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Journal articles on the topic 'Civic turn'
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1
Davies, Emmerich, and Tulia G. Falleti. "Poor People’s Participation: Neoliberal Institutions or Left Turn?" Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 12 (January 30, 2017): 1699–731. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016688002.
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While comparative political studies of voting and protest abound, little attention has been paid to nonelectoral and noncontentious participation, particularly at the local level. Who participates in local associations and why? We study the individual-level determinants of local civic participation in Bolivia to ask: Does local engagement reproduce the high socioeconomic bias predicted by resource theory? Did the left turn in government change the predictors of participation? Contrary to expectations, we find there is no high-class bias in Bolivia’s local civic engagement. Moreover, the levels and predictors of local civic engagement have not changed after the left turn. We contribute to the comparative politics literature by conceptualizing local programmatic participation and showing that the resource theory does not apply to this type of participation in a developing context. We argue that need—rather than plenty—prompts people to participate. Our findings are relevant to participation studies in developing societies.
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Mouritsen, Per, K. Kriegbaum Jensen, and Stephen J. Larin. "Introduction: Theorizing the civic turn in European integration policies." Ethnicities 19, no. 4 (April 25, 2019): 595–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796819843532.
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Choup, Anne Marie. "Calculated Risks: Why Civic Leaders (Re)Turn to Politics." International Political Science Review 27, no. 3 (July 2006): 285–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512106064461.
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Jensen, Kristian Kriegbaum, Christian Fernández, and Grete Brochmann. "Nationhood and Scandinavian naturalization politics: varieties of the civic turn." Citizenship Studies 21, no. 5 (May 18, 2017): 606–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2017.1330399.
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Huda, SSM Sadrul, Tanveer Kabir, and Tanvir Alam Siddiq. "Civic Engagement of Students." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 6, no. 3 (July 2019): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2019070101.
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This article aims to figure out the impact of civic engagement of students in Bangladesh. Developed countries are well aware about the importance of civic engagement of the student community nowadays. Their educational system is already structured in a manner which encourages civic engagement in educational life. There are a lot of studies in developed countries regarding student participation in civic engagement. It is seen that the educational system and curriculum in Bangladesh does not incorporate civic engagement. However, there is some skill sharing institutions that has started engaging students in civic activities. Students are learning leadership skills, gaining practical knowledge besides academic, experiencing innovation and becoming responsible citizens of the country. This article focuses on some practical scenarios through which students were engaged with civic activities, which, in turn, positively affect the academic and non-academic achievements of the students in Bangladesh.
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Micheletti, Michele. "La svolta dei consumatori nella responsabilitŕ politica e nella cittadinanza." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 3 (October 2009): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2009-003002.
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- This article investigates how and why a growing number of civil society actors increasingly turn to the market as a complement to, or replacement of, traditional tools of political participation. After a discussion about its historical antecedents, the paper focuses on the present features of political consumerism. A section dedicated to theoretical issues introduces the concept of individualized responsibilitytaking to explain why societal roles as consumers should be considered as political agents with responsibilities for others. Two more sections aree also devoted to an investigation of political consumerism. The first section distinguishes eight broad issue areas where political consumerism is to be found, and identifies the role played by civic groups in prompting consumer action. The second section reports on a number of research findings on how civic groups inform and sensitize consumers about the public orientation of their consumption practices. The article ends with a few evaluative comments on the significance of the consumer turn in politics.Keywords: Political Consumerism, Individualized Responsibility-Taking, Market-Based Action Repertoire, Taming of Consumption, Sustainable Citizenship.
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Gidlow, Liette. "Delegitimizing Democracy: "Civic Slackers," the Cultural Turn, and the Possibilities of Politics." Journal of American History 89, no. 3 (December 2002): 922. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092346.
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Kahn, Robert A. "The Danish Cartoon Controversy and the Exclusivist Turn in European Civic Nationalism." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 8, no. 3 (December 2008): 524–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2008.00029.x.
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Han, Junsung. "European Civic Integration Policy Revisited: Intrinsic Tension, Restrictionist Governing, and the Prospect of Inclusive Turn." Korean Journal of International Relations 60, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 259–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2020.06.60.2.259.
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Stoyanova, Veronika. "Civil Society and Party Politics in Bulgaria after 2013: A Gramscian Look." Political Studies Review 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916667367.
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In 2013, Bulgaria was shaken by two waves of mass protests, which seemed to mobilise distinct social groups and put different, and often conflicting, demands on the table. In the midst of the turbulence of the protests, new political formations emerged which aimed to capitalise on the mobilisations. The mushrooming of new political projects in the wake of the mass protests seems to mark an apparent re-politicisation following the post-political turn after 1989. Yet the language and identities of these new civic and party formations point to a more complicated dynamic between civic movements, political parties and the state. Drawing on Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, this article scrutinises the links between the newly emerged political projects and the civic mobilisations of 2013 to unravel the new social cleavages underpinning them and consider how these are played out in a context of a changed relationship between civil society and party politics 25 years after the fall of the socialist regime in Bulgaria.
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Iannelli, Laura, and Carolina M. Marelli. "Performing civic cultures: Participatory public art and its publics." International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 5 (July 23, 2019): 630–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877919849964.
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This research investigated the performances of participatory public art as ways of taking political agency in contemporary democracy. We considered these ‘maximalist’ forms of participation – ‘multi-sited’, as the language of democratic theory suggests, in both the political sphere of art and the formal arena of politics – as ways of doing, acting, and performing citizenship in democratic societies. Drawing upon the ‘cultural turn’ in citizenship studies, we assumed civic cultures as central variables to explain these forms of political agency. Referring to media audience research, we adopted an analytical framework to explore the artists’ civic cultures that are in action in public urban spaces. The analysis focused on performances of citizenship developed in Sardinia (Italy). The research shed light on the artists’ knowledge and values, the multiple layers of audience participation envisaged in their practices of communication, their (dis)trust towards institutions and non-elite actors in civil society, and the civic identities they perform in contemporary societies.
