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Journal articles on the topic 'Citizenship Political aspects Europe'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

KROEN, SHERYL. "A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE CONSUMER." Historical Journal 47, no. 3 (September 2004): 709–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003929.

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This article examines the relationship between the consumer and the citizen from the eighteenth century to the present in Europe and the United States. Part I highlights the political narrative underlying the opposition between courtly consumption (absolutism) and the inconspicuous consumption of the middling sorts, and explores early formulations of the relationship between consumption and democracy. Part II looks at the first half of the nineteenth century, defined by the opposition between consumers (coded feminine, and as ‘despised’) and citizens (coded masculine, and as ‘restrained’). Part III goes from the 1860s to the 1930s. American historians have emphasized the positive political agency of consumers in this period, and their contribution to the notion of social citizenship. This article emphasizes the less democratic aspects of consumer politics, and the contributions of anti-liberal movements on the extreme left and right to a stronger tradition of social citizenship in Europe. Part IV takes Lizabeth Cohen's claim that a ‘Consumers' Republic' was forged in the US in the post-war period, and casts the Marshall Plan and the Cold War as the context that gave rise to an international negotiation over the relationship between consumption and democracy that continues to the present.

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Guagnano, Giuseppina, and Isabella Santini. "Active citizenship in Europe: the role of social capital." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 1/2 (December 11, 2019): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-05-2019-0100.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to show if and to what extent in the EU countries the probability of being an active citizen depends on individual/household social capital endowment, other than on individual/household socio-economic characteristics. The paper provides a deeper insight of the determinants of active citizenship due to the growing concern of the European Commission with citizens’ issues. Design/methodology/approach The core of the paper, which adopts a micro-level perspective, is an empirical analysis, based on a logistic model, of the EU-SILC 2015 survey data. Findings The statistical analysis reveals that individual/household social capital, other than individual/household socio-economic characteristics, represents an important prerequisite for a citizen to be defined as “active.” Research limitations/implications There may be a possible reverse causation between active citizenship and social capital, making this last endogenous. Therefore, results should be taken with some cautions; nevertheless, the estimated effects of the individual/household socio-economic characteristics are coherent with the literature, giving strenght to the results obtained in estimating social capital effects. Practical implications The results show that active citizenship could be enhanced by promoting “desirable” aspects of social capital through specific policies addressed to raise people’s civic and political awareness, active solidarity and connectedness and cooperation between individuals within the communities for their own benefit. Moreover, a crucial role in enhancing active citizenship can be undoubtedly played by a lifelong learning process, from school to adult age, directed to maintain and acquire skills as drivers for active citizenship. Originality/value This study fills a significant gap in the literature, since so far little attention has been paid to individual/household social capital endowment as possible determinant of active citizenship.

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Poboży, Monika. "Obywatelstwo i obywatelskość w Unii Europejskiej." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2014 (June 29, 2014): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.14.3.

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Celebration of the 20th anniversary of the EU citizenship in 2013 was a good occasion for reflection on this institution. Has anything changed during this period in the status of European citizens and their role in the EU’s political system? Do they have opportunities to participate in the European decision-making process and to influence the European law and the direction of the EU’s development? Is the EU citizenship only a symbolic project that brings no added value? Can it be called “citizenship”? The article is devoted to answering these questions. The institution of the EU citizenship was analysed in two aspects: 1) citizenship as formal status connected with some rights and 2) civilness as mechanisms that guarantee participation in decisions on the future of a political community. The conclusion is that after 20 years the importance of the EU citizenship has been significantly increased, but only on declarative level – in the wording of treaties and institutional acts. However, this change has not caused the factual increase of citizen participation in the shaping of the European Union politics. It is the effect of a discrepancy on the EU level between citizenship as formal status and civilness as real empowerment of individual in the political system.

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Daskalova, Krassimira. "The Little Entente of Women, Feminisms, Tensions, and Entanglements within the Interwar European Women’s Movement." Aspasia 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2022.160103.

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This article discusses some aspects of the interwar women’s movements and feminist activities in Eastern Europe and the Balkans in particular, taking as a starting point the creation of the regional feminist network called the Little Entente of Women LEW). It shows that—despite the idea of “global sisterhood”—women’s actions have always been conditioned by the agenda of male political elites. At the same time, the article highlights some entanglements of the feminist activities and initiatives that shattered the (fraternal) social contracts of nation states and, already before World War II, won certain aspects of citizenship rights for women throughout the region of Southeastern Europe.

