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Journal articles on the topic 'Civic Policy and Immigrant Affairs'
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1
Zarpour, M. "Policy Implications for an Emerging Immigrant Civil Society." Practicing Anthropology 35, no. 4 (September 1, 2013): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.35.4.74336640p4155326.
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This paper highlights the potential role for applied anthropology in understanding immigrant political agency and contributes to policy perspectives on the evolving phenomenon of immigrant integration. Formal types of participation traditionally used to assess civic engagement, such as voter registration, are inadequate tests of civic engagement (Barreto and Muñoz 2003). Based on a study of the participation of Iranian immigrants in San Diego, in United States civil and political society, I suggest additional forms of participation and discuss their relationship to well-being and policymaking.
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SATO, Shunsuke. "Europeanization of Immigrant Integration Policy?: A Case of Civic Integration." EU Studies in Japan 2015, no. 35 (2015): 183–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5135/eusj.2015.183.
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Onasch, Elizabeth. "Framing and Claiming “Gender Equality”: A Multi-level Analysis of the French Civic Integration Program." Gender & Society 34, no. 3 (May 18, 2020): 496–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220916453.
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The recent construction of “gender equality” as a defining value of European societies has shaped the policy goals of immigrant integration programs. This focus on “gender equality” may function, paradoxically, to exclude immigrants, if immigrant integration policies rely on stereotypical representations of immigrants and fail to acknowledge the multiple, intersecting forms of inequality that immigrant women face. This article contributes to the critical scholarship on the role of “gender equality” in the field of immigrant integration policy by examining the framing of this concept in the policy documents and implementation of the French civic integration program. Using ethnographic observations and field interviews, I illustrate how frontline workers, many of whom were women of immigrant origin, interacted with participants to frame “gender equality” in exclusionary and inclusionary ways, and how “gender equality” functioned as a racial boundary within the program. The tensions in the discourses of frontline workers mirrored those of the political context in which the policy developed; they were constrained by a difference-blind ideology of French republicanism as they insisted on “gender equality” as the pathway to belonging in France.
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Borjian, Ali. "Academically Successful Latino Undocumented Students in College: Resilience and Civic Engagement." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 40, no. 1 (February 2018): 22–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986317754299.
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This qualitative study focused on academically successful undocumented immigrant college students who also advocate for access to educational opportunities for others. Using purposeful sampling, eight students attending a large university were recruited and interviewed. Findings indicate that academically successful students are eager to obtain economic security and are highly motivated to give back to their communities. Respondents emphasized that pro-immigrant public policy and institutional processes and support are important factors for their development of academic resiliency and success. Findings revealed that although the results of the U.S. presidential election have saddened and angered the respondents, they continue to express their strong commitment to pursue their dreams. Researchers are urged to focus on academically successful undocumented immigrant students in order to learn about the factors that contribute to their academic success. Learning from resilient students can inform educators regarding effective practices that support students who are currently less successful in school.
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Kabalo, Paula. "Israeli Jews from Muslim Countries: Immigrant Associations and Civic Leverage." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 6, no. 3-4 (September 2019): 324–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798919872833.
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This article sheds light on the salient and far-reaching pattern of association-forming among Jewish immigrants from Muslim countries in Israel during the 1950s and 1960s. They were formally established associations that operated by means of representatives and spokespersons and strove to mediate between the population group that they represented and the state authorities that dealt with immigration and its integration. Interestingly, although few of the members or leaders of these entities have lived under democratic regimes, they established organizations that operated on the basis of democratic principles: election of representatives, holding members’ assemblies, and freedom of expression. They articulated their positions publicly and openly and were not deterred from criticizing policymakers, even those in the highest of echelons. The extent of the phenomenon challenges the conventional image in research on immigration to Israel from the Islamic countries—that of a passive, dependent population that has no voice of its own. Additionally, it suggests that the volunteer organizations’ pressure and contacts with the authorities paid off and influenced policymakers’ agendas—leading to an additional assumption that immigrant absorption policy was crafted via exchange and interaction and not solely in a “top-down” manner.
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Shlykova, Olga V. "Cultural Dialogue of Russian Regions: Partnership Mechanisms of the Government, Society and Business." Observatory of Culture, no. 6 (December 28, 2015): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2015-0-6-28-35.
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The article considers some topical issues of interaction between the civil society, government and business on implementation of the Bases and Strategy of state cultural policy. Author pays special attention to the analysis of experts and specialists’ speeches at the Second Cultural Forum of Russian Regions, that took place in Moscow and Yakutsk on September 25, 2015 with the participation of the Council of Civic Chambers of Subjects of the Russian Federation, the Ministry for Development of the Far East of the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation, the Federal Agency on Affairs of Nationalities, the Government, the Civic Chamber of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), leading cultural experts, leaders of education, youth, national, information policy, specialists in social entrepreneurship, representatives of higher education institutions, etc.
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To, Clara Wai-chun. "Civic Stratification Within Cross-Border Families: Mainland Chinese Children and Wives in Hong Kong." Migration Letters 16, no. 2 (April 5, 2019): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182//ml.v16i2.743.
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The extant literature on family-related migration has examined the civic stratification of the right to family reunification of citizens and non-citizens and the citizenship rights of their reunited family members. However, civic stratification amongst immigrant family members has received less attention. Accordingly, the current study highlights the significance of immigration status and social reproduction in the hierarchisation of the residency and social rights of Mainland Chinese children and spouses within cross-border families in Hong Kong, particularly since the policy changes in 2003. This study asserts that children are valued as prospective contributory citizens, and thus, they are afforded preferential treatment over spouses, who are mostly women, whose contribution to the reproduction of family and society are undervalued by central and local states.
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Bobo, Lawrence D., and Michael C. Dawson. "IMMIGRATION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070014.
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There is a deep irony about the current political moment. Though having an immigrant background is arguably a core feature of how most Americans understand themselves, the topic of immigration has in recent years risen to a fever pitch of political controversy and polarized views. Of course, the immigrant streams to the United States today differ substantially from those that characterized the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Instead of bringing in millions of South, Central, and Eastern Europeans looking for better opportunities than were available in their homelands, the current immigrant wave has drawn most heavily from those with Latin American and Asian origins. Concomitant to these changes in economic, cultural, and political context as well as in who constitute the new immigrants, are a series of deep questions about civic belonging, the social consequences of immigration, and what appropriate policy responses to recent immigration should be.
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Bloemraad, Irene. "UNITY IN DIVERSITY?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 2 (2007): 317–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x0707018x.
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This article considers how well the existing sociological literature on immigrant integration and assimilation responds to public fears over multiculturalism. The current backlash against multiculturalism rests on both its perceived negative effects for immigrants' socioeconomic integration and its failure to encourage civic and political cohesion. I offer a brief review of multiculturalism as political theory and public policy, demonstrating that multiculturalism addresses questions of citizenship and political incorporation, not socioeconomic integration. We have growing evidence that multiculturalism does not hurt immigrant citizenship or political integration, and might facilitate such processes. We know much less about the relationship between multiculturalism and socioeconomic outcomes. I discuss how sociologists have developed useful models of immigrants' socioeconomic assimilation but have paid scant attention to civic or political outcomes. They also have not adequately addressed the relationship between socioeconomic and political integration. We can, nonetheless, extrapolate from existing scholarship, and I outline two models of political integration that seem to emerge from the sociology of U.S. immigration: one of individual-level political assimilation, another of group-based political incorporation. I conclude by offering a number of hypotheses about the importance of “groupedness” for politics and the relationship between political action, multiculturalism, and socioeconomic integration.
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de Graauw, Els, and Irene Bloemraad. "Working Together: Building Successful Policy and Program Partnerships for Immigrant Integration." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 1 (March 2017): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500106.
