die doel om aanspraak te maak op staatsmag, dan blyk dit of die konflik in Darfur wel onderhewig is aan hierdie nuwe vorm van Nuwe Oorlog politiek. Die studie bevraagteken dus ook die gewilde aanname dat etniese oorloë ontstaan uit ‘stamoorloë’ of ‘antieke vyandskap’. Hoofstuk drie en vier verduidelik hoekom hierdie nuwe onderskeiding tussen ‘Afrikaan’ en ‘Arabier’ eerder beskou moet word as die kumulatiewe effek van marginalisasie, kompeterende ekonomiese belange en die politieke polarisasie wat die streek in twee skeur. Meeste van die faktore wat gelei het tot die etniese polarisasie van die streek word hier beskou as kontemporêre verskynsels. Die studie kyk ook na faktore soos: die verlies van populêre legitimiteit en effektiewe leierskap, onderontwikkeling, armoede, ongelykheid en die privatisering van mag. Die studie sluit af met die gedagte dat identiteitspolitiek in Darfur beskou moet word as die uitkoms van individue, groepe of politieke leiers wat reageer op die bogenoemde omstandighede, eerder as die resultaat van ‘antieke vyandskap’ of aggresiewe ‘stamoorloë’.
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Ari, Baris. "Uncrossing the rubicon : transitions from violent civil conflict to peace." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22371/.
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What are the impediments to and stimuluses for transitions from violent civil conflict to peace? This dissertation investigates factors that influence civil conflict resolution. There are four key findings. First, democratisation reforms are likely to prompt peace talks with rebel groups. There are costs associated with recognising internal armed challengers as legitimate bargaining partners that deter governments from initiating peace talks. Democratic reform periods provide a window of opportunity for peace negotiations because factors that make institutional reform more likely also encourage peaceful resolution of conflict. The emergence of democratic institu- tions changes the state preferences by increasing the influence of the median citizen vis-`a-vis the authoritarian elite. Second, fragmented conflicts are harder to resolve because they are likely to be over a multidimensional issue space. Multiparty decision making that involves two or more salient issues are likely to have cyclic collective preferences, which render armed conflict a viable instrument for pursuing political goals. Third, involvement of the United Nations (UN) mitigates the adverse impact of conflict fragmentation over peaceful resolution. UN involvement changes the incentives and opportunities of actors to founder a possible bargain. The UN fa- cilitates a path-dependent peace process and brings institutions that induce an equilibrium by overcoming the problems that arise due to cyclic collective preferences. Finally, the military manpower supply system of a state influences its civil conflict processes. How a state recruits rank-and-file members of the military forces is a central institutional arrangement that influences the incentives and opportunities of relevant actors. Compared to all-volunteer forces (AVFs), conscription is an impediment to conflict termination because the cost some individuals incur by being subject to conscription decreases the opportunity cost of rebellion, increases grievances and insulates influential sections of the population from the cost of conflict. As a result, conflict termination becomes less likely.
Books on the topic "Civil conflict and political mobilization"
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Elisabeth, Marteu, ed. Civil organizations and protest movements in Israel: Mobilization around the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009.
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1962-, Hashmi Sohail H., ed. Islamic political ethics: Civil society, pluralism, and conflict. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2002.
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Ginty, Roger Mac. Conflict and development. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.
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Chui, Ernest Wing-tak. Social mobilization amidst social political turbulence: Pattern of social conflict in Hong Kong in the period 1980 to 1991. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1999.
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1960-, Szayna Thomas S., Winnefeld James A. 1929-, and Arroyo Center, eds. Anticipating ethnic conflict. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1997.
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Ahmed, Ali Taisier Mohamed, and Matthews Robert O, eds. Civil wars in Africa: Roots and resolution. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1999.
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Addison, Tony. Conflict in Africa: The cost of peaceful behaviour. Helsinki: United Nations University, World Institute for Development Economics Research, 2001.
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1958-, Smith Angel, ed. Red Barcelona: Social protest and labour mobilization in the twentieth century. London: Routledge, 2002.
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Addison, Tony. The fiscal dimensions of conflict and reconstruction. Helsinki: United Nations University, World Institute for Development Economics Research, 2001.