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Piper, Nicola. "Gendering the Politics of Migration." International Migration Review 40, no. 1 (March 2006): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2006.00006.x.

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Although every aspect of the migration process is shaped by political factors and migration presents many political challenges on the domestic and international levels, the attention of political scientists in the United States and Europe has been limited to relatively few topics, including control over entry and exit, and issues of incorporation and citizenship. Work that considers the political aspects of migration from a gender perspective constitutes an even smaller body of work. In considering the contribution that political science might make to our understanding of gendered migration, this essay points both to some pioneering studies of gendered patterns of migration and incorporation, and also to the growing concern with gender among international organizations and policy makers. Interestingly, the essay shows that it is scholars in neighboring disciplines who have more often have taken up questions of governance and the development of gender-fair policy towards migrants. The essay raises questions about the relationship between disciplinary boundaries and topical areas and also about the ways in which regional contexts shape the nature of scholarly inquiry by contrasting work on Asia with that in Europe and the United States.

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Low, Choo Chin. "The politics of citizenship in divided nations: Policies and trends in Germany and China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 2 (May 6, 2016): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.006.

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Looking at how divided states competed against each other in the arena of citizenship since 1949, this research observes a number of common trends. The German and Chinese case studies manifested a shared trend in large part because they faced comparable challenges and responded with similar citizenship strategies in their quest for national legitimacy and diplomatic recognition. The policy effectiveness depended on the intensity of inter-state rivalry, the Cold War diplomacy, and the global nationality trends. The tight bipolar system and the strong international cooperation on nationality in Europe (among the socialist and non-socialist blocs) explain why both German states were in more favourable circumstances in asserting their citizenship claim. These two aspects are missing in the Asian context, which explain the absence of the role of the international community in legitimising or supporting the Chinese citizenship rivalry. This paper concludes that citizenship policies in the two German states were shaped in response to one another. As compared to the German case, the Chinese and Taiwanese policies exhibited a more pragmatic and independent character.

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Stüttler, Ira E. "La citoyenneté européenne et le déficit démocratique." Études internationales 28, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 535–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703775ar.

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The European citizenship and the democratic deficit are at the heart of the ongoing discussion about the European integration. Critics think that the possibility for the citizens to participate in the decision making process of the EU is not sufficient. In order to shed some light on this matter, the two concepts are examined under their different aspects. We emphasize not only their place in the larger context of the integration and the political situation in Europe but also the link between the two notions. This allows the conclusion that the European citizenship, because of its flexible and innovative character, should be the starting point in the search of an answer to the democratic deficit.

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Martinez Caballero, Juan. "La ciudadanía de la Unión Europea y sus derechos: un análisis crítico." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 23 (March 14, 2019): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.23.2018.24027.

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Desde hace unas décadas, como consecuencia, fundamentalmente,del acusado déficit democrático de la Unión Europea,por las instituciones comunitarias se están adoptando medidas quepretender reducirlo y paliarlo. Entre dichas medidas se encuentranaquellas que pretender convertir a los ciudadanos de la Unión en laverdadera razón de ser de la misma, superando sus iniciales pretensionesexclusivamente económicas, ahondando en aspectos jurídicopolíticos,tales como la ciudadanía y sus derechos. No obstante, elalcance de estas medidas está siendo muy limitado pues tanto la regulaciónefectuada, como la realidad existente, pone de manifiestocomo la ciudadanía de la Unión Europea se sustenta en la nacionalidadde los Estados miembros, es decir, en normas de Derecho interno.Ello, unido a la preponderancia de los intereses económicossobre los aspectos políticos, hace que la construcción de una auténticaciudadanía europea, tal y como la entendemos desde el punto devista del Derecho interno, no se haya alcanzado todavía, aspecto quetiene su reflejo en el escaso alcance de los derechos que rodean a lamisma.For decades now, in consequence, fundamentally, ofthe pronounced democratic deficit of the European Union, measuresare being taken by the Community institutions that seek to reduceand alleviate it. Amongst these measures are those that seek to convertthe citizens of the Union into its real reason d’être, by overcomingthe initial exclusively financial claims, delving into political issues,such as citizenship and their rights. However, the significanceof these measures is being very limited, since both the regulationand the existing reality show how citizenship of the European Unionis based on the nationality of the Member States, that is, on rulesof domestic law. This fact, together with the preponderance of economicinterests over the political aspects, means that the constructionof a genuine European citizenship, as we understand it from thepoint of view of domestic law, has not yet been achieved, aspect thatis reflected in the scanty scope of the rights that surround it.