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Supporting and investing in the integration of immigrants and their children is critically important to US society. Successful integration contributes to the nation's economic vitality, its civic and political health, and its cultural diversity. But although the United States has a good track record on immigrant integration, outcomes could be better. A national, coherent immigrant integration policy infrastructure is needed. This infrastructure can build on long-standing partnerships between civil society and US public institutions. Such partnerships, advanced under Republican- and Democratic-led administrations, were initially established to facilitate European immigrants' integration in large American cities, and later extended to help refugees fleeing religious persecution and war. In the twenty-first century, we must expand this foundation by drawing on the growing activism by cities and states, new civil society initiatives, and public-private partnerships that span the country. A robust national integration policy infrastructure must be vertically integrated to include different levels of government and horizontally applied across public and private sector actors and different types of immigrant destinations. The resultant policy should leverage public-private partnerships, drawing on the energy, ideas, and work of community-based nonprofit organizations as well as the leadership and support of philanthropy, business, education, faith-based, and other institutions. A new coordinating office to facilitate interagency cooperation is needed in the executive branch; the mandate and programs of the Office of Refugee Resettlement need to be secured and where possible expanded; the outreach and coordinating role of the Office of Citizenship needs to be extended, including through a more robust grant program to community-based organizations; and Congress needs to develop legislation and appropriate funding for a comprehensive integration policy addressed to all, and not just humanitarian immigrants. The federal investments in immigrant and refugee integration we propose are a big ask for any administration; they seem especially unlikely under the Trump administration, whose efforts focus on enforcement and border control, targeting undocumented and legal immigrants alike. Yet immigrant integration is not and should not be a partisan issue. Federal politicians across the political spectrum need to realize, as many local officials and a large segment of the public already do, that successful immigrant integration is a win-win for everybody. When immigrants have more opportunities to learn English, to improve their schooling and professional training, to start businesses, and to access citizenship, we all benefit. A majority of the American public supports immigrant integration, from proposals for learning English to a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. Local and state governments are setting up initiatives to promote integration. If the federal government will not act, cities, states, and civil society organizations must continue to work together to build an integration infrastructure from the bottom up.
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Nambei Asoba, Samson, and Robertson K. Tengeh. "Analysis of start-up challenges of African immigrant-owned businesses in selected craft markets in Cape Town." Environmental Economics 7, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.07(2).2016.10.
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Even though the arts and craft industry is perceived to be a significant contributor to the socio-economic development of South Africa, the plight of immigrant owed businesses that dominate this sector has been largely neglected in policy and support initiatives over the past decades. This paper aims to contribute to the inclusion debate, by examining the factors that inhibit the start-up of African immigrant-owned craft businesses in selected craft markets in the Cape Town area. A quantitative approach to data collection and analysis was adopted with snowballing as the sampling technique. Questionnaires were administered to 122 African immigrant entrepreneurs. The quantitative data was analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS 23). The findings indicated that limited access to bank loans, limited space, and high rental costs were the major start-up challenges. Other concerns included the relatively very short-stay permits issued by the Department of Home Affairs to immigrant entrepreneurs, the problem of complying with taxation regulations in South Africa, and the difficulty of communicating in Afrikaans and Xhosa were not perceived as start-up challenges. Recommendations were made to African immigrant entrepreneurs and selected municipal managers aimed at dealing with the start-up challenges faced by African immigrant-owned businesses
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Rovinskaya, T. "Russian E-Democracy Model in International Context." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2014): 76–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-8-76-90.
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The article analyses special features and the prospects of E-Democracy (in particular E-Government) mechanisms development in Russia in the context of world trends. Two parallel processes are being thoroughly examined. The official state E-Democracy development policy (E-Democracy “from above”) covers objections, statements, official documents and institutions created by the Russian Government in the described field. These achievements reflect Russia’s positions in international ratings. As concluded, the Russian Government mostly focuses on E-Government development, though also declares the implementation of the real E-Democracy mechanisms (like E-Elections, E-Participation in political decision-making) in the future. The so called E-Demoracy "from below” consists of the civil society initiatives in forcing political and financial transparency of the state affairs, fighting corruption. Individuals and civic organizations in Russia develop the network of related Internet-sites focusing on different e-democratic mechanisms. It compensates and sometimes replaces the official state policy in this field. The future of E-Democracy in Russia depends not only on technical progress, but also on successful integration of the official and civic initiatives.
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Misra, Supriya, Simona C. Kwon, Ana F. Abraído-Lanza, Perla Chebli, Chau Trinh-Shevrin, and Stella S. Yi. "Structural Racism and Immigrant Health in the United States." Health Education & Behavior 48, no. 3 (June 2021): 332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10901981211010676.
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Immigration has been historically and contemporarily racialized in the United States. Although each immigrant group has unique histories, current patterns, and specific experiences, racialized immigrant groups such as Latino, Asian, and Arab immigrants all experience health inequities that are not solely due to nativity or years of residence but also influenced by conditional citizenship and subjective sense of belonging or othering. Critical race theory and intersectionality provide a critical lens to consider how structural racism might uniquely impact the health of racialized immigrants, and to understand and intervene on the interlocking systems that shape these shared experiences and health consequences. We build on and synthesize the work of prior scholars to advance how society codifies structural disadvantages for racialized immigrants into governmental and institutional policies and how that affects health via three key pathways that emerged from our review of the literature: (1) formal racialization via immigration policy and citizenship status that curtails access to material and health resources and political and civic participation; (2) informal racialization via disproportionate immigration enforcement and criminalization including ongoing threats of detention and deportation; and (3) intersections with economic exploitation and disinvestment such as labor exploitation and neighborhood disinvestment. We hope this serves as a call to action to change the dominant narratives around immigrant health, provides conceptual and methodological recommendations to advance research, and illuminates the essential role of the public health sector to advocate for changes in other sectors including immigration policy, political rights, law enforcement, labor protections, and neighborhood investment, among others.
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Kim, Harris Hyun-soo. "Outgroup Contact, Anti-Foreigner Attitude, and Social Cohesion in the Caucasus: Evidence from a Population-Based Survey." Social Sciences 8, no. 6 (June 10, 2019): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci8060179.
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A substantial literature has emerged examining the relationship between ethnic diversity due to immigration and social cohesion in the host country. Empirical evidence concerning this relationship, however, remains inconsistent, if not contradictory. Aside from rare exceptions, the bulk of evidence is also based on North American and European countries. The present study focuses on a novel empirical context: Georgia, a country located in the South Caucasus. Based on multilevel modeling of population-based data, it examines the associations between outgroup contact and attitude toward immigrants and two measures of social cohesion: generalized trust and civic engagement. Results show that net of controls at individual and regional levels, a negative orientation toward foreigners significantly predicts lower trust in generalized others. Frequency of outgroup contact, on the other hand, is positively related to civic participation. This linkage is also weaker in geographic areas with higher levels of anti-immigrant attitude. A major policy implication from this study is to encourage more intergroup contact through effective residential integration, amongst other measures.
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So, Alvin Y., and Ping Lam Ip. "Civic localism, anti-mainland localism, and independence." Asian Education and Development Studies 9, no. 2 (December 9, 2019): 255–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2018-0043.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to trace the changing pattern of identity politics in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It shows that in response to the massive urban renewal projects in the 2000s, “civic localism” in the form of cultural preservation movement emerged to protect local community culture against the government-business hegemony. However, due to the deepening of social integration between Hong Kong and the mainland, a new “anti-mainland localism” emerged in the 2010s against the influx of mainlanders. In 2015–2016, as a result of Beijing’s active interference in Hong Kong affairs, localism is further transformed to Hong Kong “independence.” Design/methodology/approach This paper uses a historical methodology to trace the changing pattern of identity politics in Hong Kong after it becomes a special administrative region of China in 1997. Findings It shows how the interaction among the following three factors has shaped the pattern of localism in Hong Kong: macro historical-structural context, social movement dynamics and the response of Hong Kong and mainland government. Practical implications This paper argues that Beijing’s hardline policy toward Hong Kong localism may work in the short run to all push the pro-independence activities underground. However, unless the structural contradiction of the HKSAR is resolved, it seems likely that anti-mainland localism and Hong Kong independence sentiment and movement will come back with a vengeance at a later stage. Originality/value The literature tends to discuss Hong Kong localism in very general terms and fails to reveal its changing nature. This paper contributes by distinguishing three different forms of localism: civic localism in the mid-2000s, anti-mainland in the late 2000s and early 2010s, and independence after 2016. It shows how the macro historical-structural transformation, social movement dynamics and the responses of the Hong Kong SAR government and Beijing government have led to the changes of civic localism to anti-mainland localism, and finally to independence.
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Aßländer, Michael S., and Janina Curbach. "Corporate or Governmental Duties? Corporate Citizenship From a Governmental Perspective." Business & Society 56, no. 4 (July 27, 2016): 617–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650315585974.