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Paris, Peter J. Blackreligious leaders: Conflict in unity. 2nd ed. Louisville, Ky: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Civil conflict and political mobilization"
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Aleef, Dastan. "Identity and Power—The Discursive Transformation of the Former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan." In Between Peace and Conflict in the East and the West, 175–93. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77489-9_9.
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AbstractThe former Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan (IRPT) underwent a political transformation from an Islamist organization, partly responsible for armed mobilizations during the Civil War in Tajikistan (1992–1997), to a moderate and arguably democratic party from the early 2000s until 2015. The party defined and redefined its identity to fit both Islamic and secular democratic narratives. This research traced the evolution of the IRPT’s identity in light of critical events such as the change in leadership in 2006, and the Arab Spring. A discourse analysis of the IRPT’s main communication channel, Najot, from 2008 to 2015 has been conducted, which found three themes where strong articulations about identity were made: secularism, the Civil War, and the Islamic World. First, they challenged the core legislation regulating the triangular relationship of state, society, and religion; they justified political Islam; and they criticized what they called “secular extremism.” Second, the party produced a counter-narrative of Civil War actors and actions to that of the state. Third, they expressed solidarity with legal and controversial Islamic parties elsewhere, such as the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, or the Palestinian Hamas. This paper has found that the IRPT’s ideological transformation was limited due to the remaining Islamist elements in their discourse and the lack of clarity on the compatibility between Islamic and secular democratic programs.
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Bernauer, Eva. "A Model of Violent Political Competition." In Identities in Civil Conflict, 109–43. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-14152-3_5.
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Restrepo Sanín, Juliana. "Colombia: Civil Conflict, Violence, and Women’s Political Participation." In The Palgrave Handbook of Women’s Political Rights, 101–14. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59074-9_7.
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Althoff, Gerd. "Political Networks in Conflict. A German Perspective." In New Perspectives on the ‘Civil Wars’ in Medieval Scandinavia, 345–69. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.cpmh-eb.5.137265.
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Østby, Gudrun. "Inequalities, the Political Environment and Civil Conflict: Evidence from 55 Developing Countries." In Horizontal Inequalities and Conflict, 136–59. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230582729_7.
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M. Pousadela, Inés. "Participation and Representation in Uruguay: Challenges for Social Mobilization in a Party-Centered Society." In Civil Society and Political Representation in Latin America (2010-2015), 167–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67801-6_9.
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Johansson, Håkan, and Gabriella Scaramuzzino. "Resources Shifting Values: Online and Offline Resources in Swedish Civil Society." In Palgrave Studies in Third Sector Research, 295–317. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-99007-7_12.
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AbstractResources have always been at the heart of civil society theorizing. While many earlier theories have focused on resources in the forms of money, people, ideas, or personnel, recent debates highlight the Internet and social media as new environments for resource mobilization. This chapter contributes to current research by comparing the human, economic, and political resources accumulated both offline and online by several social mobilization campaigns active on Swedish Facebook and Twitter; it also discusses the value of different resources and considers whether the use of social media has contributed to a devaluation of the traditional resource base of civil society in Sweden.
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Gutiérrez, José A., and Estefanía Ciro. "Tillyian process without a Tillyian effect: criminalised economies and state-building in the Colombian conflict." In State, Political Power and Criminality in Civil War, 29–55. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003394525-3.
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Maduz, Linda. "Opposition from Within? Mobilization and Organization of Civil and Political Society During Regime Change." In Contention and Regime Change in Asia, 129–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-49220-5_6.
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Vogt, Manuel. "Inside Ethnic Movements." In Mobilization and Conflict in Multiethnic States, 61–73. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190065874.003.0003.
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This chapter looks inside ethnic movements to shed light on the role of ethnic organizations as agents of collective action. It theorizes the three causal mechanisms through which ethnic organizations influence outcomes of equality or inequality, and peace or violence in multiethnic states: the “aggregating and institutionalizing,” the “power seizing,” and the “mobilizing” mechanisms. The outcomes of these mechanisms differ as a consequence of countries’ ethnic cleavage types. In segmented unranked societies, ethnic organizations exacerbate existing intergroup competition, undermining ethnic equality and increasing the risk of civil conflict. In contrast, in stratified societies, ethnic organizations assume an emancipatory function, fostering the political inclusion of historically marginalized groups and, thus, enhancing ethnic equality while promoting nonviolent contentious action.