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Lachman, Michal. "States of mind – political theatre at the age of nomadism." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 531–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0046.

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Abstract The review article comments on major themes and ideas analysed by S.E. Wilmer’s Performing Statelessness in Europe (Palgrave 2018). Wilmer’s analysis offers an overview of most recent as well as historical approaches to the concept of citizenship and the state which have been developed by avant-garde artists and theatre makers. The overall aim of Wilmer’s survey of political art is to “assess strategies by creative artists to address matters relating to social justice”. He also gives a significant amount of attention to various projects carried by German theatres which attempt to integrate resident immigrants into German society. The central thrust of his argument falls on a variety of contemporary theatrical initiatives directly concerned with the life of refugees and asylum seekers. The review highlights those aspects of Wilmer’s argument which directly concern the concept of modern society, nation state and identity. Wilmer shows precisely these aspects of modern state as most destructive. The review questions that assumption, arguing that the criticism of modern society should be more subtle and nuanced and that the potential failure of responding properly to the crisis does not necessarily lie entirely on the side of the state

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Bar Cendón, Antonio. "España y la UE: objetivo ideológico y proyecto político (1978-2018) // Spain and the EU: Ideological objective and political project (1978-2018)." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 101 (April 28, 2018): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.101.2018.21978.

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Resumen:El reingreso en el contexto europeo, del que España fue expulsada tras el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ha sido durante largo tiempo el objeto del componente ideológico y del proyecto político de la práctica totalidad de las fuerzas políticas españolas. El ingreso de España en las Comunidades Europeas, en enero de 1986, vino a suponer la realización de ese objetivo ideológico y de ese proyecto político. Desde entonces, España experimentó importantes cambios que mejoraron notablemente su estructura económica, pero también otros aspectos políticos y sociales. Estos cambios han sido descritos y analizados por la doctrina científica con todo detalle y extensión. Este trabajo, sin embargo, trata de describir y analizar cuáles han sido las aportaciones de España al proceso de integración europeo y su desarrollo en cada fase del mismo, y lo hace partiendo precisamente de lo que fueron los planteamientos políticos e ideológicos de las principales fuerzas políticas del momento. Algo que no se ha hecho hasta el presente con la debida extensión e interés que merece el tema.Abstract:The return to the European context, from which Spain was expelled after the end of the Second World War, has been the object of the ideological component and of the political project of almost all of the Spanish political forces for a long time. The admission of Spain into the European Communities, in January 1986, meant the realization of that ideological objective and political project. Since then, Spain experienced important changes that significantly improved its economic structure, but also other political and social aspects. All of these changes have been extensively described and analyzed by the specialized literature. This paper, however, tries to describe and analyze Spain’s contributions to the European integration process at each phase of its development, and it does so departing precisely from a description of the political and ideological positions ofthe political forces of that period. This is something that has not been done so far, with the extension and interest that the subject deserves. Summary:1. Introduction. 2. Europe as an ideological objective. 3. Europe as a political project. A) The first step: The Single European Act. B) Citizenship and cohesion: The Treaty of Maastricht. C) The foreign role and the social policy: The Treaty of Amsterdam. D) Enhancing the institutional position: The Treaty of Nice. E) From toughness to concession: The European Constitution. F) Weakness and relocation: The Treaty of Lisbon. 4. Conclusion.

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Mazumdar, Sucheta. "Localities of the Global: Asian Migrations between Slavery and Citizenship." International Review of Social History 52, no. 1 (March 9, 2007): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859006002847.

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Migration has been a central concern of many areas in the writing of European history, and even more so when dealing with the histories of the white settler colonies of North America, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. In contrast, migration overseas constitutes a mere footnote (if it is mentioned at all) in densely populated China and India, where the total number of those who migrated out of the country in the last couple of centuries was a relatively small percentage of those who did not. In his thought-provoking and far-reaching essay, Adam McKeown challenges us to look beyond the normative model of “global” migration that focuses solely on European migration. Through innovative research and the compilation of range of data on China, India, central Asia, Japan, Siberia, south-east Asia that are seldom collated and analyzed together, McKeown demonstrates that Asian migration from the mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries was comparable in volume to the trans-oceanic migrations from Europe. The term “global” as the theme of McKeown's essay, used as an adjective, evocatively captures the migration patterns and circulations of the modern world. But the concept of global is also the definition of the process underlying the modern economic and political system that through its very logic of reproduction creates unequal and uneven terrains. My comments explore some aspects of this unequal terrain.

