Academic literature on the topic 'Citrus strike, 1936'

This article provides the first systematic historical study of volunteer strike-breaking across a relatively broad time frame, focusing specifically on the period between 1911 and 1926. These years bore witness to the largest industrial conflict in British history, encompassing the Great Labour Unrest of 1911-14, the post-war strike wave of 1919-23, and the General Strike of 1926. The sheer size and scale of these strikes, which involved millions of workers and engulfed entire cities, towns, and communities, instigated a shift away from traditional strikebreaking agencies and actors and towards civilian volunteers. This article challenges prevailing interpretations of the General Strike, interwar political culture, and the implications of voluntary activism in early twentieth-century Britain. It sheds light on the hitherto unexplored role of volunteers during the Great Labour Unrest and highlights how this activity often provoked considerable violence on the part of strikers. Contrary to dominant interpretations centred on the General Strike, which often highlight the good spirits of the volunteers, this article pays more attention to the hostility, arrogance, and sense of social hierarchy that underpinned the volunteer world view.

During the First World War Macedonia in its ethnic borders was a space of bloody fights of the Great Powers and their struggle for world domination and colonial empires. The front line on the territory of Macedonia, known as the Front of Macedonia, whose length was several hundred kilometers long, stretched predominantly through the mountainous areas at an altitude of over 2,000 meters where the armed conflicts, between the forces of the Entente and the Central Powers took place. The immediate cause of the formation of the Macedonian Front was the failure of the Dardanelles Operation, when troops from Galipola were transferred to Thessaloniki. The Macedonian front was the only allied front where the only command had been operating throughout its existence. At the beginning, the main command was held by the General Moris Saraj. The paper deals with the tragedy of the cities and the population, and the mountain heights that were located on the first frontline of the Macedonian Front, with huge destruction and devastation from everyday artillery and air strikes. Bitola as an important communication point was constantly exposed to bombardment, and many of the surrounding villages disappeared forever. Only a few kilometers southeast of Bitola is the top Kajmakcalan, where there were also fierce fighting with many casualties and terrible devastation. The Battle of Kajmakcalan as part of the military operations of the Macedonian Front is one of the great battles of the First World War. In the history, the Battle of Kajmakchalan has been observed according to the great number of dead and wounded and the altitude where it took place. The breathtaking legendary city of Dojran and its surroundings, located in the center of the demarcation (front line), was completely destroyed. The residents of Dojran, on the orders of the Central Forces who were stationed there, left their homes and left in other Macedonian cities, but also in Serbia and Bulgaria, before the very beginning of the "Dojran Front".

- Like other smallish provincial cities in the Hapsburg Empire, Gorizia went through a period of great innovation in its urban form, social order, and economic life. There were two hypothetical plans - to transform Gorizia into the largest manufacturing center of the Venezia-Giulia and to transform it into a holiday town for the upper bourgeoisie of the empire, an "Austrian Nice". These led to the drafting of numerous plans and projects to develop Gorizia, to modernize its urban facilities, and to build an infrastructure system that would to free it from its status as just a "border town".

ImportanceHistorical redlining was a discriminatory housing policy that placed financial services beyond the reach of residents in inner-city communities. The extent of the impact of this discriminatory policy on contemporary health outcomes remains to be elucidated.ObjectiveTo evaluate the associations among historical redlining, social determinants of health (SDOH), and contemporary community-level stroke prevalence in New York City.Design, Setting, and ParticipantsAn ecological, retrospective, cross-sectional study was conducted using New York City data from January 1, 2014, to December 31, 2018. Data from the population-based sample were aggregated on the census tract level. Quantile regression analysis and a quantile regression forests machine learning model were used to determine the significance and overall weight of redlining in relation to other SDOH on stroke prevalence. Data were analyzed from November 5, 2021, to January 31, 2022.ExposuresSocial determinants of health included race and ethnicity, median household income, poverty, low educational attainment, language barrier, uninsurance rate, social cohesion, and residence in an area with a shortage of health care professionals. Other covariates included median age and prevalence of diabetes, hypertension, smoking, and hyperlipidemia. Weighted scores for historical redlining (ie, the discriminatory housing policy in effect from 1934 to 1968) were computed using the mean proportion of original redlined territories overlapped on 2010 census tract boundaries in New York City.Main Outcomes and MeasuresStroke prevalence was collected from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention 500 Cities Project for adults 18 years and older from 2014 to 2018.ResultsA total of 2117 census tracts were included in the analysis. After adjusting for SDOH and other relevant covariates, the historical redlining score was independently associated with a higher community-level stroke prevalence (odds ratio [OR], 1.02 [95% CI, 1.02-1.05]; P < .001). Social determinants of health that were positively associated with stroke prevalence included educational attainment (OR, 1.01 [95% CI, 1.01-1.01]; P < .001), poverty (OR, 1.01 [95% CI, 1.01-1.01]; P < .001), language barrier (OR, 1.00 [95% CI, 1.00-1.00]; P < .001), and health care professionals shortage (OR, 1.02 [95% CI, 1.00-1.04]; P = .03).Conclusions and RelevanceThis cross-sectional study found that historical redlining was associated with modern-day stroke prevalence in New York City independently of contemporary SDOH and community prevalence of some relevant cardiovascular risk factors.