Conference papers on the topic "Civil conflict and political mobilization"
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Karabushenko, Pavel L. "Political elites in the epoch of “warring democracies”." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.mzur7298.
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The instability of the modern world is largely due to its current state – the state of conflict between the “warring democracies”. None of the parties involved in the conflict will ever admit that it (a conflict party) is not a democracy. Therefore, the level of trust/distrust of the society in the authority institutions will depend in many ways on how successfully a country implements its democratic project. The democracies fight for the right to be considered a true democracy and for this they accuse and discredit their rivals of having a false democracy form. The elites successfully use this rivalry for their own purposes, both ideologically and geopolitically. Moreover, the very concept of “democracy” (as the sum of specific values) becomes a victim of axiological decomposition. At the same time, the democratic values themselves transform into victims of political demagogy and numerous political speculations. The political elites abuse democratic values too often, seeing them as some effective mechanism to advance their speculative goals. They use civic “charm of democracy” to achieve their goals that are sometimes undemocratic. On the contrary, the maturity of civil society always shows the qualitative level of democracy itself. Any discrepancy between ideals and the reality leads to intraspecific conflict. In the rivalry, the elites tend to use unconventional means that do not deal with the norms of democracy.
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Kilibarda, Biljana. "Global challenges and opportunities in health promotion." In Proceedings of the International Congress Public Health - Achievements and Challenges, 58–60. Institute of Public Health of Serbia "Dr Milan Jovanović Batut", 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/batutphco24022k.
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Introduction Health promotion interventions at the community and population levels are among others, crucial for tackling non-communicable diseases (NCDs) and infectious diseases, enhancing mental health, and addressing the social determinants of health and health equity. As a key aspect of public health, it is not only aimed at developing individual skills and capabilities, but also to improvement of the political, social, environmental, and economic factors of importance for public and individual health. (1) To achieve long-term change, it is of great importance that health promotion is evidence-based, integrated, sustained, and adequately address the wide-ranging challenges. The Shanghai Declaration on Promoting Health in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development emphasizes the need to address health determinants, ensure good governance, improve health literacy, create healthy cities and environments, and foster social mobilization and equity. (2) Addressing the structural determinants of health demands changes in social policies and systems to reduce poverty, improve living and working conditions, ensure equitable access to resources and services, and address societal norms and values to combat discrimination while promoting social justice. Past and Current state of Health Promotion The roles of public health, health education, and health promotion have evolved significantly over time. In the 19th century, improvements in nutrition, and hygiene contributed to better health. The introduction of vaccines in the late 19th and early 20th centuries and antibiotics in the 1930s enabled effective control of infectious diseases. Increasing awareness of the effects of risk factors on health underscored the importance of disease prevention in reducing noncommunicable diseases. The 1974 Lalonde Report (3) and the 1986 Ottawa Charter (4) marked the start of a significant era in health promotion, leading to a focus on population health. The health promotion paradigm also changed over time. The preventive paradigm is risk-focused, aiming at preventing health issues within populations and communities. It facilitates early diagnosis and access to reliable health information. On the other hand, the health-promotion paradigm emphasizes societal factors, health determinants, and the empowerment of individuals and communities, advocating for access to rights and equity. As stated in Minsk declaration, a life-course approach, focusing on health across different stages of life stress the importance of a healthy start and individuals' needs throughout their daily lives and during pivotal moments. By targeting the root causes of ill health rather than just the symptoms, it encourages early investments that can deliver significant advantages for both public health and economic outcomes. (5) The changes and challenges that the world is increasingly facing highlight the need for evidence-based health promotion utilizing the best available research, practice, and evaluation data to design, implement, and assess health promotion interventions, ensuring they are effective, efficient, and tailored to population needs. Challenges and Opportunities While advancements in science and living standards have improved longevity and reduced infectious disease rates, challenges such as pandemics, obesity, malnutrition, antimicrobial resistance, and NCDs remain significant. Such challenges remain, among other, due to of unhealthy lifestyles, growing pollution, and a focus on reactive rather than preventive medicine. Health-related behaviors, such as inadequate vaccination and low cancer screening rates, are often rooted in human behavior and impose a heavy burden on health systems and individual well-being. To effectively address them, the cultural contexts in which they occur, and the engagement of those affected are needed as well as application of models, and methods from behavioral and cultural sciences. Challenges also include the effects of global disruptions like climate change, armed conflicts, irresponsible business practices, corruption, and unsustainable production on health. These events highlight the critical importance of strong health systems and further strengthening of health promotion focus on promoting overall well-being, not just treating diseases. One of the opportunities for health promotions is people's increased awareness of their rights and responsibilities. Citizen participation in social mobilization can be a powerful tool to shape sustainable development policies and shall play an important role in health promotion. Social movements are gaining momentum worldwide. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines social participation as the empowerment of individuals, communities, and civil society by ensuring inclusive involvement in decision-making across all stages of policy development and at every level of the health system. Building upon previous intergovernmental agreements at the Seventy-seventh World Health Assembly, Member States endorsed a resolution aimed at establishment, enhancing, and sustaining meaningful social participation in health-related decision-making processes. Another, still persisting challenge is achieving effective intersectoral action for health, as it demands political will, coordinated efforts, and structures to support cross-sectoral policy development and implementation. A 'Health in All Policies' (HiAP) approach promotes intersectoral collaboration across government and society, advocating for new working models, including effective intersectoral structures, participatory processes, and partnerships. However, HiAP has been fully implemented in only a few countries, and many countries lack the necessary intersectoral policy systems and structures. Sustainable financing is essential for health promotion, as consistent funding is needed to maintain efforts over time. According to a study by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), less than 3% of total healthcare expenditure is usually allocated to prevention and health promotion, with spending often decreasing significantly during economic recessions. (6) Future Directions in Health Promotion Global health concerns will change in the future, and health promotion will need to continuously adapt to the social and political changes such as globalization, emergencies, wars, economic crises, and periods of growth. Being strategically prepared for the future boosts the ability to navigate upcoming trends and uncertainties. To assess the megatrends, driving forces, and unpredictable factors that might profoundly impact people's well-being in future, in 2020, WHO team conducted strategic foresight that provides an analysis of health-promotion system capacity models and a horizon-scanning of global trends. The key findings on the future of health promotion suggest expanding the capacity of health-promotion and call for the paradigm shifts needed to progress the agenda on planetary health, One Health and well-being. Some practices are expected to endure, as they are vital for the sustainability of future systems, but current paradigms will evolve and shift significantly. Essentially, the future health model will blend elements of medical care, preventive measures, and health promotion, along with the planetary health paradigm. (7) To effectively implement comprehensive health promotion interventions, robust infrastructures are necessary to support delivery within the health system and across various sectors. This involves developing organizational capacity and structures with a clear mandate to support intersectoral health promotion at both national and local levels. In addition, mechanisms for cross-sectoral collaboration are essential and leadership and governance must broaden their thinking and adapt quickly to handle emergencies and uncertainties. Focus should be also on adopting a visionary approach, understanding people's willingness to act, and evaluating how much bureaucracy should be challenged. (8) Conclusion Despite achievements and developments, often there's a general lack of understanding about where health promotion fits within public health and the broader health system. The complexity of contemporary health threats, which disproportionately impact the most disadvantaged, underscores the need for immediate and transformative action to achieve measurable progress. Although understanding the past is crucial, relying on it alone is insufficient for effective decision-making in a in a rapidly changing world. Being strategically prepared for the future enhance the capability to manage emerging trends and uncertainties. It is crucial for governments to create responsive health policies and programs, ensuring broad stakeholder involvement and progress toward Universal Health Coverage (UHC) without leaving anyone behind.
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"Demographic Policy of the Stalinist State in the Context of the «Compression» of Civil Society." In XII Ural Demographic Forum “Paradigms and models of demographic development”. Institute of Economics of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17059/udf-2021-1-9.
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The problem of banning induced abortion as one of the tools of Stalin’s demographic policy attracted the attention of many researchers studying the demographic history of the USSR. The bulk of historians and demographers have come to a unanimous conclusion about the harshness, ineffectiveness and harmfulness of the ban. At the same time, such a complex problem as communication between civil society and the political regime in the field of demographic dynamics is left unattended. This study reveals a latent, but still acute conflict between civil society and the political regime, disclosing the mechanism of civil society resistance to the prohibition of artificial termination. The indisputable victory of the family as the key element of civil society is demonstrated.