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Andrejevic, Mark. "Data Civics: A Response to the “Ethical Turn”." Television & New Media 21, no. 6 (July 26, 2020): 562–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476420919693.
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In addition to the recent proliferation of approaches, programs, and research centers devoted to ethical data and Artifiical Intelligence, it is becoming increasingly clear that we need to directly address the political question. Ethics, while crucial, comprise only an indirect response to recent concerns about the political uses and misuses of data mining, AI, and automated processes. If we are concerned about the impact of digital media on democracy, it will be important to consider what it might mean to foster democratic arrangements for the collection and use of data, and for the institutions that perform these tasks. This essay considers what it might mean to supplement ethical concerns with political ones. It argues for the importance of considering the tensions between civic life and the wholesale commercialization of news, information, and entertainment platforms—and how these are exacerbated by the dominant economic model of data-driven hyper-customization.
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Van Montfort, Kees, Vinitha Siebers, and Frank Jan De Graaf. "Civic Crowdfunding in Local Governments: Variables for Success in the Netherlands?" Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 1 (December 25, 2020): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14010008.
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By using information technology, local governments can develop alternative forms of citizen engagement. Civic crowdfunding campaigns supported by online platforms enable citizens to participate financially in social projects and can be matched with government funding. As such, an alternative for subsidies seems to be developing. In this paper, we assess empirically the success of civic crowdfunding campaigns in the Netherlands by using data collected during 2018 from 269 civic crowdfunding projects and local demographic data from the neighborhoods of these projects. The factors—the use of match-funding, the target amount of money, and the theme of the project, as well as the age structure, the province, and the degree of urbanization of the neighborhood of the civic crowdfunding project—turn out to be empirically related to the success of a civic crowdfunding campaign.
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Binnall, James M. "A "Meaningful" Seat at the Table: Contemplating Our Ongoing Struggle to Access Democracy." SMU Law Review Forum 73, no. 1 (April 2020): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25172/slrf.73.1.6.
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In recent years, felon-voter disenfranchisement has received considerable attention from academics, policymakers, and the media. In turn, a number of jurisdictions have eased record-based voter restriction statutes. And while those efforts represent a significant step toward full civic reintegration for those with a felony criminal history, they are far from comprehensive, as they regularly omit citizens with certain types of felony convictions and typically address only one form of civic marginalization. Focusing on recent reform in the area of civic restrictions, this Article suggests that incomplete civic restoration comes with significant consequences that ought to be considered during legislative negotiations. This Article further suggests that by capitulating to emotive, non-empirical opposition to full civic reinstatement, lawmakers run the risk of validating arguments that have no scientific or logical foundation.
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Mårtensson, Ulrika. "Norwegian ?arak? Salafism: “The Saved Sect” Hugs the Infidels." Comparative Islamic Studies 8, no. 1-2 (July 8, 2014): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v8i1-2.113.
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The article defines the Norwegian organization Islam Net with reference to current research on Salafism, and analyses Islam Net’s capacity for civil engagement through de Certeau’s and Habermas’ concepts of discourse. The main findings are that Islam Net can be defined both as “European ?arak? Salafism” and “neo-fundamentalism”. It is a publicly oriented and negotiated form of Salafism which engages in civic political activities for the sake of “clarifying misunderstanding of Islam”, while maintaining Salafi creed and legal method. Yet their capacity for civic engagement is limited by public refusal to both accept and discuss gender segregation at public meetings, a practice that Islam Net’s members in their turn refuse to negotiate. With reference to Habermas’ concept of public discourse, it is argued that public refusal to dialogue with Islam Net over this issue potentially weakens the legitimacy of liberal democracy.
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Bustikova, Lenka, and Petra Guasti. "The Illiberal Turn or Swerve in Central Europe?" Politics and Governance 5, no. 4 (December 29, 2017): 166–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i4.1156.
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Scholars are coming to terms with the fact that something is rotten in the new democracies of Central Europe. The corrosion has multiple symptoms: declining trust in democratic institutions, emboldened uncivil society, the rise of oligarchs and populists as political leaders, assaults on an independent judiciary, the colonization of public administration by political proxies, increased political control over media, civic apathy, nationalistic contestation and Russian meddling. These processes signal that the liberal-democratic project in the so-called Visegrad Four (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia) has been either stalled, diverted or reversed. This article investigates the “illiberal turn” in the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. It develops an analytical distinction between illiberal “turns” and “swerves”, with the former representing more permanent political changes, and offers evidence that Hungary is the only country in the V4 at the brink of a decisive illiberal turn.
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Varshney, Ashutosh. "Ethnic Conflict and Civil Society: India and Beyond." World Politics 53, no. 3 (April 2001): 362–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2001.0012.
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Scholars have worked either on civil society or on ethnic conflict, but no systematic attempt has yet been made to connect the two. In an attempt to explore the possible links, this article makes two interconnected arguments. First, interethnic and intraethnic networks of civic engagement play very different roles in ethnic conflict. Because they build bridges and manage tensions, interethnic networks are agents of peace. But if communities are organized only along intraethnic lines and the interconnections with other communities are very weak (or do not exist), ethnic violence is then quite likely. Second, civic networks, both intra- and interethnic, can also be broken down into two other types: associational forms of engagement and everyday forms of engagement. This distinction is based on whether civic interaction is formal or not. Both forms of engagement, if robust, promote peace: contrariwise, their absence or weakness opens up space for ethnic violence. Of the two, however, the associational forms turn out to be sturdier than everyday engagement, especially when confronted with attempts by politicians to polarize the people along ethnic lines. Both arguments have significance for theories of ethnic conflict and social capital.