1. Extreme Weather and Water-Related Disasters Extreme weather events frequently take place in many parts of the world, causing various kinds of water-related disasters such as windstorms, floods, high tides, debris flows, droughts, and water-quality issues. This is a key issue for the sustainability and survivability of our society. The Asian and Pacific region is one of the most disaster-prone areas in the world. It is very adversely affected by natural hazards such as cyclones and typhoons and tsunami caused by earthquakes and volcanic eruptions under the sea. These natural hazards bring severe disasters to all countries in the region where social change, in terms of population and economic growth, is the most dynamic in the world. Growth in this region of the world has not, however, led to advances in disaster risk management. The situation is getting worse because infrastructure development cannot keep up with growth. Policies for poverty reduction and alleviation are insufficient and the difference between being rich and being poor is increasing. Vulnerable populations are often those hit worst by hazards and disasters. As the world’s cities expand to occupy ever greater portions of the world’s flood plains, riversides and shorelines, the risk of flooding will continue to outpace both structural and nonstructural mitigation efforts. “A natural hazard strikes when persons lose their memory of the previous one.” This quotation is from Dr. Torahiko Terada (1878-1935), a former Professor of the University of Tokyo who influenced many Japanese persons as an educator, physicist and philosopher. Persons tend to forget bad memories if they do not experience a similar event for a long time. This lack of experience and ignorance increases the vulnerability of society to disasters.

Introduction. According to I. V. Guzev, the National Coordinator on Animal Genetic Resources of Ukraine at the FAO until 2014, 16 domestic breeds and breed groups only from the class of mammals have disappeared in Ukraine. However, quite often even the names of these populations are not known for sure. Disappeared breeds are part of the culture and evolution of the Ukrainian nation, they carried a certain stock of genes, knowledge and traditions. Even the disappearance of knowledge about these breeds will not contribute to the revival of the history of Ukraine and may be an obstacle in understanding certain features of the region and the mentality of the nation. In the livestock breeding of the Polissia of Ukraine at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Polissian cattle breed stands out for its endurance and exceptional adaptability to difficult natural conditions. The purpose of the research. To systematize step by step the losses in the breeding stock of livestock of Ukraine and the opportunities that died with these losses. Research materials and methods. Search, historical, empirical, synthetic, induction, generalization methods based on relevant historical sources are used in the work. Research results. Polissian cattle breed of Ukraine in the late 19th and early 20th centuries occupied almost 3/5 of the entire area of the Volyn province, the north of the Kyiv province, and part of the Minsk and Grodno provinces. According to the data of the expedition survey in 1926, this livestock numbered 35.000 heads. By origin, the Polissian breed was probably a descendant of an ancient race that lived in Polissia from time immemorial. It is assumed that the same cattle were kept by the original Slavs, who, after settling on the Vistula and the Danube, spread it there as well. Based on the analysis of the materials of Herodotus, Tacitus, Roztafinskyi, Hrushevskyi, Werner, Adamets and other scientists of the 19th century, Lypinskyi is almost sure of the statement about ancient nature of the cattle. The purity of Polissian livestock for centuries (during the Great Migration of Peoples and raids of nomads) was ensured by the presence of forests and impassable swamps of Polissia. Baranetsky notes that the Polissian race is most likely the oldest "of (all) the breeds of cattle common in Ukraine." The natural conditions in which the breed was located, on the one hand, contributed to its purity, but, on the other hand, were an obstacle to the development of the breed. The poor plant vegetation, which did not allow the animals to display fully their potential, the almost complete lack of fodder in winter, and the sandy soils, which refused to give results without fertilizers, contributed to the development of the manure direction in the breeding of the Polissian breed. At that time, Polissia was a fairly swampy region, the soils of which were sandy or sandy loam at best. Sometimes granite massifs displayed themselves at the surface, making it difficult to cultivate the soil. A visible advantage for animal husbandry was large areas under floodplain meadows (which in some places turned into swamps) and forests. However, the waterlogging of the meadows was sometimes so significant that in rainy summers it was not possible to hay and the animals "grazed", sometimes getting stuck up to their bellies. From the point of view of above mentioned concerning the forage, one should not have expected significant indexes of the economic useful traits of Polissian cattle. Milk productivity averaged 600–800 kg per lactation (not including milk consumed by calves). The cow Baba 12 entered the Herdbook of the Polissian breed, whose yield after the seventh calving was 3259 kg with a fat content of 5.05% (161.6 kg of milk fat). With the improvement of feeding under the conditions of the Novozybkiv research station, an average of 2.800 kg of milk with an average fat content of 4.5% was milked from Polissian cows. This experiment was conducted in 1930 on 36 cows, the highest yield was 4150 kg. Baranetsky (the head of expedition servey of the breed in 1926) said about the presence of cows with a fat percentage of 9.5%, and the sampling was done without prejudice, among random 10 cows. Along with the fertilizing direction of productivity, animals of the Polissian breed were used for work in the field and fattening (young animals). For this purpose, mainly bulls were used, which the peasants in Polissia castrated at the age of one and a half or two years. The very fact of "fattening" looks quite strange against the background of the constant shortage of fodder and the low value of pastures. However, the peculiarity of gaining good meat on poor pastures was the advantage of Polissian cattle. Baranetsky notes that under the same conditions as other breeds, animals of the Polissian breed "gave a nice, fat carcass", while the animals of Ukrainian Whiteheaded or Simmental breeds "gave almost completely blue meat". Klasen and Solovyov (outstanding explorers of cattle) also noted the ability of Polissian cattle to quickly gaining of good qualitative meat. Baranetsky testifies the presence of "buyers who transported cattle to Moscow and Warsaw." That is, Polissian cattle could be fattened to the conditions that suited large, at that time, cities. Phenotypically, the animals of the Polissian breed looked like all the animals of aboriginal breeds, reminding their wild ancestor: a lighter stripe along the spine, lighter tips of the horns and a black rim around the nasal mirror. By color, the massif of cattle of the region was unconsolidated and could be divided into three groups: yellow-brown cattle with darker tones (more than 50% of the population), gray of various shades and single-colored (light yellow, light and dark red). In the Kyiv province, Polissian cattle had a browner color of various shades. A characteristic feature of Polissian cattle, regardless of the main color, was the darker colored head and neck, the front surface of the legs, the switch of the tail, and the lighter colored lower surface of the abdomen and udder of cows; the nose mirror was black with a light ring around it. The skin in the vast majority of cases is rough, quite thick. The eyes are black with a black outline. The legs are also black, the tail is lighter in color than the general color. The height of the animals was quite low –109.5–111.2 cm at the withers. Baranetsky notes that animals of this breed were the lowest among all breeds of Ukraine at that time. It is interesting that the cattle had a fairly straight back, although with sloped sacrums. Among the exterior faults, there is also a sagging belly, closeness of the hind legs in the hock joints, and a narrow, albeit deep, chest. The body was rather short, the indirect length was 126.6 cm – 131.0 cm, the skeleton was thin. According to the craniological type, the cattle belonged to the Brachyceros type. It should be noted that with changes in the keeping conditions, the livestock was improving their exterior and phenotypic characteristics. Conclusions. Animals of the Polissian breed distinguished with certain economically useful traits that could be used in the further selection for the profit of future generations and mitigation of certain challenges of the future, in particular, climate change.