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Uygur, Mehmet Nazım. "The Economy-Politics Reflections of Turkey-Russian Relationship During Syria Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c08.01866.
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The Syrian civil war began with the demonstrations that took place on 15 March 2011 and spread to over the all Middle East Countries in April 2011. This conflict in Syria affected Turkish-Russia relations negatively. On the other hand, the conflict has also caused crises among other countries. The most prominent example of this is the jet crisis between Turkey and Russia. In November 2015, the Russian jet which was in violation of the border was dropped by the Turkish Air Force. For this purpose, the study aims to reveal the source of the Syrian internal conflict, the positions of the sides involved in this process and the effects of political and economic sanctions in Russia-Turkey on economic relations between the two countries. In the study, firstly the elements that triggered the emergence of the Syrian crisis were identified and then the political actions that the sides put forward were briefly examined. The economic-political relations between Turkey and Russia, which have been developing since the 1990s, have come to an end with the antagonism created by the Syrian civil war and jet crisis. The economic embargo that Russia and Turkey have imposed on each other has caused serious reductions in foreign trade volume between the two countries and in the number of tourists from Russia to Turkey.
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Sukpinij, Kunlanun, and Shoichi Ota. "The Formation Process and Accommodation Development on Mountainous Farmland of Mon Cham, Chiang Mai." In 2023 8th International Conference on Civil Engineering and Materials Science & 2023 9th International Conference on Architecture, Materials and Construction. Switzerland: Trans Tech Publications Ltd, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/p-a5gwu1.
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This research aims to study tourism and spatial development in Mon Cham, and to identify key factors that promote and control tourism development from the beginning to the present. Originally, local people had settled in this area before it was declared as a national forest reserve area. As a result, the lands have been allocated for agricultural and residential purposes to villagers under restricted law of land use. In 2009, it was promoted as an agro-tourism attraction site. The arrival of tourists caused changes of land use from agricultural purpose to various services of tourism amenities, especially the accommodation business. Currently, there are about 100 accommodation businesses which were built in this area forming the remarkable landscape of over a hundred white dots of tents on the green cultivating hill. The analysis on development and patterns of spatial usage is presented by mapping and typological methods, using data from literature reviews, interviews, aerial photos, official news reports, and observation surveys to describe land use and related factors which were impacted to tourism development, including physical, political, economic, and social environments from the beginning of tourism development. The research found that the physical environment of nature and cultivating land were the origin of potential in tourism development. The related Acts affected interruption and control of tourism development, while Gazette No.2/2562 was interpreted as the promotion of tourism development. The conflict caused by the mentioned Acts and Gazette led to suspension of newly built accommodations in 2020.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Shtraikher, Olena, and Mariana Shkoliar. "The context of war in sociological interpretations of the phenomenon of volunteering in Ukraine." In Sociology – Social Work and Social Welfare: Regulation of Social Problems. Видавець ФОП Марченко Т.В., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sosrsw2023.091.
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Background: Volunteering is a widespread practice in the world and in Ukraine in particular, an integral component of any civil society and a factor contributing to its development. The growing role and importance of volunteer structures in modern Ukrainian society, especially given the urgent need to consolidate efforts in the fight against the Russian aggressor not only on the military, but also on the social, cultural, economic, political, informational, international and other frontlines, activates the interest to this phenomenon of scholars in various fields, including sociologists. Purpose: determination of the specificity of understanding the phenomenon of volunteering in modern Ukraine in the national sociological discourse. Methods: methods of theoretical scientific research, in particular – analysis of documents, works of scholars related to research issues, secondary analysis of sociological research. Results: In the sociological scientific discourse, there are different interpretations of the phenomenon of volunteerism and the essence of the volunteer movement in the context of Ukrainian realities. Among the dominant trends, we can highlight the interpretation of volunteering as a means of regulating social problems, which is especially relevant during the Russian military invasion of Ukraine, when state institutions proved unable to respond to numerous social challenges provoked by Russian aggression, starting in 2014. Another line of research is focusing on volunteering as a social activity that has its own motives, social effects, types, forms of manifestation, objective patterns of functioning, etc. Taking into account the current situation in Ukraine, the definition of volunteering as a voluntary activity of citizens or public associations, directly or indirectly related to helping the civilian population, displaced persons and military personnel affected by the military conflict, dominates today among Ukrainian sociologists. Ukraine is on the way to the formation of a civil society, which gives rise to a view of volunteering from the perspective of its benefit to society to a greater extent than the interpretation of the essence of volunteering through the personal dimension of the activities and values of its participants. Conclusion: The issue of volunteering in Ukraine is relevant for modern Ukrainian scientific discourse. Increasing interest in the study of the phenomenon of volunteerism among Ukrainian scholars is connected with the activation of the volunteer movement as a result of numerous social challenges provoked by Russia's aggression against Ukraine and, accordingly, the need to study volunteer practices as a Ukrainian phenomenon during the war. Radical transformations in Ukrainian society at the current stage give rise to the relevance of the study of the volunteer movement from the point of view of its agency. Keywords: volunteering, volunteer movement, volunteer activity.