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Barnett, Leda. "Service-learning as a tool for increasing political efficacy and civic engagement at a Hispanic-serving institution." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 17, no. 3 (October 31, 2018): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2047173418809707.
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Ample research has noted a positive sense of political efficacy associated with increased civic engagement. In turn, the role of service-learning in boosting students’ civic engagement has been well documented. As civic engagement is a desirable goal for strengthening communities and empowering citizens, the role of service-learning in directly increasing political efficacy in students is worthy of observation. In the context of a student population that includes first-generation students at a Hispanic-serving Institution, where service is emphasized and institutionalized, this study examines preliminary data from student service-learning surveys. This study examines whether student participation in service-learning projects contributes to an increase in students’ sense of political efficacy and civic engagement. This first phase included service-learning projects on environmental justice and voting rights in three upper level political science courses. Preliminary findings indicate a modest increase in perceptions of political empowerment and civic engagement.
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Pouessel, Stéphanie. "The Democratic Turn in Tunisia: Civic and Political Redefinition of Canons of Cultural Diversity." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 22, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2016.1136499.
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Journell, Wayne. "Standardizing Citizenship: The Potential Influence of State Curriculum Standards on the Civic Development of Adolescents." PS: Political Science & Politics 43, no. 02 (April 2010): 351–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096510000272.
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AbstractThe rise of state-mandated standards in public education have allowed legislators to answer the question of what constitutes a proper civic education, a debate that has existed in the United States since the turn of the twentieth century. Through the content they employ in their standards, states may indirectly influence the type of citizenship education students receive in the classroom. The present study focuses on the Virginia Standards of Learning for two courses, civics and economics and U.S. and Virginia government, which are commonly taught to eighth graders and high school seniors, respectively. A content analysis of the essential knowledge found in the standards for these courses categorizes instructional content into seven forms of citizenship: civic republicanism, character education, deliberative, social justice, participatory, transnational, and cosmopolitan. Although the results are specific to the Virginia Standards of Learning, the nature of how citizenship is portrayed within the standards may transfer to other states with similar forms of standards-based education within their social studies curricula.
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Millie, Julian. "An Anthropological Approach to the Islamic Turn in Indonesia's Regional Politics." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 6, no. 2 (July 2018): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2018.6.
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AbstractExisting analyses of the Islamic turn in regional Islamic politics in Indonesia have overlooked the possibility that these politics – often critiqued for their negative implications for minorities and vulnerable segments – are to some extent reflections of indigenous cultural dispositions. Drawing on the author's long-time ethnographic work in West Java, as well as recent anthropological theorising about public ethics in Islamic societies, the article identifies a significant correlation between, on the one hand, the practical forms and legislative outputs of the regional Islamic turn, and on the other, a characteristic notion of public decorum that is asserted in routines of embodied Islamic observance. The article notes that this extension of an embodied, practice-based public ethics into the political regimes of national life has created conflict with the disembodied civic order established in Indonesia's constitution and state ideology.
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Cramer, Katherine J. "The Turn Away from Government and the Need to Revive the Civic Purpose of Higher Education." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 2 (June 2016): 442–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716000128.
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Higher education in the United States has proud roots in the mission to enable people to engage in self-governance. The current political context is pushing us in another direction. I discuss the context in Wisconsin in particular, and use the challenges there as a reason to consider the civic purposes of political science. Rather than allow the political winds to blow us further into elitism, I argue that we should renew our commitment to educating people for citizenship.
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Le Dantec, Christopher A., Adriana Alvarado Garcia, Ciabhan Connelly, and Amanda Meng. "Resisting Resolution: Enterprise Civic Systems Meet Community Organizing." Multimodal Technologies and Interaction 5, no. 4 (April 13, 2021): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/mti5040020.
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Notions of the smart city look to mobilize information technology to increase organizational efficiency, and more recently, to support new forms of community engagement and involvement in addressing municipal issues. As cities turn to civic enterprise technology platforms, we need to better understand how that class of system might be positioned and used to collaborate with informal community-born coalitions. Beginning in 2019, we undertook an embedded collaborative research project in Albany Georgia, a small rural city, to understand three primary research questions: (1) How do community organizing practices take shape around joint initiatives with local government? (2) What data, tools, and process are needed to support those initiatives? (3) How do the affordances of City-run enterprise platforms support such community-born initiatives? To develop insight into these questions, we deployed a mixed-methods study that interwove participant observation, qualitative fieldwork, and participatory workshops. From this, we point to several mismatches that arose between the assumptions of a managed enterprise environment and the complex needs of establishing and supporting a multiparty community coalition.
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Barša, Pavel. "Trapped in False Antitheses: Timothy Snyder’s Analyses of the Global Authoritarian Turn Are Crippled by His Anti-totalitarian Framework." Czech Journal of International Relations 55, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1702.