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Introduction: Racial disparities exist in stroke and stroke outcomes. However, the fundamental cause for these disparities are not biological differences, but structural racism. Using the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) ‘redlining’ scores, as indicator of structural lending practices from middle of the last century, we hypothesize that census tracts with high historic redlining are associated with higher stroke prevalence. Methods: Weighted historic redlining scores (HRS) were calculated using the proportion of 1930s HOLC residential security grades contained within 2010 census tract boundaries of Columbus, Ohio. Stroke prevalence (adults >=18) was obtained at the census tract-level from the CDC’s 500 Cities Project. Sociodemographic factors, as measured by census tract level information (American Community Survey 2014-2018), were considered mediators in the causal association between historic redlining (measured in 1936) and stroke prevalence (measured in 2017) and were not controlled for in regression analysis. The functional form of the association was non-linear, so stroke prevalence within quartiles of the HRS were compared using linear regression instead of a continuous score. Results: Higher HRS, representing greater redlining, were associated with greater prevalence of stroke when comparing the highest to the lowest quartile of HRS (Figure). Census tracts in the highest quartile of HRS had 1.48% higher stroke prevalence compared to those in the lowest quartile (95% CI: 0.23-2.74). No other interquartile differences were observed. Conclusions: Historic redlining practices are a form of structural racism that established geographic systems of disadvantage and consequently, poor health outcomes. Our findings demonstrate disparate stroke prevalence by degree of historic redlining in census tracts across Columbus, Ohio. While ecologic, this study demonstrates the need to acknowledge that racism, not race, drive stroke disparities.