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Eparu, Dorin, and Mirela Atanasiu. "NEW TRAINING REQUIREMENTS FOR A SUCCESSFUL MILITARY ACTION." In eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-166.
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Most recent wars, we consider the conflicts in Afghanistan (2001-2002), Iraq (2003), Libya (2011) and again Afghanistan, have proved fully valences binomial determinants of intelligence - technology in military confrontation. So, modern warfare increasingly, through training methods, gives the actual size for the contribution of intelligence and military technology success strategic, operational and tactical. As was demonstrated, especially in the last great conflict, attitude, dynamic action and information technology, endorsed with efficient preparations of human intelligence, assured victory in military confrontation. There is no doubt that e-learning methods are now indispensable for military education and training and in any field of military branches had become an important asset for achieving information superiority. We may mention two major advantages as, the 24/7 disponibility of educational content and increased interactivity with the learner. Consistency value judgements, elaborations decision, which in future are expected to be less sequential, simultaneous and ever more forward-looking. We consider that technological based training will have a decisive impact on the conduct of military operations and the succes of them. All future wars will require diversions, reassessments and reorganizations of the organization system and fighting military conflicts and technology will help military to gain the adaptability needed for success. Actual warfare theoreticians have in mind when confronted with the enemy, the ability of military and civilian authorities, private sector, civil society to collaborate in the field to move the war to the opponent, to use means of counteracting specific systems to multiplay command and control and security measures to trigger decisive preventive action. For this will successfully complete in future confrontations, the war theorists and politico-military analysts consider technological achievements included in sophisticated system, human involvement being found only at the strategic or political decision. Simulation plays an important role in developing e-learning tools for technical contents. Yes, the learning is changing. Integrating training into e-learning educational environments changes to some extend the current requirements for successful military action. Transformation of the global geopolitical system requires a revolution in military thinking, a revolution to reflect new economic and technological forces. E-defense represents a new way of leading shares by electronic interconnection, in an effective way, with speed, innovation and creating new value in an organization. Future war will change the whole nature of belligerance, will increase the value of employment, based on competence and responsibility.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. "PREACHERS OF DIALOGUE: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERFAITH THEOLOGY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bjxv1018.
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While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.
Reports on the topic "Civil conflict and political mobilization"
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Haider, Huma. Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People: Post-conflict Opportunities. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.108.
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The instability and upheaval of violent conflict can break down patriarchal structures, challenge traditional gender norms and open up new roles and spaces for collective agency of women, sexual and gender minorities (SGM), and other marginalised groups (Yadav, 2021; Myrittinen & Daigle, 2017). A recent study on the gendered implications of civil war finds that countries recovering from ‘major civil war’ experience substantial improvements in women’s civil liberties and political participation—complementary aspects of political empowerment (Bakken & Bahaug, 2020). This rapid literature review explores the openings that conflict and post-conflict settings can create for the development of political empowerment of women and LGBTQ+ communities—as well as challenges. Drawing primarily on a range of academic, non-governmental organisation (NGO), and practitioner literature, it explores conflict-affected settings from around the world. There was limited literature available on experience from Ukraine (which was of interest for this report); and on specific opportunities at the level of local administrations. In addition, the available literature on empowerment of LGBTQ+ communities was much less than that available for women’s empowerment. The literature also focused on women, with an absence of information on girls. It is important to note that while much of the literature speaks to women in society as a whole, there are various intersectionalities (e.g. class, race, ethnicity, religion, age, disability, rural/urban etc.) that can produce varying treatment and degrees of empowerment of women. Several examples are noted within the report.