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Recent discussions on corporate citizenship (CC) highlight the new political role of corporations in society by arguing that corporations increasingly act as quasi-governmental actors and take on what hitherto had originally been governmental tasks. By examining political and sociological citizenship theories, the authors show that such a corporate engagement can be explained by a changing (self-)conception of corporate citizens from corporate bourgeois to corporate citoyen. As an intermediate actor in society, the corporate citoyen assumes co-responsibilities for social and civic affairs and actively collaborates with fellow citizens beyond governmental regulation. This change raises the question of how such corporate civic engagement can be aligned with public policy regulations and how corporate activities can be integrated into the democratic regime. To clarify the mode of CC contributions to society, the authors will apply the tenet of subsidiarity as a governing principle which allows for specifying corporations’ tasks as intermediate actors in society. By referring to the renewed European Union strategy for Corporate Social Responsibility, the authors show how such a subsidiary corporate-governmental task-sharing can be organized.
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Madugu, Usman, Halimah Abdul Manaf, Syarfa Ayuni Nasir, Sharmaine Sakthi Ananthan, and Mega Hidayati. "Towards a Better Understanding on the Relationship between Knowledge Sharing and Public Service Motivation." Journal of Governance and Development (JGD), Number 2 (December 31, 2020): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jgd2020.16.2.3.
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Knowledge sharing has been acknowledged as the right mechanism for public servants to share best practices in performing work among workers. The sharing of best practices on learning by actions (doing) seems to enhance motivation among public servants to provide quality services. Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between knowledge sharing and public service motivation among civil servants in the Department of Student Affairs, UiTM Merlimau and Public Works Department (JKR), Jasin, Malaysia. A total of 150 questionnaires were distributed but only 118 questionnaires were validly returned and used. The findings demonstrate that the level of knowledge sharing practices in both organisations is at moderate level. Pearson correlation analysis shows that policy making, commitment to public interests, social justice, civic duty, compassion and self-sacrifice have significant relationships with knowledge sharing practices. Meanwhile, multiple regression analysis reveals that only commitment to public interests, social justice as well as civic duty significantly influence the practices of knowledge sharing. The findings conclude that knowledge sharing is key element used by civil servants in producing public service motivation.
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Rajca, Lucyna. "The Role of Cities in the Integration of Immigrants in Europe." Studia Europejskie - studies in European Affairs 24, no. 3 (October 20, 2020): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.3.2020.9.
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In the era of migration, cities play an important role in integrating immigrants and promoting social cohesion. Sometimes they create and implement integration policies different from these at a national level. The state-run civic integration programs question the thesis of the growing role of cities as these programs have resulted in centralizing integration policies and reducing their role. In recent years, large European cities have been implementing a cultural diversity management model referred to as “intercultural integration”. They have also adopted mainstream policies targeted at the entire population. In terms of immigrant integration policy Polish large cities have recently been following a pattern set by their Western European counterparts. This results from the availability of European funds and trends towards cultural diversity rather than challenges.
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Wong, Cara. "WHO FIGHTS." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 4, no. 1 (2007): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x07070099.
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AbstractIn discussions of political obligation, it is commonly assumed that duties follow from citizenship. However, the performance of a duty by aliens can lead to citizenship status in at least one critical case: service by noncitizen soldiers. While politicians and pundits recently have called citizenship a just reward for bearing arms and these “green card troops” another example of immigrant entrepreneurship in the United States, there is a good deal of ideological ambivalence about the policy. A clear discussion of its merits is crucial, particularly because in upending the traditionally accepted relationship between obligation and membership in a community, it gives new meaning to citizenship; it also forces a choice between our egalitarian and civic republican values. In this essay, I provide a theoretical framework for evaluating the policy normatively, as well as a political analysis of why—regardless of one's normative stance—the practice of granting citizenship for military service is likely to continue into the future.
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Bjorklund, Peter. "Undocumented Students in Higher Education: A Review of the Literature, 2001 to 2016." Review of Educational Research 88, no. 5 (June 7, 2018): 631–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0034654318783018.
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This article presents a critical review of the recent literature on undocumented students in higher education, placing it in the context of recent anti-immigrant sentiment and policy revisions. The 81 reviewed studies reveal that undocumented students confront significant financial barriers, shoulder unique psychological and social burdens tied to their legal status, and lack access to forms of social capital that facilitate postsecondary success. At the same time, they bring a host of assets to college campuses—including civic engagement and resilience—that are underutilized. Although their experiences are dependent on ethnoracial group and geographic context, these differences have not been sufficiently studied. Likewise, researchers have not adequately explored the impact of institutional, state, and federal programs designed to help undocumented students. In sum, the recent literature sheds some light on the experiences of undocumented postsecondary students, but further research should yield a more nuanced picture and better address their needs.
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Steven, Hyland. "The Syrian-Ottoman Home Front in Buenos Aires and Rosario during the First World War." Journal of Migration History 4, no. 1 (March 21, 2018): 211–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00401009.
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The commencement of hostilities in Europe in late summer 1914 transformed the southern Atlantic cities of Buenos Aires and Rosario into diasporic home fronts for many belligerent nations. These cities became at once contested terrains between and among émigré colonies and a source of financial and material aid for warring nations. Buenos Aires’ policy of neutrality further permitted activist immigrants to partner with like-minded individuals and their respective diplomatic representatives to organise civic associations, arrange public demonstrations, and host charity events. The Syrian-Ottoman colonies mirrored the efforts of other immigrant groups, but diverged in distinct ways as novel nationalist sentiments circulated among them. The increased social tension from penury and competing political agendas led to multiple violent confrontations among Syrian Ottomans. Thus, nations that did not directly fight in the European conflagration were indeed party to the First World War and warring states’ home fronts extended beyond national boundaries.
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Pochyły, Piotr. "Refugees/migrants and border security in the annual address of Poland’s foreign ministers in the years 2014–2016." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.7.
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The article presents the attitudes of Poland’s foreign ministers towards refugees/migrants and border security in the years 2014–2016 expressed in their annual address. The research problem is to determine whether the ministers presented in their address generally accepted long-term strategies for all directions of foreign policy, or whether their activities in the analysed area were merely adaptive, adjusted to the current political situation in the world. The temporal scope is to determine the response after the annexation of Crimea by Russia in late February 2014 of the ministers of the Civic Platform – Polish People’s Party (PO-PSL) government in 2011–2015, and the Law and Justice (PiS) government, that came into power on 16 November 2015. The content of the address and transcripts of the proceedings of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Polish Parliament during which the ministers discussed the theses of their speeches are the primary sources.
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Tossutti, Livianna S. "Municipal Roles in Immigrant Settlement, Integration and Cultural Diversity." Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 3 (September 2012): 607–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842391200073x.
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Abstract. This article examines municipal government roles in immigrant settlement, integration and cultural diversity in six of Canada's most diverse cities. Drawing on documentary and interview evidence, the review of corporate initiatives in Vancouver, Abbotsford, Calgary, Edmonton, Toronto and Brampton addresses three areas: the position or profile of these issues on the municipal government agenda; diversity, human rights and anti-racism policies for city institutions and the broader community; and access and equity policies. The inventory provides the data for a proposed local-scale typology that classifies and distinguishes among cities according to the normative premises underlying the official recognition of cultural differences in the public sphere, the types and extent of initiatives and the locus of bureaucratic authority for these issues. The analysis identified distinct approaches at the sub-state level. Toronto was the only city that has fully embraced a multicultural approach recognizing cultural diversity in most or all aspects of its corporate policies and structures and which grants collective rights to members of disadvantaged groups. The intercultural or civic universalist approaches prevailed in most study sites. Just three cities have developed comprehensive and relatively centralized approaches to these issues. The results suggest that sub-state authorities will not necessarily adopt the discourse and policy responses associated with state-level multiculturalism.Résumé. Cet article examine les approches des gouvernements municipaux dans six municipalités diverses du canada en ce qui concerne l'établissement des immigrants, l'intégration et la diversité culturelle. L'inventaire des initiatives au niveau de l'entreprise à Vancouver, Abbotsford, Calgary, Edmonton, Toronto et Brampton s'adressent à trois secteurs : la position ou le profil d'établissement des immigrants, l'intégration/problèmes de diversité dans le programme du gouvernement municipal; la diversité, les droits de l'Homme et les politiques anti- racisme pour les institutions de la ville et la communauté dans son ensemble; et les politiques d'accès et d'équité. L'inventaire forme la base d'une typologie à échelle locale qui est structurée en trois parties : les prémisses normatives fondamentales soulignant la reconnaissance officielle des différences culturelles dans la sphère publique; les types et l'étendue des initiatives et le lieu d'autorité bureaucratique de ces problèmes. L'analyse de preuves documentaires et d'entrevues a identifié des approches distinctes à l'établissement des immigrants, l'intégration et la diversité culturelle. Toronto était la seule ville a approuver entièrement l'approche multiculturelle qui reconnaît la diversité culturelle et tous les aspects de ses politiques et de ses structures d'entreprise, tout en accordant des droits collectifs aux membres de groupes défavorisés. Les approches interculturelles ou universelles ont prévalu dans la plupart de sites d'études. Juste deux villes ont développé des approches complètes et relativement centralisées à ces problèmes. Les résultats suggèrent que les autorités de sous-état n'adopteront pas nécessairement les réponses de discours et politique qui sont associé avec le multiculturalisme d'état-niveau.