When the National Trust was established in 1895 its founders, Canon Rawnsley, Sir Robert Hunter and Octavia Hill, were, as Cannadine notes, “primarily concerned with preserving open spaces of outstanding natural beauty which were threatened with development or spoliation.” This was because, like Ruskin, Morris and “many of their contemporaries, they believed that the essence of Englishness was to be found in the fields and hedgerows, not in the suburbs and slums” (Cannadine 227). It was important to protect these sites of beauty and historical interest from development not only for what they were but for what they purportedly represented—an irreplaceable repository of the nation’s “spiritual values”, and thus a vital antidote to the “base materialism” of the day. G.M. Trevelyan, who I am quoting here, noted in two pieces written on behalf of the Trust in the 1920s and 30s, that the “inexorable rise of bricks and mortar” and the “full development of motor traffic” were laying waste to the English countryside. In the face of this assault on England’s heartland, the National Trust provided “an ark of refuge” safeguarding the nation’s cherished physical heritage and preserving its human cargo from the rising waters of materialism and despair (qtd. in Cannadine 231-2).Despite the extension of the road network and increasing private ownership of cars (up from 200,000 registrations in 1918 to “well over one million” in 1930), physical distance and economic hardship denied the majority of the urban population access to the countryside (Taylor 217). For the urban working classes recently or distantly displaced from the land, the dream of a return to rural roots was never more than a fantasy. Ford Madox Ford observed that “the poor and working classes of the towns never really go back” (Ford 58).Through the later nineteenth century the rural nostalgia once most prevalent among the working classes was increasingly noted as a feature of middle class sensibility. Better educated, with more leisure time and money at their disposal, these sentimental ruralists furnished a ready market for a new consumer phenomenon—the commodification of the English countryside and the packaging of the values it notionally embodied. As Valentine Cunningham observes, this was not always an edifying spectacle. By the late 1920s, “the terrible sounds of ‘Ye Olde England’ can already be heard, just off-stage, knocking together its thatched wayside stall where plastic pixies, reproduction beer-mugs, relics of Shakespeare and corn-dollies would soon be on sale” (Cunningham 229). Alongside the standard tourist tat, and the fiction and poetry that romanticised the rural world, a new kind of travel writing emerged around the turn of the century. Through an analysis of early-twentieth century notions of Englishness, this paper considers how the north struggled to find a place in H.V. Morton’s In Search of England (1927).In Haunts of Ancient Peace (1901), the Poet Laureate, Alfred Austin, described a journey through “Old England” as a cultural pilgrimage in quest of surviving vestiges of the nation’s essential identity, “or so much of it as is left” (Austin 18). Austin’s was an early example of what had, by the 1920s and 30s become a “boom market … in books about the national character, traditions and antiquities, usually to be found in the country” (Wiener 73). Longmans began its “English Heritage” series in 1929, introduced by the Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin, with volumes on “English humour, folk song and dance, the public school, the parish church, [and] wild life”. A year later Batsford launched its series of books on “English Life” with volumes featuring “the countryside, Old English household life, inns, villages, and cottages” (Wiener 73). There was an outpouring of books with an overtly conservationist agenda celebrating journeys through or periods of residence in the countryside, many of them written by “soldiers like Henry Williamson and Edmund Blunden, who returned from the First War determined to preserve the rural England they’d known” (Cunningham 229; Blunden, Face, England; Roberts, Pilgrim, Gone ; Williamson). In turn, these books engendered an efflorescence of critical analyses of the construction of England (Hamilton; Haddow; Keith; Cavaliero; Gervais; Giles and Middleton; Westall and Gardiner).By the 1920s it was clear that a great many people thought they knew what England was, where it might be found, and if threatened, which parts of it needed to be rescued in order to safeguard the survival of its essential identity. By the same point, there were large numbers who felt, in Patrick Wright’s words, that “Some areas of the nation had been lost forever and in these no one should expect to find the traditional nation at all” (Wright 87).A key guide to the nation’s sacred sites in this period, an inventory of their relics, and an illustration of how its lost regions might be rescued for or erased from its cultural map, was provided in H.V. Morton’s In Search of England (1927). Initially published as a series of articles in the Daily Express in 1926, In Search of England went through nine editions in the two and a half years after its appearance in book form in 1927. With sales in excess of a million copies, as John Brannigan notes, the book went through a further twenty editions by 1943, and has remained continuously in print since (Brannigan).In his introduction Morton proposes In Search of England is simply “the record of a motor-car journey round England … written without deliberation by the roadside, on farmyard walls, in cathedrals, in little churchyards, on the washstands of country inns, and in many another inconvenient place” (Morton vii). As C.R. Perry notes, “This is a happy image, but also a misleading one” (Perry 434) for there was nothing arbitrary about Morton’s progress. Even a cursory glance at the map of his journey confirms, the England that Morton went in search of was overwhelmingly rural or coastal, and embodied in the historic villages and ancient towns of the Midlands or South.Morton’s biographer, Michael Bartholomew suggests that the “nodal points” of Morton’s journey are the “cathedral cities” (Bartholomew 105).Despite claims to the contrary, his book was written with deliberation and according to a specific cultural objective. Morton’s purpose was not to discover his homeland but to confirm a vision that he and millions of others cherished. He was not in search of England so much as reassuring himself and his readers that in spite of the depredations of the factory and the motor vehicle, it was still out there. These aims determined Morton’s journey; how long he spent in differing parts, what he recorded, and how he presented landscapes, buildings, people and material culture.Morton’s determination to celebrate England as rural and ancient needed to negotiate the journey north into an industrial landscape better known for its manufacturing cities, mining and mill towns, and the densely packed streets of the poor and working classes. Unable to either avoid or ignore this north, Morton needed to settle upon a strategy of passing through it without disturbing his vision of the rural idyll. Narratively, Morton’s touring through the south and west of the country is conducted at a gentle pace. In my 1930 edition of the text, it takes 185 of the book’s 280 pages to bring him from London via the South Coast, Cornwall, the Cotswolds and the Welsh marches, to Chester. The instant Morton crosses the Lancashire border, his bull-nosed Morris accelerates through the extensive northern counties in a mere thirty pages: Warrington to Carlisle (with a side trip to Gretna Green), Carlisle to Durham, and Durham to Lincoln. The final sixty-five pages return to the more leisurely pace of the south and west through Norfolk and the East Midlands, before the journey is completed in an unnamed village somewhere between Stratford upon Avon and Warwick. Morton spends 89 per cent of the text in the South and Midlands (66 per cent and 23 per cent respectively) with only 11 per cent given over to his time in the north.If, as Genette has pointed out, narrative deceleration results in the descriptive pause, it is no coincidence that this is the recurring set piece of Morton’s treatment of the south and west as opposed to the north. His explorations take dwelling moments on river