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This paper critically scrutinizes Timothy Snyder’s book The Road to Unfreedom. Russia, Europe, America (The Bodley Head, Vintage, London 2018). It claims that the main reason for his failure to present a convincing account of the current neo-nationalist and authoritarian turn and outline an adequate intellectual and political response to it is his clinging to an anti-totalitarian framework which he had applied to Eastern Europe in some of his previous historical works (Snyder 2003, 2010). The framework reduces three main ideological alternatives that fought with each other in the last century into two: liberalism was supposedly challenged by totalitarianism. Since Snyder reduces the present crisis to the threat of the return of totalitarianism, he sees an appropriate response in the revival of the human and civic solidarity associated with the anti-totalitarian movements of the last century. The essay outlines an alternative view: it links the present crisis of democracy to the ravaging effects of neo-liberal globalization and, accordingly, suggests combining anti-authoritarianism with anti-capitalism – or human and civic solidarity with social solidarity.
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Kavadias, Dimo. "Voltooid verleden tijd ? : Het verband tussen kennis over de nazi-genocide en democratische attitudes bij adolescenten in Brussel." Res Publica 46, no. 4 (December 31, 2004): 535–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v46i4.18416.
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Schools are expected to educate children into democratic citizens by providing "civics" or history courses. lt is believed that the formal curriculum affects the amount of cognition of each pupil, which - in its turn - would influence the civic competencies and social attitudes. This supposition is explicitly stated in 'holocaust-education 'programs and in 'civics'-courses. Accordingly, knowledge on the nazi-attrocities would stimulate tolerance, and by this way counter prejudice.The current contribution tests this supposition on survey-data (2002) from 773 Frenchspeakin g and 469 Flemish-speaking last-grade pupils from secondary schools in the Brussels-Capital Region. The survey probed for knowledge on the nazi-genocide and attitudescales (ethnocentrism and anti-democracy). The supposition about the connection between knowledge and tollerance, holds partially for the Flemish, but not for the French-speaking sample. Knowledge may be a necessary, but is certainly nota sufficient condition to foster tolerance.
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Pyrma, R. V. "The Influence of Digital Communications on Political Participation." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 4 (December 4, 2019): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-4-63-69.
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The article provides a review of studies assessing the effects of digital communication technologies on the political participation of citizens. Political participation is understood as civic engagement. The author considers the changes in the forms of political participation of citizens in the transition of digital communications from unidirectional information technologies Web 1.0 to interactive technologies Web 2.0 used in social media. Evaluation of the impact of digital communications on public activity is shown from various well-founded positions of ‘cyber-pessimists’ and ‘cyberoptimists’. Pessimists note the negative effects of the increased use of digital communications, which consist of social disunity, the erosion of social capital and, as a result, in a decrease in civil and political activity. In turn, optimists argue that the intensive use of digital communications has opened up opportunities for access to the necessary information and the creation of new forms of political participation, significantly reducing the cost (time, effort) of mobilising supporters and coordinating action. Moreover, digital media has created conditions for the implementation of creative and non-political formats of participation, which are often transformed into political actions. Based on the metadata, the author concluded it is necessary to strengthen and diversity of the effects of digital communication on civic and political participation.
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Yue, Audrey, Elmie Nekmat, and Annisa R. Beta. "Digital Literacy Through Digital Citizenship: Online Civic Participation and Public Opinion Evaluation of Youth Minorities in Southeast Asia." Media and Communication 7, no. 2 (June 11, 2019): 100–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v7i2.1899.
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The field of critical digital literacy studies has burgeoned in recent years as a result of the increased cultural consumption of digital media as well as the turn to the production of digital media forms. This article extends extant digital literacy studies by focusing on its subfield of digital citizenship. Proposing that digital citizenship is not another dimension or axis of citizenship, but a practice through which civic activities in the various dimensions of citizenship are conducted, this article critically considers how the concept of digital citizenship can furnish further insight into the quality of online civic participation that results in claims to and acts of citizenship. Through interdisciplinary scholarship, drawing from critical media and cultural theory, and media psychology, and deriving new empirical data from qualitative digital ethnography and quantitative focus group and survey studies, it presents original case studies with young people in Southeast Asia, including young Muslim women’s groups in Indonesia and youth public opinion on LGBTs in Singapore. It argues that Southeast Asian youth digital citizenship foregrounds civic participation as emergent acts that not only serve to make society a better place, but also enacts alternative publics that characterise new modes of civic-making in more conservative, collectivistic Southeast Asian societies.
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Haievska, Tetiana. "Self-regulating System of Academic and Civic Movements (the Case of Climate Change)." Culturology Ideas, no. 16 (2'2019) (2019): 98–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.37627/2311-9489-16-2019-2.98-109.
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The aim of this paper is to analyze the campaign on global warming raised by academic communities and taken up by civic (environmental) movements. The self-regulating system of these movements involved certain mechanisms that ensured communication of the social organization, and this, in turn, stimulated the informational and cognitive activity of society. Methodology. The author uses as a methodological basis of this study the principles and methods of the culturological approach to the analysis of numerous publications concerning problems of global warming raised by academic communities and taken up by civic (environmental) movements. Results. The alliance between scientists, environmentalists and opinion leaders has ultimately brought the issue of global environmental change into the public order of the day. Novelty. In the article, our attention is focused on two different types of civic movements (academic society and social movements, in our case environmental ones). A new environmental consciousness is being created that leads to the widespread awareness of the reality, causes and effects of climate change through science-driven civic movements operating in and through the media and the Internet. Using the Internet as an organizational and advisory facilitator to engage and unite citizens, the pressure is placed on governments to address environmental issues.
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Delmas, Candice. "The Civic Duty to Report Crime and Corruption." Les ateliers de l'éthique 9, no. 1 (April 9, 2014): 50–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024294ar.