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Boysen, Jens. "Niemiecka „cywilność” a rosyjska „bojowość” jako czynniki strategicznej orientacji w kontekście międzynarodowego bezpieczeństwa." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 25/1 (April 28, 2017): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.07.
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Germany and Russia are key players in the area of security policy, particularly in Europe but also outside the continent. The two countries, however, show completely different approaches to specific issues. While Russia (like many other powers) quite openly continues to conduct traditional ‘realistic’ diplomacy guided mainly by national interests, Germany is a ‘champion of multilateralism’ that refers to the ‘interests of all humanity’. This remarkable altruism of the nation state has its origin in the history of National Socialism, which, according to the German political élite, delegitimized the concept and the policy of ‘national interest’. As a result of this peculiar political culture, Germany is indeed a reliable partner in NATO, the European Union and other organizations. However, in political practice, the neurotic attitude of the German élite with regard to military affairs often makes cooperation with its partners difficult in the area of security and defence. This attitude has also severely affected the condition of the Bundeswehr and led to disregard for the interests of German soldiers in peacekeeping missions. In contrast, Russia (again) has never reviewed its Stalinist past and the social position of the army is as high as it was in Soviet times. As a result, the country may be less sympathetic than Germany and lacks civic culture, but the cynical policy of Moscow is somewhat more predictable when it comes to hard politics.
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Paruch, Waldemar. "Polityka transatlantycka rządów Prawa i Sprawiedliwości (2015–2019): przesłanki (cz. 1)." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 4 (December 2020): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.4.10.
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Law and Justice party was a “Euro-Atlantic” political party in the whole period of its political existence. Three major characteristic features of political thought in the foreign affairs of Law and Justice party were: 1) an Atlantic course; 2) a concept of realism in the European Union; and 3) postulated subjectivity in the Central Europe and towards the Eastern Europe. Law and Justice party created its own concept of the role of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in the security policy of the Republic of Poland. Law and Justice waited until the occurrence of good conditions to bring the wrought concept into reality. It was more than sure that such conditions will occur in the future. There was no doubt that Russia was danger for the Western hemisphere. Such an evaluation was strengthened in the years 2008–2010 as the consequence of the Russian aggression on Georgia and Smolensk catastrophe. Law and Justice waited to: (1) win the parliamentary elections; (2) the end of the policy of reset in Russian – American relations. The theoretical and ideological premises and the type of political competition in Poland justified a negative evaluation by Law and Justice party of the foreign policy of Poland towards NATO in the period of the left–wing – agrarian government coalition and the government coalition of liberal – agrarian parties. Law and Justice party remained critical of the foreign policy of Poland led by Civic Platform in the scope of its theoretical, conceptual and decisive senses.
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Fernández Suárez, Belén. "The Design of Migrant Integration Policies in Spain: Discourses and Social Actors." Social Inclusion 5, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v5i1.783.
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Spain is one of the countries with the lowest social spending within the EU-15, and its welfare state has developed later and with less intensity. At the end of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, Spain became an immigration country, reaching 5.7 million immigrants in 2011. This article explores how the definition of migrant ‘integration’ is based more on a concept of universal rights and social cohesion by the main actors (political parties, trade unions, third sector organizations and immigrant associations) than on a notion of a cultural type. We will also analyze how the influence of European policies and restrictive liberalism have led to the implementation of programmes which aim to make civic integration compulsory for the renewal of residence and work permits. The empirical evidence for this article stems from 60 qualitative interviews with social actors in migrant integration policies during 2010 and 2011. The impact of the economic crisis on the foreign population, especially regarding its position in the labor market, will also be considered, explaining the reduction of specific and general policies targeting the migrant population. This cut in social spending has involved a deinstitutionalization of this particular policy field.
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Özel Volfová, Gabriela. "Turkey’s Middle Eastern Endeavors: Discourses and Practices of Neo-Ottomanism under the AKP." Die Welt des Islams 56, no. 3-4 (November 28, 2016): 489–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p10.
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The aim of this research paper is to explain the concept of neo-Ottomanism as a Turkish foreign policy doctrine, as it was formulated by the ruling Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP). The paper follows two distinct yet interrelated themes. First, it explains how the neo-Ottoman discourse used by AKP today differs from the civic proto-nationalist discourse of Ottomanism developed by political reformers around 1839–1908, in order to construct an overarching identity formula for the multi-confessional and multi-ethnic Empire which sensed its demise. Second, it discusses the current understanding of neo-Ottomanism in relation to economic, political and cultural interests that the AKP pursues in the Middle East. The argument is that today’s AKP’s interpretation of the Ottoman past as a justification for its growing political, economic and cultural presence in the region is very selective and makes a radical departure from the original 19th century concept. Besides these key analytical concerns, the paper also addresses major changes in Turkish foreign policy, between 2002 and 2013, as well as relevant political transformations in the region. The empirical material consists of documents in both Turkish and English in the form of press releases and public statements of key AKP representatives available online from newspapers, think-tanks, the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Presidency of the Republic of Turkey and AKP websites.
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Bélanger, Damien-Claude. "Loyalty and Lobbying: French-Canadian Delegates in London, 1763–1840." London Journal of Canadian Studies 35, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 29–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.14324/111.444.ljcs.2020v35.003.
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This article examines the individuals who came to London in order to lobby the imperial authorities in favour of the expansion of French-Canadian rights from the 1763 Treaty of Paris to the 1840 Act of Union and who were delegated by a significant body or institution within French Canada. Early efforts were centred on the expansion of religious rights and the perpetuation of Quebec’s legal and social institutions, including French civil law and the seigneurial system. Religious affairs remained an important facet of French-Canadian lobbying throughout the British regime, though the issue of political reform, which came to the fore in the 1780s, soon came to dominate lobbying efforts. These efforts were predicated on ideas of loyalty, as delegates sought to negotiate a place within the British Empire for French Canada. They lobbied London to allow French Canadians to fully participate in civic life within the framework of British political institutions while also allowing Quebec to retain its particular religious and social institutions. Delegates experienced some success, especially when they enjoyed the support of the colonial authorities at Quebec, but often failed to achieve their goals because they ran counter to British policy or because their English-speaking opponents had greater access to Whitehall.
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Santinha, Gonçalo, Teresa Carvalho, Teresa Forte, Alexandre Fernandes, and Jéssica Tavares. "Profiling Public Sector Choice: Perceptions and Motivational Determinants at the Pre-Entry Level." Sustainability 13, no. 3 (January 26, 2021): 1272. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13031272.
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The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development now guides public administrations in conveying all their functions. The 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), directly or indirectly, need effective public services and officials for successful implementation. Although working in public entities has been related to ‘a sense of duty and morality’, literature reports that motivation and sense of self-worth among public officials have been declining for many years, which in turn can endanger their performance, diminish their willingness to attend to civic affairs, and become committed to their organisation. Public officials’ motivation has been widely addressed through the lens of public service motivation and public sector motivation. Fewer studies, however, have focused on the factors of choice at a pre-level entry. This paper intends to address this gap by pondering on what influences student’s intention to work in the public sector. Understanding what drives potential future public officials’ motivation is crucial for public service sector effectiveness. Following a case study approach with a sample of 2251 undergraduate and post-graduate students of a Portuguese university, findings show an attribution of similar strengths and shortcomings to public and nonprofit sectors, a more positive perception of the private sector and job stability as the strongest motivation.
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Deslippe, Dennis. "“We Must Bring Together a New Coalition”: The Challenge of Working-Class White Ethnics to Color-Blind Conservatism in the 1970s." International Labor and Working-Class History 74, no. 1 (2008): 148–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547908000227.