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Wijayaratne, Chaminda A. Civil-Military Relations in Post-Conflict Sri Lanka: Successful Civilian Consolidation in the Face of Political Competition. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, December 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1009329.
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Schuster, Christian. Strategies to Professionalize the Civil Service: Lessons from the Dominican Republic. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010594.
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Drawing on a case study of recent reforms in the Dominican Republic, this technical note derives lessons about strategies to professionalize the civil service. As in other countries with less professionalized civil services, the Dominican Republic's political economy is biased against reform: promises of public employment tend to be important to successful electoral mobilization. Nonetheless, passage of a new public service law and its partial implementation were achieved. The case study finds that the construction of a broad societal coalition demanding reform may account for this puzzle. For legislative approval, alliance formation extended to not only traditional reform allies, such as the international community, NGOs, business associations, the media, progressive governing legislators and a politically influential minister, but also novel allies, including opposition parties. Reform implementation was fostered by the periodic and well-publicized societal monitoring of an achievable set of reform objectives aligned with the strategic priorities of the Ministry of Public Administration. As a result, political incentives were tilted towards legal reform passage and incremental compliance in civil service subsystems such as organizational structures, information systems and training not perceived as threatening to core electoral mobilization interests, yet not in more politically contentious subsystems, such as recruitment and selection. The case study underscores the desirability of constructing broad societal coalitions to enable civil service professionalization particularly in contexts where potential societal veto actors with vested interests, such as public sector unions, are largely absent. It also underscores the continued weight of political economy constraints in conditioning the subsystems in which civil service reform implementation may be achieved.
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Idris, Iffat. Impact of Election Support Interventions to Prevent Violent Political Instability, Conflict or Atrocities. Institute of Development Studies, February 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4dd.2024.020.
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This review examines the impact of electoral support interventions in preventing election-related violent political instability, conflict, and atrocities. Key findings indicate that security sector engagement and strengthening election management bodies are the most effective in reducing violence. There is some evidence supporting voter education and election monitoring, while peace messaging and youth programming show limited impact. The review highlights the essential role of the state in ensuring peaceful elections, supported by civil society and international organisations. However, rigorous assessments are limited, and further research is needed on long-term effects and the specific pathways by which these interventions reduce violence.
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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.
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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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Khan, Mahreen. The Environmental Impacts of War and Conflict. Institute of Development Studies, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.060.
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In modern warfare, the first widely acknowledged scientific study and documented case of environmental damage during conflict was the (direct and deliberate) use of Agent Orange and other toxic chemicals by US forces, from 1961-1971, during the Vietnam War in a policy known as herbicide. The Vietnam War has been relatively well documented for the sheer horror and magnitude of the devastation to natural habitats and because it was the first war where television and global media brought vivid images and accounts into people’s homes, making the war a matter of political and public conscience This helped stir academic and scientific interest and facilitated evidence collection and documentation of environmental damages. This helpdesk report is a rapid literature review on the main environmental impacts of war and conflict, drawing primarily on academic, and peer reviewed literature and only some policy and practitioner sources, as per the request. Where current situations are discussed, such as the ongoing Ukraine war, a few blogs are referred to. Within the literature focused on the environmental impacts of conflict, common case studies include: the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) bombing of Kosovo (1999), and the conflict in the Donbas region of Ukraine (2014). Interestingly there is comparatively less literature on the conflicts in Afghanistan (2001-2021), the Iraq-Iran War (1980-1988), the Gulf Wars (1991 and 2003), the Yemeni civil war (2014 – present) and the ongoing war in Syria (since 2011) despite their relatively greater severity, intensity and duration.
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Moraes, Juan Andrés, Daniel Buquet, Daniel Chasquetti, Adolfo Garcé, Andrés Pereyra, and Ruben Tansini. Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes, and Policy Outcomes: The Case of Uruguay. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011296.