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Is the civic duty to report crime and corruption a genuine moral duty? After clarifying the nature of the duty, I consider a couple of negative answers to the question, and turn to an attractive and commonly held view, according to which this civic duty is a genuine moral duty. On this view, crime and corruption threaten political stability, and citizens have a moral duty to report crime and corruption to the government in order to help the government’s law enforcement efforts. The resulting duty is triply general in that it applies to everyone, everywhere, and covers all criminal and corrupt activity. In this paper, I challenge the general scope of this argument. I argue that that the civic duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities is much narrower than the government claims and people might think, for it only arises when the state (i) condemns genuine wrongdoing and serious ethical offenses as “crime” and “corruption,” and (ii) constitutes a dependable “disclosure recipient,” showing the will and power to hold wrongdoers accountable. I further defend a robust duty to directly report to the public—one that is weightier and wider than people usually assume. When condition (ii) fails to obtain, I submit, citizens are released of the duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities, but are bound to report to the public, even when the denunciation targets the government and is risky or illegal.
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Malanii, O. О. "LITERARY PROCESS OF THE END OF XIX - EARLY XX CENT. IN THE CRITICAL SKETCHES AND MEMOIRS OF KH. A. ALCHEVSKA." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Word, no. 2(54) (January 22, 2019): 153–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7402-2019-2(54)-153-162.
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The article deals with the critical sketches and essays, memoirs, memories with “remarks”, autobiography of Khrystia Alchevska-Jr., her thoughts and views on the literary process in Europe and Ukraine at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The author lays emphasis on the names and public figures who shaped Kh. Alchevska as a creative personality, crystallized her talent of a writer and formed her civic position.
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Nærland, Torgeir Uberg. "Altogether now? Symbolic recognition, musical media events and the forging of civic bonds among minority youth in Norway." European Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 1 (August 21, 2017): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549417719013.
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Drawing upon interviews with a group of minority youth in Norway, this study argues that recognition theory offers a valuable yet neglected perspective through which we can identify and understand key social and civic dimensions of minority audiences’ media reception. Empirically, the study concentrates on the reception of musical media events in which hip hop artists and performances were prominent. Through empirical examples, this article illustrates how the reception of these media events for the informants entailed experiences of recognition that in turn engendered feelings of symbolic inclusion. Based on the interview data, this study argues that media events constitute ‘moments of recognition’ where dynamics of recognition are intensified. The study further argues that given the politically charged context, music may function as the expressive raw material for what is termed ‘musically imagined civic communities’.
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Lucey, Thomas, Mary Frances Agnello, and James Duke Laney. "Outside in: a critically compassionate approach to education for civic engagement." Social Studies Research and Practice 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2017): 295–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ssrp-08-2017-0041.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to describe a method for preparing teacher candidates to educate for civic engagement through a philosophy of critical compassion. Design/methodology/approach It begins with an examination of citizenship’s contextual relevancy and the importance of developing citizens who possess the adaptability to practice compassion in a variety of contexts. It provides a series of example art-based discussion activities founded on the principles of introspection and community. Such activities offer potential to foster a compassionate sense of personal self-worth with candidates through a sense of inner care. Findings Candidates develop a sense of self-appreciation sourced independently from patterns of social controls and promoting an empathy toward other people that they, in turn, can develop in their students. Originality/value These processes offer potential to empower candidates to view citizenship as a process of social engagement that respects the equitable contribution of all participants.
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Roberts, Kathryn S. "Our Town, the MacDowell Colony, and the Art of Civic Mediation." American Literary History 31, no. 3 (2019): 395–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajz025.
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Abstract Thornton Wilder’s Our Town (1938) has found unusual currency of late. In 2011, the play lent its name to a major funding program launched by the National Endowment for the Arts; in 2017, it appeared in the center of a popular podcast and was revived by a British theater company in the wake of a terrorist attack. These productions recognize what terms like middlebrow obscure: Our Town is a civic mediator, a performance that installs art at the center of community life and community at the center of art. Taking inspiration from Antoine Hennion’s sociology of music, this essay ventures into the archive to trace an unfamiliar origin story for Our Town, involving a turn-of-the-century writers’ colony, a Progressive-Era historical pageant, and Wilder’s self-understanding as both confirmed bachelor and “community man.” Through the trajectory of a single play, civic mediation emerges as a pervasive strategy and ethos of American cultural practice, connecting diverse media through time and space.
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Inglehart, Ronald. "The Renaissance of Political Culture." American Political Science Review 82, no. 4 (December 1988): 1203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961756.
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The publics of different societies are characterized by durable cultural orientations that have major political and economic consequences. Throughout the period from 1973 to 1987, given nationalities consistently showed relative high or low levels of a “civic culture”—a coherent syndrome of personal life satisfaction, political satisfaction, interpersonal trust and support for the existing social order. Those societies that rank high on this syndrome are much likelier to be stable democracies than those that rank low. Economic development and cultural change are linked in a complex pattern of reciprocal influence. Originally, Protestantism may have facilitated the rise of capitalism, leading to economic development, which in turn favored the emergence of the civic culture. But in those countries that attained high levels of prosperity, there eventually emerged postmaterialist values that tended to neutralize the emphasis on economic accumulation that earlier characterized Protestant societies.
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Riley, Dylan. "Civic Associations and Authoritarian Regimes in Interwar Europe: Italy and Spain in Comparative Perspective." American Sociological Review 70, no. 2 (April 2005): 288–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240507000205.
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What is the relationship between civic associations and authoritarian regimes? While Tocquevillian theories have concentrated mostly on the connection between civic associationism and democracy, this article develops a Gramscian approach, suggesting that a strong associational sphere can facilitate the development of authoritarian parties and hegemonic authoritarian regimes. Two countries are used for comparison, Italy from 1870 to 1926 and Spain from 1876 to 1926. The argument here is that the strength of the associational sphere in north-central Italy provided organizational resources to the fascist movement and then party. In turn, the formation of the party was a key reason why the Italian regime developed as a hegemonic authoritarian regime. The absence of a strong associational sphere in Spain explains why that regime developed as an economic corporate dictatorship, despite many similarities between the two cases.