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AbstractThis essay examines working-class white ethnics' rejection of middle-class suburbanite notions of racial innocence, meritocratic individualism, and idealized equality in post-Civil Rights America. Most scholarly attention on white ethnics has tended to dwell on well-documented racism or on their crass embrace of programs earned by others' hard-fought activism (a kind of “me-tooism”). I argue that these interpretations do not adequately capture the complex and often contradictory expressions of “ethniclass” identity in a decade characterized by working-class revolt, backlash, and retreat. I focus on white ethnic leaders allied with the National Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs (headed by civil rights veteran Msgr. Geno Baroni); seizing on the capacious definition of “disadvantage” common in the early 1960s, they worked with African Americans and others for increased job training, formed coalitions with organized labor, and lobbied for expanded affirmative action. As they stumbled to construct an economic vision beyond the fading deindustrializing cities from which mainstream liberals seemed disconnected with their version of “rights consciousness,” ethnic leaders articulated positions based on an unwieldy mix of principle and parochialism that defies easy generalization. Given the waning of the white ethnic movement by the late 1970s, their significance lies less in legislative or policy gains and more in their imprint on civic and popular discourse in a period where, despite its powerful effects in the corridors of power, color-blind conservatism fails to capture the views of a majority of white Americans today.
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İnceköse, Ülkü. "The Sustainability of an Urban Ritual in the Collective Memory: Bergama Kermesi." Sustainability 11, no. 9 (May 10, 2019): 2684. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11092684.
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Bergama Festival, locally known as Bergama Kermesi, is an annual festival which dates back to 22 May 1937 in the city. It came into existence as a result of Atatürk’s intention to introduce this, an extraordinary town with its historical and cultural properties, and promote it internationally. The Festival is an important element in the collective memory of the city. Initially, it was a civic event, a device in the formation process of the Turkish Republic. However, now, it is a civil event for national and international representatives, and a festival that allows locals and guests from different social, economic, and cultural backgrounds to mix freely and equally for a certain period. In the course of the Festival, the public buildings and the open spaces of the town become places of activity and entertainment. Parks, stadiums, the town square, and streets function as spaces for a variety of activities. Looking back at its 81-year history, one can notice some important changes in the Festival’s cultural and social practices, from an earlier state-dominated character into the current more publicly oriented one. This article studies the change of Bergama Festival as an ‘invented tradition’ into an element of the collective memory in town from the perspective of different public affairs that it introduces. In this regard, the article will also show how an urban ritual can maintain its sustainability by keeping itself fresh in the social life.
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Junn, Jane. "Citizenship in an Unequal World." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 633–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002635.
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We inhabit a thoroughly globalized world. People are increasingly and visibly connected by a “World Wide Web,” by a world market, and by universalist discourses of human rights and democracy. At the same time, full citizenship in a political community—and the rights conferred by such citizenship—is an exclusive status that remains, remarkably, tied to accidents of birth and historical circumstance. And what one has a right to—gainful employment, education, health care, political voice, mere presence—is largely a function of whether one has the precious status of citizenship or is, alternatively, regarded as analien.Ayelet Shachar'sThe Birthright Lottery: Citizenship and Global Inequalityis a compelling account of the moral arbitrariness of this state of affairs. A study in “normative political theory,” it is a work of political science that incorporates legal theory, moral philosophy, political economy, and public policy. The author tackles issues of increasing global political importance—global disparities of wealth; unequal access to clear air, water, and a secure place to live; and the increasingly contentious politics of immigration and immigrant rights.So it seems fitting to invite a range of political science scholars who work on these topics to comment on the book. The basic editorial charge of this symposium is thus straightforward: How do you assess Shachar's arguments and the attention she focuses on the phenomenon of “birthright lottery”? How does this argument bear upon the topics and approaches that characterize your own scholarship? And how do these topics and approaches shed light on the book and its arguments? While the focus of the symposium is this provocative book, the discussion of it should also be regarded as an opportunity to address the question of whether or not the bases of citizenship need to be fundamentally reconceived, and in what ways political science can and should contribute to such a rethinking.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Bosniak, Linda. "Citizenship in an Unequal World." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002386.
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We inhabit a thoroughly globalized world. People are increasingly and visibly connected by a “World Wide Web,” by a world market, and by universalist discourses of human rights and democracy. At the same time, full citizenship in a political community—and the rights conferred by such citizenship—is an exclusive status that remains, remarkably, tied to accidents of birth and historical circumstance. And what one has a right to—gainful employment, education, health care, political voice, mere presence—is largely a function of whether one has the precious status of citizenship or is, alternatively, regarded as an alien. Ayelet Shachar's The Birthright Lottery: Citizenship and Global Inequality is a compelling account of the moral arbitrariness of this state of affairs. A study in “normative political theory,” it is a work of political science that incorporates legal theory, moral philosophy, political economy, and public policy. The author tackles issues of increasing global political importance—global disparities of wealth; unequal access to clear air, water, and a secure place to live; and the increasingly contentious politics of immigration and immigrant rights.So it seems fitting to invite a range of political science scholars who work on these topics to comment on the book. The basic editorial charge of this symposium is thus straightforward: How do you assess Shachar's arguments and the attention she focuses on the phenomenon of “birthright lottery”? How does this argument bear upon the topics and approaches that characterize your own scholarship? And how do these topics and approaches shed light on the book and its arguments? While the focus of the symposium is this provocative book, the discussion of it should also be regarded as an opportunity to address the question of whether or not the bases of citizenship need to be fundamentally reconceived, and in what ways political science can and should contribute to such a rethinking.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Echeverri-Gent, John. "Citizenship in an Unequal World." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 625–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002398.
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We inhabit a thoroughly globalized world. People are increasingly and visibly connected by a “World Wide Web,” by a world market, and by universalist discourses of human rights and democracy. At the same time, full citizenship in a political community—and the rights conferred by such citizenship—is an exclusive status that remains, remarkably, tied to accidents of birth and historical circumstance. And what one has a right to—gainful employment, education, health care, political voice, mere presence—is largely a function of whether one has the precious status of citizenship or is, alternatively, regarded as an alien. Ayelet Shachar's The Birthright Lottery: Citizenship and Global Inequality is a compelling account of the moral arbitrariness of this state of affairs. A study in “normative political theory,” it is a work of political science that incorporates legal theory, moral philosophy, political economy, and public policy. The author tackles issues of increasing global political importance—global disparities of wealth; unequal access to clear air, water, and a secure place to live; and the increasingly contentious politics of immigration and immigrant rights.So it seems fitting to invite a range of political science scholars who work on these topics to comment on the book. The basic editorial charge of this symposium is thus straightforward: How do you assess Shachar's arguments and the attention she focuses on the phenomenon of “birthright lottery”? How does this argument bear upon the topics and approaches that characterize your own scholarship? And how do these topics and approaches shed light on the book and its arguments? While the focus of the symposium is this provocative book, the discussion of it should also be regarded as an opportunity to address the question of whether or not the bases of citizenship need to be fundamentally reconceived, and in what ways political science can and should contribute to such a rethinking.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Givens, Terri E. "Citizenship in an Unequal World." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 630–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002404.
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We inhabit a thoroughly globalized world. People are increasingly and visibly connected by a “World Wide Web,” by a world market, and by universalist discourses of human rights and democracy. At the same time, full citizenship in a political community—and the rights conferred by such citizenship—is an exclusive status that remains, remarkably, tied to accidents of birth and historical circumstance. And what one has a right to—gainful employment, education, health care, political voice, mere presence—is largely a function of whether one has the precious status of citizenship or is, alternatively, regarded as an alien. Ayelet Shachar's The Birthright Lottery: Citizenship and Global Inequality is a compelling account of the moral arbitrariness of this state of affairs. A study in “normative political theory,” it is a work of political science that incorporates legal theory, moral philosophy, political economy, and public policy. The author tackles issues of increasing global political importance—global disparities of wealth; unequal access to clear air, water, and a secure place to live; and the increasingly contentious politics of immigration and immigrant rights.So it seems fitting to invite a range of political science scholars who work on these topics to comment on the book. The basic editorial charge of this symposium is thus straightforward: How do you assess Shachar's arguments and the attention she focuses on the phenomenon of “birthright lottery”? How does this argument bear upon the topics and approaches that characterize your own scholarship? And how do these topics and approaches shed light on the book and its arguments? While the focus of the symposium is this provocative book, the discussion of it should also be regarded as an opportunity to address the question of whether or not the bases of citizenship need to be fundamentally reconceived, and in what ways political science can and should contribute to such a rethinking.—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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Nakhaie, M. Reza. "Electoral Participation in Municipal, Provincial and Federal Elections in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (June 2006): 363–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390606015x.