banks and hill tops, in cathedral closes and castle ruins to honour the genius loci and imagine earlier times. On Plymouth Hoe he sees, in his mind’s eye, Sir Walter Raleigh’s fleet set sail to take on the Armada; at Tintagel it is Arthur, wild and Celtic, scaling the cliffs, spear in hand; at Buckler’s Hard amid the rotting slipways he imagines the “stout oak-built ships which helped to found the British Empire”, setting out on their journeys of conquest (Morton 39). At the other extreme, Genette observes, that narrative acceleration produces ellipsis, where details are omitted in order to render a more compact and striking expression. It is the principle of ellipsis, of selective omission, which compresses the geography of Morton’s journey through the north with the effect of shaping reader experiences. Morton hurries past the north’s industrial areas—shuddering at the sight of smoke or chimneys and averting his gaze from factory and slum.As he crosses the border from Cheshire into Lancashire, Morton reflects that “the traveller enters Industrial England”—not that you would know it from his account (Morton 185). Heading north towards the Lake District, he steers a determined path between “red smoke stacks” rising on one side and an “ominous grey haze” on the other, holding to a narrow corridor of rural land where, to his relief, he observes men “raking hay in a field within gunshot of factory chimneys” (Morton 185-6). These redolent, though isolated, farmhands are of greater cultural moment than the citadels of industry towering on either side of them. While the chimneys might symbolise the nation’s economic potency, the farmhands embody the survival of its essential cultural and moral qualities. In an allusion to the Israelites’ passage through the Red Sea from the Book of Exodus, the land that the workers tend holds back the polluted tide of industry, furnishing relief from the factory and the slum, granting Morton safe passage through the perils of modernity and into the Promised Land–or at least the Lake District. In Morton’s view this green belt is not only more essentially English than trade and industry, it is also expresses a nobler and more authentic Englishness.The “great industrial new-rich cities of northern England—vast and mighty as they are,” Morton observes, “fall into perspective as mere black specks against the mighty background of history and the great green expanse of fine country which is the real North of England” (Morton 208). Thus, the rural land between Manchester and Liverpool expands into a sea of green as the great cities shrink on the horizon, and the north is returned to its origins.What Morton cannot speed past or ignore, what he is compelled or chooses to confront, he transforms, through the agency of history, into something that he and England can bear to own. Tempted into Wigan by its reputation as a comic nowhere-land, a place whose name conjured a thousand music hall gags, Morton confesses that he had expected to find there another kind of cliché, “the apex of the world’s pyramid of gloom … dreary streets and stagnant canals and white-faced Wigonians dragging their weary steps along dull streets haunted by the horror of the place in which they are condemned to live” (Morton 187).In the process of naming what he dreads, Morton does not describe Wigan: he exorcises his deepest fears about what it might hold and offers an incantation intended to hold them at bay. He “discovers” Wigan is not the industrial slum but “a place which still bears all the signs of an old-fashioned country town” (Morton 188). Morton makes no effort to describe Wigan as it is, any more than he describes the north as a whole: he simply overlays them with a vision of them as they should be—he invents the Wigan and the north that he and England need.Having surveyed parks and gardens, historical monuments and the half-timbered mock-Tudor High Street, Morton returns to his car and the road where, with an audible sigh of relief, he finds: “Within five minutes of notorious Wigan we were in the depth of the country,” and that “on either side were fields in which men were making hay” (Morton 189).In little more than three pages he passes from one set of haymakers, south of town, to another on its north. The green world has all but smoothed over the industrial eyesore, and the reader, carefully chaperoned by Morton, can pass on to the Lake District having barely glimpsed the realities of industry and urbanism, reassured that if this is the worst that the north has to show then the rural heartland and the essential identity it sustains are safe. Paradoxically, instead of invalidating his account, Morton’s self-evident exclusions and omissions seem only to have fuelled its popularity.For readers of the Daily Express in the months leading up to and immediately after the General Strike of 1926, the myth of England that Morton proffered, of an unspoilt village where old values and traditional hierarchies still held true, was preferable to the violently polarised urban battlefields that the strike had revealed. As the century progressed and the nation suffered depression, war, and a steady decline in its international standing, as industry, suburban sprawl and the irresistible spread of motorways and traffic blighted the land, Morton’s England offered an imagined refuge, a real England that somehow, magically resisted the march of time.Yet if it was Morton’s triumph to provide England with a vision of its ideal spiritual home, it was his tragedy that this portrait of it hastened the devastation of the cultural survivals he celebrated and sought to preserve: “Even as the sense of idyll and peace was maintained, the forces pulling in another direction had to be acknowledged” (Taylor 74).In his introduction to the 1930 edition of In Search of England Morton approvingly acknowledged that a new enthusiasm for the nation’s history and heritage was abroad and that “never before have so many people been searching for England.” In the next sentence he goes on to laud the “remarkable system of motor-coach services which now penetrates every part of the country [and] has thrown open to ordinary people regions which even after the coming of the railways were remote and inaccessible” (Morton vii).Astonishingly, as the waiting charabancs roared their engines and the village greens of England enjoyed the last hours of their tranquillity, Morton somehow failed to make the obvious connection between these unique cultural and social phenomena or take any measure of their potential consequences. His “motoring pastoral” did more than alert the barbarians to the existence of the nation’s hidden treasures, as David Matless notes it provided them with a route map, itinerary and behavioural guide for their pillages (Matless 64; Peach; Batsford).Yet while cultural preservationists wrung their hands in horror at the advent of the day-tripper slouching towards Barnstaple, for Morton this was never a cause for concern. The nature of his journey and the form of its representation demonstrate that the England he worshipped was more an imaginary than a physical space, an ideal whose precise location no chart could fix and no touring party defile. ReferencesAustin, Alfred. Haunts of Ancient Peace. London: Macmillan, 1902.Bartholomew, Michael. In Search of H.V. Morton. London: Methuen, 2004.Batsford, Harry. How to See the Country. London: B.T. Batsford, 1940.Blunden, Edmund. The Face of England: In a Series of Occasional Sketches. London: Longmans, 1932.———. English Villages. 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This chapter examines the origins of the BAA, which was fraught with disappointment and difficulties. The nascent BAA sought the two advantages of territorial rights and the reserve clause that other professional team sports league owners possessed, but the league faced competition from an incumbent league—the National Basketball League (NBL). The two basketball leagues contested just one or two cities and were largely able to avoid a ruinous bidding war for players, including graduating college talent. This low level of strife was unique to professional basketball and may have contributed to the eventual success of those teams that survived. The BAA owners also made crucial decisions regarding revenue sharing, team salary caps, and differentiating their product from the college game.