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Zayed, Mohammad, Junaimah Jauhar, Zurina Mohaidin, and Mohsen Ali Murshid. "Effects of Inter-organizational Justice on Dimensions of Organizational Citizenship Behaviours: A Study on Kuwait Ministries’ Employees." Management and Labour Studies 45, no. 4 (July 31, 2020): 444–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0258042x20939026.
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The aim of this article is to model the relationships between three different dimensions of inter-organizational justice (procedural, interactional and distributive) and their influence on five dimensions of organizational citizenship behaviour (OCB) (altruism, sportsmanship, conscientiousness, courtesy and civic virtue) in public sector organizations. The partial least square (PLS) path method was used to explore the nature of the relationships. The survey was self-administered to 573 employees working in nine different government ministries in Kuwait, with a response rate of 373. The results indicate that employees’ perceptions of interactional justice positively influence their perceptions of procedural justice, distributive justice, altruism, civic virtue, conscientiousness, courtesy and sportsmanship. In addition, the results showed the perceived interactional justice of employees has an indirect effect on all dimensions of OCBs through their distributive justice perceptions. The results also revealed that interactional justice has only an indirect effect on altruism, sportsmanship, and courtesy through procedural fairness. Directors of public organizations should pay particular attention to offering a higher level of interactive justice that can strongly improve employee perception of distributive and procedural justice. This, in turn, may show high degrees of civic virtue, sportsmanship, altruism, courtesy, and conscience behavior among employees.
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JONES, BILL. "Inspecting the ‘extraordinary drain’: emigration and the urban experience in Merthyr Tydfil in the 1860s." Urban History 32, no. 1 (May 2005): 100–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926805002725.
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In the 1860s mass emigration from Merthyr Tydfil made a major impact on the town's fortunes and developing public sphere. The ‘extraordinary drain’ occasioned much concern and comment and reconfigured ongoing debates about Merthyr's contemporary condition and future survival. In turn, local power struggles, notions of the town's interests and emerging civic consciousness influenced interpretations of the nature, causes and meanings of the outflow. Emigration and the ‘urban’ thus interacted tellingly to help shape contemporary mentalities.
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Glazer, Joshua L., and Cori Egan. "The Ties That Bind: Building Civic Capacity for the Tennessee Achievement School District." American Educational Research Journal 55, no. 5 (April 5, 2018): 928–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831218763088.
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The Tennessee Achievement School District (ASD) is among several state-run districts established to turn around underperforming schools. Like other such districts, the ASD removes schools from local control and is not accountable to local political institutions. Despite its authority, the ASD has encountered opposition within Memphis where its schools reside. For those inclined to its market orientation and suspicious of traditional districts, the ASD is an innovative effort to improve outcomes for disadvantaged students. For those that see educational failure in Memphis as the result of social and economic isolation, the ASD appears motivated by profit, paternalism, and racism. A third narrative, largely hidden from view, encompasses people who reject state takeover but seek to confront structural causes of poor performance.
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Σαπουντζής, Αντώνης. "Η πολιτειότητα ως ρητορικό εφόδιο κατά της μετανάστευ- σης στο λόγο για την απόδοση ιθαγένειας στους μετανάστες: Η περίπτωση της εφημερίδας Α1." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 20, no. 4 (October 15, 2020): 462. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.23603.
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Often in the social and political sciences a distinction is used between ethnic and civic nationalism, in order to exemplify different types of national belonging. Within social psychology, where this distinction has also been used, it is often argued that people who view their national belonging according to ethnic criteria demonstrate high levels of prejudice against immigrants. This paper drawing from the “turn to language” within social psychology, examines articles from the A1 newspaper, which supports the LAOS party, that refer to the 3838/2010 law that grants Greek citizenship to some immigrants according to certain standards. It has been found that citizenship was used as an argument in order to exclude the immigrants from the Greek citizenship, while the journalists seemed to employ notions of both ethnic and civic nationalism so as to construct the identity of the Greeks and the immigrants as well.
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Mahon, Marie, Frances Fahy, Micheál Ó Cinnéide, and Brenda Gallagher. "Civic Engagement and Governance in the Urban-Rural Fringe: Evidence from Ireland." Nature and Culture 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/nc.2009.040104.
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The urban-rural fringe in Ireland harbors diverse and often competing visions of place that unfold against a backdrop of rapid physical and socio-economic change. The desire to develop and articulate a shared sense of belonging rooted in place might be reasonably expected to lead to community-level expression through diverse local organizations. These in turn become embedded in wider institutionalized systems of governance. The importance of place vision, and the extent of civic engagement to create and protect such a vision, is the focus of this article. The ongoing and predominantly developer-led transformation of fringe locations has coincided with a shift from government to governance (particularly at local level) and associated changes in power relationships among various stakeholders. This article investigates the extent to which residents of fringe locations perceive themselves as part of local governance processes and explores the implications of such perceptions for citizenship and local democracy.
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Goodman, Sara Wallace. "Fortifying Citizenship: Policy Strategies for Civic Integration in Western Europe." World Politics 64, no. 4 (October 2012): 659–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000184.