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Abstract.The purpose of this paper is to highlight the importance of social relations or social capital for voting turnout at three levels of Canadian government, paying particular attention to social contexts, socio-demographics and socio-economic forces. The data source is the Public Use Microdata File from theNational Survey of Giving, Volunteering and Participation, administered by Statistics Canada (2001). Results provide support for social capital theory. Those who donate to charities and/or volunteer have a stronger propensity to vote than their counterparts. Two other measures of social capital, social networks and participation in religious activities, are also related to turnout. However, their effects are comparatively modest. Among the social bases of social capital, community rootedness is an important predictor of turnout. Civic engagement or attentiveness to current affairs also significantly increases voter turnout at all levels of Canadian government. Finally, standard socio-economic and demographic predictors of political participation do show independent effects on turnout. However, with the exception of age, these predictors are not as consistent or as strong as social capital measures in explaining turnout. Theoretical and policy implications of the findings are discussed.Résumé.L'objectif de cette étude est de souligner l'importance des relations sociales ou “ capital social ” en ce qui concerne la participation aux élections municipales, provinciales et fédérales au Canada, en prêtant une attention particulière aux contextes sociaux et aux forces socio-démographiques et socio-économiques. Nos données proviennent du fichier de microdonnées à grande diffusion del'Enquête nationale sur le don, le bénévolat et la participation, administré par Statistique Canada (2001). Les résultats vérifient la théorie du capital social. Les gens qui font des dons aux organismes de bienfaisance ou font du bénévolat ont une tendance plus marquée à voter que les autres. Deux autres mesures de capital social, l'appartenance à des réseaux sociaux et la participation à des activités religieuses, ont aussi une corrélation positive avec la participation électorale. Leur impact est cependant relativement limité. Parmi les composantes du capital social, l'enracinement dans la communauté est un indicateur important de participation. L'engagement dans la vie civique ou un intérêt marqué pour les affaires courantes augmentent aussi d'une façon significative la participation aux élections à tous les niveaux gouvernementaux. Finalement, il s'avère que les variables explicatives socio-économiques et démographiques standard de la participation politique ont des effets indépendants sur le vote. Toutefois, à l'exception de l'âge, ces variables ne sont ni aussi constantes ni aussi déterminantes que les mesures du capital social pour expliquer la participation. Nous discutons dans cet article les implications théoriques et politiques de nos conclusions.
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Trofymenko, Mykola. "Diaspora as a public diplomacy object and subject." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.92-101.
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The article studies diasporas of states that turn into a valid actor in terms of international relations and more of ten become subjects and objects of public diplomacy. Governments of states are trying to adjust efficient communication and cooperation with their diasporas facilitating the institutionalization of their associations through the establishment of government agencies embracing the issues of interaction between the government and diaspora. Diasporas are of a special importance for small countries due to the lack of resources the country might use for carrying out their foreign policy and organizing diplomatic missions. For example, diasporas of Israel, Greece, Armenia etc. in the USA significantly influence the formation of politics of the United States toward their historical motherlands contributing to the development of bilateral relations. The author states that the diaspora studies peaked in the late 1990s, when researchers studied the characteristics of the diaspora as a social entity, and raised the issue of the limits of the diaspora. The Irish, Armenian and Jewish diasporas are classic examples of how the diaspora can represent and promote the interests of its homeland in the American government, while functioning as full-on diplomatic actors in bilateral relations. The paper notes that researchers of the diaspora's role in public diplomacy are paying much attention to China and India, due to their audacious initiatives to institutionalize relations with the diasporas, in order to obtain the potential benefits diasporas can bring for bilateral relations (particularly economic ones) as mediators and catalysts. These initiatives include the establishment of ministries and government agencies to engage and coordinate work with the diasporas. Thus, part of the state apparatus works exclusively with the communities of its country abroad. In China and India, the affairs of diaspora are meddled with on subnational levels with the participation of provincial and local governments. Their diaspora ministries and agencies conduct conferences on diaspora issues within the respective countries and send missions and delegations abroad to organize communication with their diasporas. Diasporas are primarily perceived as a source of information and advice, as well as a means of civic engagement for embassies and ministries/ departments.The author draws the following conclusion: first, today states involve diasporas in fulfillment of their diplomatic targets in terms of public diplomacy to promote national interests and reaching their personal goals; second, the notion of diaspora and diplomacy have been significantly widened lately and third, representatives of different diasporas often address diplomatic practice in official way by appointing honorary consuls or in an unofficial way through the activities of citizens-diplomats.
Keywords: public diplomacy, diaspora, diaspora diplomacy, diaspora associations, receiving state, sending state.
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Zhu, Fengdaijiao. "Zhu Jian’er’s life creativity: the historiography of the composer’s personality." Aspects of Historical Musicology 18, no. 18 (December 28, 2019): 190–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.34064/khnum2-18.11.
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Background. The article is devoted to the study of the personality of the outstanding Chinese composer Zhu Jian’er (1922–2017) – the leading figure of the national musical art of the twentieth century. It is proved that the presented problematic makes it possible to most deeply and accurately explore the musical heritage of the artist. In order to better understand the meaning of the composer’s creations, it is necessary to consider his environment, the stages of creative formation, the characteristics of character and personal qualities, his civic position and the characteristics of his worldview. Most of Zhu Jian’er’s life was in times of great turmoil associated with the Sino-Japanese liberation war, with the rigid ideological line of the Communist Party, with the excesses of the Cultural Revolution, etc. Consideration of the work of an outstanding composer through the prism of his personality became possible only in the twenty-first century, when Chinese society was completely freed from the pressure of ideology, which had long been felt after the policy of the Cultural Revolution in the country. Objectives. The purpose of this article is to systematize the historiographic information about the life-making of Zhu Jian’er in the context of the general trends in the development of Chinese musical culture of the twentieth and early twenty-first century. Methods. The methodology of the research is based on the scientific approaches necessary for the disclosure of the topic. The integrated research way is used that combines the principle of musical-theoretical, musical-historical and performing analysis. Results. The composer’s youth passed in Shanghai, occupied by the Japanese invaders. Great importance to the young man had a twenty-four-hour musical radio program, through which he became acquainted with European classical music. In 1945, the composer became the leader of the musical group of the Corps of Cultural Art of the Suzhou military district, and then the director and conductor of the orchestra. As soon as the country was liberated, the composer returned to Shanghai with many musicians from the military orchestra. He was appointed to the position of the head of the musical ensemble of the state film studio. In the summer of 1955, at the age of 33, Zhu Jian’er enrolled in the graduate school of the Moscow Conservatory. Returning to China in the summer of 1960, Zhu Jian’er was full of ambition and a desire to serve his homeland and people. However, the subsequent years of the Cultural Revolution for a decade deprived him of the possibility of full-fledged creativity. Own feelings receded into the background, the collective ousted the personal. In his music the composer presented the Cultural Revolution – with its false goals, ugly human relations, distorted values, unjustified sufferings. This idea formed the basis of the First Symphony. Many outstanding masterpieces of the composer have won major awards at home and abroad, bringing glory to Chinese music on the international music scene. People close to Zhu Jian’er noted that the composer was rarely seen among friends or acquaintances, he was silent and did not like to talk. He was very thin, and it was not clear how a fiery passion and great creative energy lived in such a weak body. The composer had a mild temperament, he never became angry with people and was careful in his statements. However, even such a kind and conflict-free person, faced with unhealthy trends in the music industry, was embroiled in legal proceedings related to “violation of rights” and was forced to fight for his reputation. But he was not afraid of reprisals, his energy and strong enthusiasm gave him strength. Despite the fact that Zhu Jian’er was always an ordinary person, immersed in his own affairs, he was not indifferent to the events in his country and the fate of the national culture. In addition, he was also worried about the international situation and the influence of China outside. The composer has always been interested in politics and collected information about musical culture abroad. He had his own understanding of the world, and he tried to hold an independent opinion, although, as a real creator, he was often visited by the spirit of doubt. Despite his painful body, Zhu Jian’er was a very tough and courageous man. In the years when China was shook by events that he considered as the national catastrophe, the composer retained loyalty to the power. It was not conformism, the musician sincerely loved his homeland and was ready to die for it, his position was that the mistakes would be corrected and the country would gain strength. These inner experiences deeply touched the composer’s mind and feelings, and were subsequently reflected in his music, being formed the unique musical style of his works. In recent years, as an elderly and painful man, Zhu Jian’er continued, in his words, “to pay off debts” – writing articles for various Shanghai music publishers, editing symphonic, orchestral and piano music, and writing a monograph. In most cases, this was underpaid or completely unpaid work. However, the composer was doing such work, considering it his duty. Conclusions. We can observe important milestones in the life-making of Zhu Jian’er, which radically influenced his multifaceted musical creativity. The outlook and civil position of the musician was formed during the years of the Sino-Japanese war of liberation. This enforced his ardent love for his native land and his people. Since he himself was physically unable to be in the ranks of the army, the desire to defend their homeland was expressed in the military songs by Zhu Jian’er. The critical attitude of the musician to the policy of the Cultural Revolution did not change his positive attitude towards life, but only made him think about the meaning of the artist’s life and purpose in society. The activities of the composer in the team of the military ensemble led him to realize the need for further professional development. The passionate desire to gain the highest stages of composer skills prompted Zhu Jian’er insistently to possess by this knowledge at the Moscow Conservatory and then at the Shanghai Conservatory. The composer honed his skills in the field of vocal, instrumental, chamber and choral music, however, the genre of the symphony in which the musician expressed his civic creed and view of the world became the pinnacle of his work.