This book explores the emergence of New York City's tenant movement as the leading voice for an alternative vision of residence and citizenship against the backdrop of suburban expansion. It considers how tenants responded to the unprecedented housing crisis that faced New Yorkers at the end of World War II and discusses their positions on three public policy questions: public housing, slum clearance, and civil rights. It also examines the tenants' creation of labor-union cooperatives and their fight against “urban renewal”; the struggle over the rent strikes that erupted in Harlem and other ghettos in 1963; and how community politics played out in racially mixed neighborhoods where tenants waged campaigns against redevelopment in the mid-1960s. The book highlights the variety of ways in which New York tenants laid claim to what Marxists have called “the right to the city”: a kind of democratic say over the uses of capital to shape the urban environment and the lives of its inhabitants.

This book studies the multi-generational transition of rural and semi-rural southern black migrants to life in the embryonic urban-industrial town of Huntington, West Virginia, between 1871 and 1929. Strategically located adjacent to the Ohio River in the Tri-state region of southwestern West Virginia, southeastern Ohio, and eastern Kentucky, and founded as a transshipment station by financier Collis P. Huntington for the Chesapeake and Ohio Railroad in 1871, Huntington grew from a non-descript village to the state’s most populated city by 1930. Huntington’s black population grew in concert: by 1930, the city’s black population comprised the second largest in the state, behind Charleston, the state capital. The urbanization process posed different challenges, burdens, and opportunities to the black migrant than those migrating to the rural-industrial southern West Virginia coal mines. Direct and intensive supervision marked the urban industrial workplace, unlike the autonomy black coal miners’ experienced in the mines. Forced to navigate the socioeconomic and political constraints and dynamics of Jim Crow Era dictates, what state officials euphemistically termed, “benevolent segregation,” Huntington’s black migrants made remarkable strides. In the quest to transition from slave to worker to professional, Huntington’s black migrants forged lives, raised families, build black institutions, purchased property, and become black professionals. This study centers the criticality of their efforts to Huntington’s growth as a commercial, manufacturing, industrial, and cultural center.

Chapter eight covers the mid- to late 1970s period, when contradictory trajectories and overlaid timelines produced simultaneous declension and ascension in the Coachella Valley’s UFW and Chicana/o movements. Some people left social organizing, often in bitterness, disappointment, and/or exhaustion. Others joined the UFW or Chicana/o politics for the first time or deepened their participation, took leadership roles, and expanded earlier goals. In these years, potential was neither realized nor extinguished. For example, though the UFW failed to recover its Coachella Valley grape contracts in 1973, its Coachella Grape Strike still created new leaders and pushed California to legislate farmworker union rights in 1975 with the Agricultural Labor Relations Act (ALRA). The latter allowed the UFW to return to the Coachella Valley in 1975-1976 through state-administered elections among citrus and vegetable workers, some of whom first encountered the UFW in 1973. Lastly, both UFW and Chicana/o movement participants moved in a shifting national context that was increasingly hostile to any egalitarian politics.

In 1934, Nijinska travels to Hollywood to choreograph the ballets in Max Reinhardt’s legendary film A Midsummer Night’s Dream. The following year, in London, she choreographs Les Cent Baisers (The Hundred Kisses) for the de Basil company, a success that reintroduces her to the city’s ballet community. Tragedy strikes on the return to Paris, when her son is killed and her daughter seriously injured in a car accident that leaves Nijinska and her husband, who was driving, unharmed. Returning to professional life, she stages Les Noces to acclaim in New York, although de Basil, bowing to pressure from Massine, pulls it from the London season, a bitter disappointment for her. After a brief engagement with the Markova-Dolin Ballet, she becomes artistic director of the Polish Ballet, a government-sponsored organization for which she creates several Polish-themed works, including Legend of Cracow and Chopin Concerto, the first of many plotless or semi-plotless ballets to Romantic music, but is replaced by Leon Woizikovsky. When World War II breaks out in Europe in 1939, Nijinska sails with her family to New York.

Between 1929 and 1932, the Great Depression caused Detroit’s rate of unemployment, mortgage defaults, evictions, and water bill delinquencies to skyrocket. Beginning in 1933, New Deal policies helped Detroit avoid bankruptcy, ended the foreclosure and water shut-off crisis, and rebuilt the city’s infrastructure. Union organizing and strikes, given legal sanction by New Deal labor legislation, empowered workers to demand higher wages and safer working conditions in automobile. Yet, while New Deal policies benefited the city and improved public health, they also exacerbated environmental inequalities. New Deal housing agencies incorporated the racist property appraisal and lending practices of the real estate and banking industries into their vast new system of federal mortgage loan insurance. Redlining, along with restrictive covenants and racist mob violence by whites, trapped African Americans in neighborhoods with declining housing stock and poorer air quality while giving whites privileged access to suburban single-family homes with newer building materials and cleaner air. And while New Deal labor policies institutionalized collective bargaining for newly unionized autoworkers, they left shopfloor segregation intact, contributing to higher rates of occupational disease for African Americans.