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This paper analyses the dynamics of policymaking among the various political institutions in Uruguay. The authors find that first, there are relatively stable policies, such as those allowing for the commercial and financial openness of the country. Then there are inflexible and low-quality policies, such as those related to social policies, some areas of state reform (civil servants' wages and hiring mechanisms), the bankruptcy regime, etc. Finally, there are volatile outcomes resulting from economic shocks, such as those related to discretionary public spending. In certain cases, the main outer feature of Uruguayan policies is rigidity. The source of rigidity appears to be a mixture of institutional factors and political conflict, in which it is very costly to move from the status quo due to the credible threat of policy reversal. Political institutions in Uruguay are conducive to achieving political compromise in the short run, but cannot effectively cooperate in establishing stable and flexible policies in the long run.
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Carter, Becky. Integrating Local Voices into Programme Governance in Fragile and Conflict-Affected Settings. Institute of Development Studies, July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.110.
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This rapid literature review explores how local people’s views and perspectives on their concerns, needs and capabilities (beyond asking about their experiences with aid) have been integrated into the national-level governance mechanisms of humanitarian assistance and development programmes in fragile and conflict-affected settings. There is limited systematic evidence available on this topic. There are a few cases of including civil society in national-level programme or sector governance bodies; there is more documented experience of including local actors in humanitarian response coordination. There is also relevant learning from feedback mechanisms, analysis and research, and people-centred approaches to aid planning and management more generally. The literature highlights the importance of conflict-sensitive approaches underpinned by regular conflict and political economy analysis; consulting with local actors on how they want to communicate and engage, and setting up safe and effective spaces for engagement; investing in long-term partnerships and capacity building to strengthen local organisations; and undertaking participatory, qualitative research that starts from ‘people’s own reading of how their lives are changing over time’ (Daigle, 2022: 15).
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Walsh, Alex, and Ben Hassine. Mediation and Peacebuilding in Tunisia: Actors and Practice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.061.
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This Helpdesk Report is part mapping of the mediation and peacebuilding actors in Tunisia and part review of the available literature. There are a host of governmental and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that are involved in the mediation of conflicts and peacebuilding, both in formal and informal ways. There is overlap in the principles and goals of peacebuilding and mediation; many organisations conduct both practices, intermingling them. Local, regional, national and international actors have applied mediation and peacebuilding to many different types of conflict in the past decade in Tunisia, involving varied parties. The case studies included in this rapid review cover conflicts relating to labour and the economy, the environment, basic services, constitutional/political disputes, and women’s rights. They involve local communities, the unemployed national and regional trade unions, civil society organisations (CSOs), national utility and mineral companies, and political parties.
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Mpofu, David, Michael Ndiweni, Kwanele Moyo, Samuel Wadzai, and Marjoke Oosterom. Youth Active Citizenship for Decent Jobs: A Handbook for Policy & Practice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.017.
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This Handbook has been created for development partners and civil society actors that design and implement youth employment interventions, particularly in contexts marked by fragility and political-economic crises. Youth employment programmes usually strengthen young people’s business and entrepreneurship skills. They fail to consider the civic and political competencies needed by young people in order to negotiate fair, safe, and decent working conditions and influence the wider policy environment for decent work. The Handbook offers suggestions for integrating youth active citizenship strategies into youth employment interventions, thus building young people’s civic and political skills. Adopting these strategies will strengthen the capacities of young people to engage both private sector and government actors, foster inclusion, and strengthen coalitions that can influence a enabling environment for decent jobs for youth. Recognising that many young people start their trade and businesses in theinformal economy, the Handbook takes their experiences as the point of departure. It is widely recognised that political economy matters for development and development interventions. This also applies to youth employment programming. Ideas in this Handbook recognise that politics influence youth employment opportunities. This is particularly the case in contexts commonly referred to as fragile, conflict-affected and violent settings (FCVS). Approaches to youth employment interventions need to respond to these dynamics to avoid that powerful actors capture them to serve their interests and avoid increasing risks to conflict. Moreover, the Covid-19 pandemic has proved that fragility is multidimensional and manifests in many countries across the globe. Early on in the pandemic, it quickly became clear that the informal economy would be hard hit. In addition, the challenging politics of FCVS influence opportunities for both formal and informal employment.