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"Post-Amsterdam Migration Policy and European Citizenship." European Journal of Migration and Law 1, no. 1 (1999): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718169920958450.
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AbstractFor the past 10 years, immigration has had an enormous impact on citizenship and, more recently, on the content of European citizenship:— the presence of immigration has led most European countries to modify their nationality codes, enlarging them to more rights of soil, while European citizenship has induced a plurality of identities and a plurality of choices, putting an end to a sacralised and unitary citizenship— new values are appearing within European citizenship, under the pressure of civic immigrant associationism: antiracism (article 13 of the Amsterdam treaty), multi-culturalism, solidarity with southern European countries and beyond, support of the undocumented.— but European citizenship may also be built as a community of reciprocal rights and interest, closing itself one to the other, and reinforcing its image of alterity.
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Menjívar, Cecilia, Victor Agadjanian, and Byeongdon Oh. "The Contradictions of Liminal Legality: Economic Attainment and Civic Engagement of Central American Immigrants on Temporary Protected Status." Social Problems, November 23, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spaa052.
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Abstract This study examines how Temporary Protected Status (TPS) may shape immigrants’ integration trajectories. Building on core themes identified in the immigrant incorporation scholarship, it investigates whether associations of educational attainment with labor market outcomes and with civic participation, which are well established in the general population, hold for immigrants who live in the “liminal legality” of TPS. Conducted in 2016 in five U.S. metropolitan areas, the study is based on a unique survey of Salvadoran and Honduran TPS holders, the majority of immigrants on this status. The analyses find that TPS holders with higher levels of educational attainment do not derive commensurate significant occupational or earnings premiums from their education. In contrast, the analysis of the relationship between educational attainment and civic engagement detects a positive association: more educated TPS holders are more likely to be members of community organizations and to participate in voluntary community service, compared to their less educated counterparts. These findings illustrate the contradictions inherent to TPS as it may hinder certain aspects of immigrant integration but not others. This examination contributes to our understanding of the implications of immigrants’ legal statuses and of immigration law and policy for key aspects of immigrant integration trajectories.
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Brochmann, Grete, and Arnfinn H. Midtbøen. "Philosophies of integration? Elite views on citizenship policies in Scandinavia." Ethnicities, August 17, 2020, 146879682095045. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796820950453.
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Research on the ‘civic turn’ in European citizenship policies suggests that concerns over immigrant integration have fueled the restrictive development of citizenship policies in recent decades. However, few efforts have been made to explore the normative ideas underlying this development. Departing from Favell’s (1998) influential concept of ‘philosophies of integration’, this article draws on elite-interviews with top-level bureaucrats, politicians and citizenship experts in the Scandinavian countries and explores how ideas about nationhood and integration have influenced the divergence in citizenship policies in the region, and what overall purpose the policy-changes reflect. We find that, especially in Denmark, the gradual introduction of ever more demanding civic integration requirements appears to be a part of the broader aim of controlling the inflow of migrants and not to enhance the integration of those already present in the country. Conversely, the Swedish liberal approach to citizenship, which regularly has been analyzed as a steppingstone to societal integration, might in reality have been a reflection of benign neglect. In Norway, immigrant integration has clearly been part of the underlying rationale for changes in naturalization requirements, yet the control dimension have played an increasingly important role. These findings suggests that, although the citizenship institution remains important in nation states’ efforts to solve their ‘ethnic dilemmas’, the underlying rationale behind policy-change is more multifaceted than previously understood.
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Masikane, Champion M., Magda L. Hewitt, and Joyce Toendepi. "Dynamics informing xenophobia and leadership response in South Africa." Acta Commercii 20, no. 1 (March 23, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ac.v20i1.704.
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Orientation: The research addressed the issue of leadership response to xenophobia in South Africa that has a unique characteristic of being ‘black on black’.Research purpose: The research purpose was to assess the dynamics informing xenophobia in South Africa, leadership responses and systemic lessons thereon.Motivation for the study: The first black president, the late Nelson Mandela, put in place a Constitution that has an intent to protect all stakeholders in a non-racist, non-sexist and without discrimination based on colour or creed. This pleasantness and warm welcome attracted a large influx of immigrants from across the continent and South Asia who come as international students, skilled professionals and economic refugees. This migratory pattern has led to protracted conflict between immigrants from Africa and indigenous black South Africans.Research design, approach and method: A qualitative, exploratory research that drew data from the semi-structured interviews was carried out. Seven participants were purposefully sampled based on their involvement with the xenophobic affairs in their line of work. Content analysis augmented the primary data.Main findings: The findings of this research showed that xenophobia is a consequence of the socio-economic environment in South Africa and that the leadership response shaped the public opinion on the phenomenon.Practical/managerial implications: The research informed all South Africans, policy-makers and leadership in government on the consequences of xenophobia on the growth and image of the country.Contribution/value-add: This article contributed to the current efforts by leadership in both government and civil society towards addressing the socio-economic issues that fuel xenophobia.
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Wei, Hsi-Sheng, An-Ti Shih, Yi-Fu Chen, and Jun Sung Hong. "The impact of adolescent parentification on family relationship and civic engagement." Journal of Social Work, September 11, 2020, 146801732095524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468017320955249.
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Summary This study examined the relationships between parentification, family relationship, political interest, and civic beliefs using a large sample of Taiwanese adolescents. Data were collected from 1648 junior and senior high school students in Taichung City, Taiwan. Parentification was hypothesized to positively affect family relationship, which in turn influences adolescents’ political interest and civic beliefs. A series of structural equation models were constructed and tested. Implications of the findings for practice and policy-making are discussed. Findings Two dimensions of parentification, instrumental and emotional caregiving, were found to be positively associated with the parent–child relationship while perceived unfairness was negatively associated with the family relations. Family relationship was positively related to youth’s civic beliefs as well as their political interests. Potential gender, age (junior high/senior high), and family (living with/not with both parents) effects were examined through multi-group comparisons. The model was robust with minor differences between gender, age, and family type subgroups. Applications Social workers should recognize the developmental benefits of parentification and utilize such experiences when working with adolescents. With cultural sensitivity, a healthy inter-dependence between youth and parents can be appreciated as a source of strength, which facilitates young people’s civic responsibility and concern for public affairs beyond family.
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Forchuk, Cheryl, Gordon Russell, Jan Richardson, Chantele Perreault, Heba Hassan, Bryanna Lucyk, and Sebastian Gyamfi. "Family Matters in Ontario: Understanding and Addressing Homelessness Among Newcomer Families in Canada." Canadian Journal of Nursing Research, March 8, 2021, 084456212199820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0844562121998206.