Through the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–45) and the Nationalist–Communist War (1946–9), several Chinese Islamic pilgrimage delegations set out on their journeys across the Indian Ocean. Mecca was more than a simple endpoint destination. These travels encompassed transits and sojourns in cities in between Nanjing/Shanghai and Mecca, offering the pilgrim-cum-delegates venues of encounters with foreign dignitaries and diaspora populations. This chapter examines the published records and private diaries of members of the Chinese Islamic Goodwill Mission to the Near East (1937–9) who had been aligned with the Republican Nationalist Party, with a focus on their actions and rhetoric in Calcutta, Bombay, Karachi, and Lahore. Claims to anti-imperial Islamic solidarity and routes of the pilgrimage provided accessible channels for the Chinese Muslim delegates to conduct meetings with leaders of both the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress Party, while simultaneously attempting to garner support from Cantonese/Shandong diaspora populations and Turki refugees from the war-stricken Xinjiang Province. The practices and networks of informal diplomacy that consolidated in wartime would outlast the Second Sino-Japanese War itself.

This chapter studies how the Net Evaluation Subcommittee (NESC) explored the shortcomings of controlled response with its 1962 and 1963 reports. The 1962 report examined two alternatives. In the “First General War,” the USSR caught the US by surprise. The “Second General War” began when Washington preempted the Soviets. The first war examined controlled response, with both sides limiting their initial attacks to counterforce targets and attacking cities only after negotiations failed. The second saw the US begin with a counterforce strike, but Moscow's retaliation struck both military and urban targets; in response, the US hit Soviet urban centers. The NESC concluded that at the end of the counterforce exchange, the US retained strategic superiority. The 1963 report reinforced the conclusions of the previous year's study. John F. Kennedy's closing comment accurately captured a more general judgment that there were no acceptable outcomes to nuclear war in the 1960s, at least with the US and Soviet weapons programs as they existed. Not only was preemption impossible, but so was controlled response.

Leadership in the collegiate transition from political apathy to activism came from the Left and initially it came with a New York accent. Almost all of Depression America’s early eruptions of student protest—including the student expedition to Harlan County, the Columbia free speech strike, and the City Colleges’ anti-tuition movement during the 1932 spring semester—either occurred on or were launched from campuses in New York City. Though consisting of only a small minority of the student body in New York, the city’s campus radicals were the best organized, most politically ambitious and militant student activists in the nation. New York’s emergence as the center of the student revolt of the early 1930s was largely the work of the National Student League (NSL), the New York-based radical organization responsible for orchestrating the first political protests by collegians during the Depression decade. The birth of the NSL in December 1931 marked the organizational beginning of student activism in the Depression era. Coming at a time when nationally militant political protest did not yet exist on campus, the NSL’s founding in New York attested that the city’s student activists were ahead of their time and of the rest of American undergraduates on the road to mass protest. The role that New York’s campuses played in igniting the student movement was facilitated by the city’s unique political climate. New York was the capital city of American radicalism during the Depression decade. Here the Communist Party, which during this decade became America’s largest radical organization, had its national headquarters and strongest following. The city was also a stronghold for the Socialist Party, which had considerable influence in metropolitan area labor unions. The radical intelligentsia too made New York its home and used the city as a base for publishing the nation’s most important leftist magazines and journals. Evoking the intense radicalism and heated ideological debate in New York during the Depression, Lionel Abel recalled that intellectually the city’s leftists “went to Russia and spent most of the decade there . . . . New York became the most interesting part of the Soviet Union . . .

Abstract The rivalry between the communist and Nationalist forces in China resulted in a civil war that raged throughout the 1930s until the Japanese invaded China in 1937. At that point, communist leader Mao Tse-tung and Nation-terparts. The U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff began planning nuclear strikes against mainland cities, primarily Shanghai and Canton. The strength of the American response gave Beijing pause, and on 6 September. Chinese Premier Chou en-Lai proposed ambassadorial-level talks. A month later the Communists declared a one-week halt to the bombardment in order to begin peace talks, if American ships would stop escorting the resupply ships. He also announced that the Communists would refrain from artillery or air attacks on Quemoy or on supply vessels on even-numbered days.

Singapore the ‘garden city’ has been a longstanding trope used by government officials to promote tourism and actively entice the world’s cosmopolitan well-heeled and moneyed to come and work, or settle, in the small cityscape. Nature in Singapore is primarily seen by the Government as a resource ‘that can be shaped to economic and national development objectives’ (Yuen 1996:968); and indeed, what strikes visitors to this ‘garden city’ is its cleanliness, orderliness, and greenery. But if ‘nature’ in Singapore is a matter of top-down governmental control (of both city-state aesthetics and economy), ‘nature’ has also been the realm for those wanting to rebel against the Government. In other words, politics in Singapore has often revolved around citizens taking up cat- and crow-culling, the saving of graveyards, or specific conservation issues as ways of resisting Governmental prerogatives. In light of the recent writings on the meaning of ‘nature’ and ‘non-humans’ — explored through supposed ‘eco-farms’ for ‘agri-tainment’, fishing and foraging, and the culling of cats and crows — the paper explores the tension between ‘development’ and ‘culture’ in the context of the city-state of Singapore.