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Why have European states introduced mandatory integration requirements for citizenship and permanent residence? There are many studies comparing integration policy and examining the significance of what has been interpreted as a convergent and restrictive “civic turn,” a “retreat from multiculturalism,” and an “inevitable lightening of citizenship.” None of these studies, however, has puzzled over the empirical diversity of integration policy design or presented systematic, comparative explanations for policy variation. This article is the first to develop an argument for what, in fact, amounts to a wealth of variation in civic integration policy (including scope, sequencing, and difficulty). Using a historical institutionalist approach, the author argues that states use mandatory integration to address different membership problems, which are shaped by both existing citizenship policy (whether it is inclusive or exclusive) and political pressure to change it (in other words, the politics of citizenship). She illustrates this argument by focusing on three case studies, applying the argument to a case of unchallenged restrictive retrenchment and continuity (Denmark), to a case of negotiated and thus moderated restriction (Germany), and to a case that recently exhibited both liberal continuity (the United Kingdom, 2001–6) and failed attempts at new restriction (the United Kingdom, 2006–10). These cases show that although states may converge around similar mandatory integration instruments, they may apply them for distinctly different reasons. As a result, new requirements augment rather than alter the major contours of national citizenship policy and the membership association it maintains.
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Giroux, Henry. "Neoliberalism, Corporate Culture, and the Promise of Higher Education: The University as a Democratic Public Sphere." Harvard Educational Review 72, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 425–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.72.4.0515nr62324n71p1.
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In this article, Henry Giroux addresses the corrosive effects of corporate culture on the academy and recent attempts by faculty and students to resist the corporatization of higher education. Giroux argues that neoliberalism is the most dangerous ideology of the current historical moment. He shows that civic discourse has given way to the language of commercialization, privatization, and deregulation and that, within the language and images of corporate culture, citizenship is portrayed as an utterly privatized affair that produces self-interested individuals. He maintains that corporate culture functions largely to either ignore or cancel out social injustices in the existing social order by overriding the democratic impulses and practices of civil society through an emphasis on the unbridled workings of market relations. Giroux suggests that these trends mark a hazardous turn in U.S. society, one that threatens our understanding of democracy and affects the ways we address the meaning and purpose of higher education.
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Chandra Sarkar, Mithun. "RURAL WOMEN EMPOWERMENT THROUGH LOCAL DEMOCRACY IN INDIA: A CASE STUDY OF GRAM PANCHAYATS IN UTTAR DINAJPUR DISTRICT OF WEST BENGAL." International Journal of Advanced Research 9, no. 01 (January 31, 2021): 1065–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12391.
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The paper attempts to analyze the praxis of women empowerment and womens political participation of some Gram Panchayats in Uttar Dinajpur rural areas. In present times, the empowerment of women has become one of the most important concerns of the 21st century because of their right to participate in political processes which also impact their family and in turn the society. Many countries are attempting to increase womens political participation and leadership in civil society and now political parties want more women to join in political activities. Women around the world are still largely absent from national and local decision-making procedures. Globally about 20% of women participate in political activities, for women it is very difficult to participate in the civic and political life of their countries due to lack of support and gender discrimination. Strengthening womens rights and addressing obstacles to political participation are critical to achieving gender justice, equality, and women empowerment.
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Strenski, Ivan. "Hüseyin Nail Kubali and Durkheim’s Professional ethics and civic morals." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 358–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67317.
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A swirl of puzzles surrounds a work of Émile Durkheim’s that Jonathan Z. Smith claims is the ‘single most provocative treatment of’ the idea of the sacred in the Durkheimian corpus – Professional Ethics and Civic Morals. Why, one asks, was Durkheim’s work first published in Turkey, especially when the lectures that gave rise to this volume had been delivered in France in the early years of the twentieth century? Of what particular importance was Durkheim for modern Turkish thinkers, and what kinds of thinkers might they be? And, what of this particular work of Durkheim’s? What special purpose, moreover, might have been served by publishing it in Turkey when it was – in 1950? Why was the volume edited by (and who was?) Hüseyin Nail Kubali? What were his motives – both of a scientific kind or of a wider social or political sort? These are the questions that are addressed in this article. As readers will discover, in answering them, a nest of hidden themes is uncovered – a nest that few readers – even those who know the Durkheim corpus – will have anticipated. Not only are Durkheimian interpretations of religion at issue, but also the particular bearing of Durkheimianism on modern Turkey. This link with modern Turkey, in turn, brings to the surface many of the controversial questions now vexing the European Union as it ponders the possibility of Turkish membership of the EU – questions of human rights, civil society, the rule of law, the relation of religion and state, to name just the most relevant to the content of this article.
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Gagyi, Ágnes, Márton Szarvas, and András Vígvári. "Civic Organization beyond the ‘Open Society’ Battle: Cases from Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (2020): 158–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-158.
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Our paper aims to contribute to the understanding of civil society in Hungary by looking beyond the struggles around open society and international NGOs, a topic that has dominated public debates on civil organizations in Hungary for the last decade. Our starting point follows the literature that has broadened the understanding of NGOs in the post-socialist space with the perspective of their insertion in global hierarchies in terms of unequal knowledge and resource transfer, material dependencies and the effects in local social settings. More attention recently has been given to the social positions of domestic civil organizations and the political and material dependencies they operate within. The analysis of organizations which represent and defend different interests within different social strata is crucial to understanding civil society in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Following this thread of discussions, we look at three segments of civil society which were previously understudied, to expand on how social relations structure civil society in contemporary CEE: 1) nationalist but anti-governmental organizations, for example in the field of housing; 2) urban and rural informal self-organization in order to cope with material hardships collectively has been significantly growing in the recent years; 3) rural civil organizations aligned with local elites, embedded in material dependencies, which have been present since 1990, but occupy a more and more significant role after the illiberal turn. We think that adding these segments to the study of civil society in CEE can help to broaden the analysis beyond the discursively and ideologically thematized struggles around NGOs, and contribute to a better understanding of illiberal regimes and the counter-movements they produce.