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Background Canada, a key player in global humanitarian affairs is faced with enormous challenges in relation to housing and homelessness. As international migration continues to occur, homelessness among immigrant families is increasing worldwide; a situation that needs urgent attention and action. Purpose We designed this study to explore the needs of homeless families, identify risk factors associated with family homelessness, and to find strategies that could assist in mitigating and preventing homelessness among families in Canada. Methods This paper reports qualitative findings from a focused ethnographic study embedded in participatory action research that explored the experiences of 11 immigrant families with housing challenges in Ontario Canada. Results Thematic analysis yielded five (5) major themes: life challenges; lack of understanding of the system; difficulty with conflict resolution; escaping as a solution for hardship; and reducing immigrant family homelessness. Conclusion Findings from the study highlight the urgent need for advocacy and a well-tailored supportive housing policy to address family homelessness in Ontario.
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Stanciu, Cristina. "Native Acts, Immigrant Acts: Citizenship, Naturalization, and the Performance of Civic Identity during the Progressive Era." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, August 18, 2020, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000080.
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Abstract This article reveals the complicity of immigration restriction laws and federal Indian policy with organized Americanization in legislating an imagined, desirable “new American” at the beginning of the twentieth century, when resurgent nationalism threatened to restrict undesirable immigrants as it also sought to assimilate Indigenous people into a mass of Americanism. While the immigrant has figured in the U.S. national imaginary as someone who desires America, the American Indian was not desired to enter into political membership—although Native land was desired, and subsequently taken by settlers through strategies of dispossession written into federal Indian law. This essay argues that the Indian—read as an imagined category with little connection to the lives of Native people—occupies an anomalous position in the legal history of naturalization, finalized with the passing of the Indian Citizenship Act in 1924, at the same time that racist immigration restriction quotas also limited the entrance of new immigrants into the United States through the 1924 Johnson-Reed Immigration Act. For Native people, Americanization and the imposition of citizenship were extensions of colonialism, adding one civic status over another—domestic dependent, ward, or U.S. citizen. For new immigrants hailing from southern and eastern Europe, forced by economic and cultural constraints to relocate to the United States, in contrast to their Anglo-Saxon or Nordic settler predecessors, Americanization meant a renunciation of political allegiance to other sovereigns, the acquisition of English, and civic education for citizenship. This essay challenges the myth of America as a “nation of immigrants,” and the settler colonial nation-state's ongoing infatuation with its colonial project as it continues to erase Indigenous presence and sovereignty.
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Kalicki, Konrad. "Toward Liberal Immigration Control." Asian Survey, 2021, 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.1421466.
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Can contemporary liberal states formulate and pursue a “liberal” immigration control policy? Set against the backdrop of the experience of immigrant-receiving Western liberal democracies, this article examines this question by focusing on Japan. Its main objective is to map the under-studied case of Asia’s most liberal democracy, which is conventionally associated with an “at best illiberal” stance on immigration. I contend, first, that liberal immigration control policy is inevitably defined by approximation, and second, that Japanese policy outputs have become, albeit to varying degrees, more liberal in three fundamental domains of immigration control: the admission policy is increasingly open and unambiguous; the selection policy is gradually being racially decentered; and the removal policy is more attuned to migrants’ rights. However, this case also demonstrates that such an evolution generates inconsistencies across, and tensions within, the different policy domains, which underscores the contemporary liberal state’s general incoherence on immigration affairs.
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Bhuyan, Rupaleem, and Vivian W. Y. Leung. "Framing Migrant Resilience as a Civic Responsibility: A Case Study of Municipal and Provincial Immigrant Integration Policies in Toronto, Ontario." British Journal of Social Work, April 11, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcab057.
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Abstract This article presents a case study of how regional and municipal governments in Toronto, Ontario, use the concept of resilience to frame the challenges faced by immigrants and the steps governments are taking to promote immigrant integration. In the past decade, resilience has emerged as a policy framework to encourage positive adaptation of people and institutions that are facing social, economic and environmental challenges associated with population growth and economic globalisation. As a policy discourse, the concept of resilience is used to identify which immigrants need social and psychological support to better cope with pre- and post-migration stressors. Although government discourse acknowledges some of the structural inequities migrants face that require resilience (e.g. poverty, systemic racism, precarious employment), the discourse on migrant resilience notably omits government responsibility to enact structural solutions. Even the City of Toronto’s anti-racism campaign, which seeks to reduce racial bias and discrimination against immigrants, frames ‘civic resilience’ as an individual responsibility. Despite the promise of resilience to emphasise immigrants’ capabilities, we argue that resilience discourse operates as a type of diversity management strategy to identify which immigrants warrant government support to maximise their economic contributions to the region.
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Schiller, Maria. "Urban planners as boundary spanners: Steering perceptions of asylum seeker accommodations in Germany." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space, August 9, 2021, 239965442110354. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23996544211035401.
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Since its open-door policy for welcoming asylum seekers in 2015, Germany has experienced a resurgence of anti-immigrant sentiments and a backlash against the safeguarding of human rights. Such perceptions of asylum seekers and their accommodation are shaped in urban neighborhoods, where street-level bureaucrats try steering such perceptions. While much literature has discussed how immigrant affairs departments promote intercultural encounter or acceptance of diversity, we know relatively little so far if and when urban planners steer perceptions of migration-related diversity. Yet, urban planners work closely with residents in urban regeneration programs and were confronted with residents’ anxieties about the potential impact of the asylum seeker accommodation when large reception centers were opened in 2015. The article aims to fill a gap in the literature. Based on two in-depth case studies it shows how structural contexts inform whether urban planners span disciplinary boundaries and act as broker between residents and the state in order to steer perceptions of asylum seeker accommodations. The article is based on field research and qualitative interviews in two large German cities. The article contributes to literatures on perceptions of migration and diversity, urban planning and urban regeneration, street-level bureaucracy, boundary spanning and brokerage.
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Cores-Bilbao, Esther, María del Carmen Méndez-García, and M. Carmen Fonseca-Mora. "University students’ representations of Europe and self-identification as Europeans: a synthesis of qualitative evidence for future policy formulation." European Journal of Futures Research 8, no. 1 (January 6, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40309-019-0159-y.
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AbstractThe current European context is characterised by the emergence of socio-political tensions that threaten to derail the cohesion objectives traditionally promoted by the authorities of the European Union. With EU citizenship in the shadow of Brexit, the fear of dismemberment of the current Europe of the 28 looms over a renewed debate on concepts like European identity, European citizenship or EU legitimacy and the involvement of its constituents in European affairs, as well as the role of education for promoting democratic awareness among young Europeans. This work aims to collect, appraise and synthesise qualitative evidence obtained in primary research exploring the perceptions of European university students about their civic and cultural identity. This systematic analysis sets out to identify predictors of positive self-identification with the EU and its institutions, focusing on the impact that different educational interventions have had on the attitudes and perceptions expressed by university students, and the importance of foreign language learning in the results obtained. The authors report their assessment of quality of the findings in a Cochrane-style qualitative evidence synthesis (QES), based on the GRADE-CERQual (Confidence in Evidence from Reviews of Qualitative research) method. The 12 informed findings described in this study support decision-making in future education policy formulation.
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Dr. Chhanda Karfa. "PEOPLES’ PARTICIPATION AND PERCEPTION TOWARDS URBAN GOVERNANCE: A STUDY OF BARDDHAMAN MUNICIPALITY, WEST BENGAL." EPRA International Journal of Economic and Business Review, May 8, 2020, 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.36713/epra2817.
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In urban areas the gap between the resources and expenditure has increased every year. As a result, urban amenities and services have started deteriorating in their standard. Civic life in urban areas has become, on many occasions, painfully intolerable and people have become relatively less involved in matters of urban governance. As a result, the unfulfilled aspirations have kept the citizens and the municipal governments as alien entities to each other in some cases. All-round development of urban space is not possible in such a socio-political situation. So it is essential for urban geographers to study the state-people interrelationship in urban areas to help both the policy-makers and the city-dwellers in a comprehensive way. The municipal government may be viewed as an instrument of institutional interference upon the selectivity of the citizen and also a logical necessity emerging from the incapability of individual citizen to regulate the affairs of the large community. The main focus of this study is to analyse the awareness of the citizens regarding their urban governance as well as to enquire the perception of the city dwellers regarding their municipal governance. This paper is based on the empirical survey done with the help of both qualitative and quantitative methods. The data used in this paper are collected from both the primary and the secondary sources. KEY WORDS: Urban governance, Perception, Transparency, Awareness, Efficiency