This chapter deals with the national and international competition that was eroding companies' pricing power and market shares by the mid-1980s. It talks about workers in a mature industrial state like Maine who were expected to see their paper industry jobs disappear as production moved overseas and work was automated at home and abroad. It also discusses how the national companies that owned Maine's mills made radical demands on workers and attacked traditional union contracts outright. The chapter cites that Boise Cascade and International Paper Company (IP) provoked strikes by making extreme, untenable demands on workers in their Rumford and Jay, Maine, mills in 1986 and 1987. It probes the union-busting campaigns conducted by Boise Cascade and IP that defined what economists call the low road, which clobbered workers in the quest to quickly raise profits.

The belfry is an element of key importance in the complex of the Vilnius Archcathedral Basilica and the Higher and Lower Castles, as well as one of the main vertical landmarks of the Old Town of Vilnius, which has become a symbol of the city. As a heritage object, the building is acclaimed for its volume, décor elements and authentic constructions. The 13th century tower originally was part of the defensive wall. Its ground floor has survived almost in its entirety. It is one of the oldest and best-preserved brickwork structures in Lithuania. In Lithuania, the appearance of large bells is related to the name of Grand Duke of Lithuania Algirdas. The master K.S. Skobeltas cast the first large bell for this ruler in the second half of the 14th century. In the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, bells and cannons were most often cast in weapon foundries by the same masters. Sigismund Augustus established such a foundry in the territory of the Lower Castle in the 16th century. From the 16th century onwards, bells began to be cast in Varniai, Kaunas and Nesvizh as well. In 2002, six large bells were consecrated in the Vilnius Cathedral Square and installed in the belfry. It was a gift from the Archdiocese of Cologne to the Vilnius Cathedral and the city. As a token of gratitude to Archbishop of Cologne Joachim Meisner (1933-2017), the largest bell was given the name of Saint Joachim. In 2002, the bells were cast in one of the largest foundries of Germany, “Petit und Edelbrock” in Westphalia, which is in operation since the second half of the 18th century. The clock of the belfry of the Vilnius Cathedral is the oldest and most important clock in the capital of Lithuania. It was installed in this tower in 1672. It is presumed that the mechanism of the clock was produced in Germany, but the name of the master is unknown. The date 1803 incised on the forged frame bears witness to the last significant repair of the clock, supervised by the elder of the Vilnius clock makers’ guild Juozapas Bergmanas. When the clock tower of the Vilnius Town Hall collapsed in the late 19th century, this mechanism became the city’s main clock. The bell cast in 1673 by Jan Delamars, the bellfounder working in Vilnius, strikes the hours in the cathedral belfry. Its height is 58 cm, and its diameter is 107 cm. The bell is a work of art: it is encircled with a Latin inscription and an ornament, and decorated with the figures of the Blessed Virgin Mary and the patrons of the Vilnius Cathedral, Saint Casimir and Saint Stanislaus.

Transformative Urban Railway: Ankara Commuter Line and Lost LandscapeFunda Baş Bütüner¹, Ela Alanyalı Aral¹, Selin Çavdar² ¹Middle East Technical University. Department of Architecture. Ankara. Dumlupınar Bulvarı no:1 06800 Ankara Turkey ² Middle East Technical University. Department of City and Regional Planning. Ankara. Dumlupınar Bulvarı no:1 06800 Ankara Turkey E-mail: fbutuner@metu.edu.tr, earal@metu.edu.tr, selin.cavdar@gmail.com Keywords (3-5): urban railway, urban landscape, Ankara, commuter line, landscape infrastructure Conference topics and scale: Urban green space Being major transportation infrastructure of the 19th and early 20th centuries, the impacts of railways on cities have highly directed urban discourses; deforming material edge of cities, encouraging urban extension, formation of new territories, and speeding up urban development. However, in recent decades, with newly emerging discussions on landscape infrastructure, a new idea for a more integrated infrastructure and urban system has started to be formulated. Railway strips, occurring as terrains where solid-void morphology of cities becomes illegible, emerge as generators in the formation of new urban green network. Within this framework, Ankara commuter line that mark outs a route approximately 37 kilometers in length in the city, is a remarkable case for a motivating discussion on railway and landscape confrontation. Penetrating the city in east-west direction, the commuter line integrated with a rural landscape –covering vegetable gardens and creeks- that was serving as a recreational field for citizens until 1950s. However, the transformative nature of the railway, encouraged the development of new urban lands, industrial areas and neighborhoods along its route, and erased the characteristic landscape along the railway. The continuous landscape integrated with green, water and railway infrastructure became fragmented covering only some splits of green and water. In this respect, this study dwells on the lost landscape of the commuter line by mapping the fragmented continuity of the railway, green and water infrastructure from 1950’s until today to show the limited, but potential interaction of these three systems in the current urban fabric. References Allen, S. (1999). Infrastructural Urbanism, in Allen, S. (ed.) Points and Lines: Diagrams and Projects for The City (Princeton Architectural Press, New York) 40-89. Bertolini, L., Spit, T. (1998). Cities on Rails (Routledge, London). Hung, Y. (2013). Landscape Infrastructure: Systems of Contingency, Flexibility, and Adaptability, in Hung, Y., Aquino, G., Waldheim, C., Czerniak, J., Geuze, A., Robinson, A., Skjonsberg, M. (ed.) Landscape Infrastructure (Birkhauser, Basel) 14-19. Tatom, J. (2006). Urban Highways and the Reluctant Urban Realm. C. Waldheim (Ed.). The Landscape Urbanism Reader (Princeton Architectural Press, New York) 179-196. Waldheim, C. (2016). Landscape as Urbanism: A General Theory (Princeton University Press).