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Button, Mark E. "Bounded Rationality without Bounded Democracy: Nudges, Democratic Citizenship, and Pathways for Building Civic Capacity." Perspectives on Politics 16, no. 4 (November 23, 2018): 1034–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718002086.
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The behavioral sciences are playing an increasingly important role in the design and implementation of public policy worldwide. While there have been several important critiques of the latest policy revolution linking the behavioral sciences and the state in the pursuit of human behavioral change, few scholars have investigated the potential costs of “nudging” for democratic citizenship and the deliberative capacities upon which democratic self-governance relies. A central purpose here is to consider the possible civic consequences of nudging within the pursuit of otherwise desirable social outcomes (like improved public health, energy conservation, or higher rates of financial saving). Through a critical investigation of the governing philosophy of the “nudging state” and drawing on the policy feedback literature, I argue that the recent behavioral turn in public policy risks overlooking or bypassing the personal capacities and institutional conditions necessary for the meaningful exercise of democratic citizenship. Evidence from the empirical assessment of deliberative democracy shows how liberal societies can fruitfully address bounded rationality while facilitating civic virtues like public practical reason without violating liberty or constraining pluralism.
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Scoggins, Holly L. "University Garden Stakeholders: Student, Industry, and Community Connections." HortTechnology 20, no. 3 (June 2010): 528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21273/horttech.20.3.528.
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University gardens have a rather unique set of stakeholders, internal and external, compared with non-academic public gardens. Undergraduate students spend a significant amount of time learning in, as well as assisting with, the garden. These students ideally become active alumni with continuing interests in the garden. Landscape and nursery industry professionals, many of whom are graduates, parents of graduates, or employ graduates from the program, are in a position to assist with in-kind donations of plant material, equipment, and expertise. Community stakeholders exist on two levels: The campus community is comprised of faculty, staff, and students who come to the garden to relax and reflect. The greater civic or regional community views the garden and staff as a source of creative inspiration, expertise, and education. The campus and civic community value the garden and in turn contribute by volunteering their time as well as fiscal support by attending garden workshops, seminars, and special events. Garden directors and staff should make every effort to strengthen these connections and bring to university administrators' attention the importance of active support from these stakeholders groups.
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Denver, David. "Another Reason to Support Marriage? Turnout and the Decline of Marriage in Britain." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 10, no. 4 (November 2008): 666–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2008.00329.x.
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There is robust evidence, spanning more than 30 years, that people who are married turn out to vote in greater proportions than do those who are single, separated, divorced or live with a partner. The difference generally persists even when age and other social characteristics are taken into account. Previous explanations for this phenomenon have focused on differential access to local and national networks that encourage voting but it appears that this approach no longer fits the facts. Arguably, married people (and the widowed) are more attuned to traditional values, including a sense of civic duty, than are those with other domestic arrangements.
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FAGUET, JEAN-PAUL. "Transformation from Below in Bangladesh: Decentralization, local governance, and systemic change." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (November 2017): 1668–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000378.
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AbstractI examine decentralization through the lens of the local dynamics it unleashed in Bangladesh. I argue that the national effects of decentralization are largely the sum of its local-level effects. Hence, to understand decentralization, we must first understand how local government works. This implies analysing not only decentralization, but also democracy, from the bottom up. I present a model of local government responsiveness as the product of political openness and substantive competition. The quality of politics, in turn, emerges endogenously as a joint product of the lobbying and political engagement of local firms/interests, and the organizational density and ability of civil society. I then test these ideas using qualitative data from Bangladesh. The evidence shows that civic organizations worked with non-governmental organizations and local governments to effect transformative change from the grass roots upwards—not just to public budgets and outputs, but to the underlying behaviours and ideas that underpin social development. In the aggregate, these effects were powerful. The result, key development indicators show, is Bangladesh leap-frogging past much wealthier India between 1990 and 2015.
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Stewart, Fenner L. "Dominium and The Empire of Laws." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 36 (December 11, 2019): 36–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v36i0.6066.
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Civic republicanism endorses a freedom ideology that can support the corporate social responsibility movement [CSR] in some of the challenges it faces. This article is a call for CSR to embrace this normative guidance as a superior alternative to mainstream liberalism. Part I is the introduction. Part II discusses the institutional changes that gave rise to CSR’s present incarnation. Part III builds upon this discussion, explaining how corporate risk management strategies pose a threat to CSR’s persuasive authority today. It then considers CSR’s options for enhancing governance when such persuasive authority is not available. It determines that inspiring integrity – above all else – is integral to success and that, in turn, the removal of moral distance is key to inspiring such integrity. It also notes that whether a form of coercive authority exists or not to back a governance mechanism, the removal of moral distance will be key to its effectiveness. Part IV notes that efforts to remove moral distance have been attempted since the 1970s, but time has proven that business actors have been resilient to meaningful change. It argues that this failure to reduce moral distance is, in part, the result of mainstream liberalism, which continues to nullify such efforts to make business actors feel more accountable for the impacts of their decision-making. It then explores liberalism, detangling the meaning of possibly the most contested, and normatively powerful, concept from the twentieth century to the present. Part V explains civic republicanism. It then explores civic republicanism’s conceptual proximity to liberalism. Part VI makes the case for why civic republicanism ought to amend the liberal message, recasting the rights and responsibilities of both imperium (that is, the authority of the sovereign) and dominium (that is, the private authority usually emanating from property and contract) within society. Part VII concludes with a short reflection on the ground covered.