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ARDELEANU, Oana. "Construction of favorable national identity through political discourse." Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Brașov, Series IV: Philology. Cultural Studies 13 (62), Special Issue (December 15, 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/but.pcs.2020.62.13.3.1.

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"The aim of the present paper is to uncover how the use of language by the Romanian former king, Michael I, in his political speeches helps to construct a favourable national identity on the basis of a collection of discourses. The implications for the concept of national identity were discovered using a thematic analysis on five New Year’s Eve messages of the Romanian former king, broadcasted from 1960 to 1989, via the radio channels Free Europe and The Voice of America, the Romanian editions. The choice of the political figure was motivated by the fact that the former king impersonates the Agent who ""displays attitudes, feelings, beliefs, and wishes” (Duranti 2004, 452). The study adopts an approach which derives from the “Constructive Strategies” of Wodak et al. (1999) and a number of sub-strategies, further enhanced by employing the techniques from Corpus Linguistics. I decided to focus on the one concerning the linguistic construction of a common political present and future. It is centred on citizenship, political achievements, current problems, dangers and future aspirations. The linguistic features under study comprise the use of relational values of words, rhetoric devices, and cultural aspects. The results show that the role of the concept of national identity, as it was depicted in king Michael I speeches, was to facilitate the diffusion of the nationalistic messages and to motivate people coming together towards a common goal, namely fighting against the communist oppression."

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13

Syrri, Despina. "The Story of Staro Sajmište Concentration Camp, Produced/Producing Europe." European Review 20, no. 1 (January 4, 2012): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000287.

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This article aims at considering the story of the Belgrade Staro Sajmište Second World War concentration camp, as it unfolded since October 2007. At that point, it captured national and international headlines, as a range of actors rallied to ban the private use of this memory place for a concert by a British pop group. The article concentrates on patterns of construction of memory(ies), space and transfers of knowledge as well as power as the Staro Sajmište story is ‘uncovered’ to the public in mainstream mass media. The focus of inquiry extends beyond the official realm of memory to media representations as central aspects of contemporary manifestations of collective memory. The article intends to explore the construction of narratives, public discourse and identities that directly impact democratic practice and citizenship in the wake of the radical social and political change that Serbia has experienced in the recent past and during the Western Balkans European Union accession process. It demonstrates that the multiple (hi)stories and fractured mnemonic genealogies of Staro Sajmište produce, and are themselves produced by, the narrative of European participation and integration, in an interplay between different discursive layers, such as the national narrative, the international and European narrative and the local Jewish narrative, as well as practices of spatial reconstruction and consumerism. The article is informed by understandings of the Balkans as a space that is inside and outside Europe in many senses, traversed by flows of people, funding and ideas/imaginaries of Europe and European-ness, concretised in specific projects and the relations that constitute them.

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Fabretti, Valeria, and Nadia Di Paola. "The Relations Between Religion and Politics in European Education Systems." Jurnal Ilmiah Peuradeun 5, no. 2 (May 27, 2017): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.26811/peuradeun.v5i2.148.

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This paper aims to discuss the role of religion in contemporary European education systems, especially in the realm of social rights. Classical social thinkers of the late 19th and early 20th century all thought that religion would either disappear or become progressively attenuated with the expansion of modern institutions. They understand modernization not to involve the actual disappearance of religion, but perhaps as attenuation and certainly as changing religious forms in relation to other institutions. Studies of the relationship between religion and education in Europe seem to adopt the view that the study of religion is a precondition for tolerance and social awareness of religious diversity, as well as a prerequisite for personal development and social responsibility. Religious education is perceived as part of ‘bildung’ and a presupposition of citizenship education in its broader sense. This position challenges the foundation stones of enlightenment thought as an attempt to distinguish between knowledge and faith or citizenship and congregation. Educational systems, the par excellence institutions of Modernity, represent an interesting example of the peculiar co-existence between tradition and Modernity in European societies. The implications of the persistence of religion within the institutions of Modernity are both epistemological and political. While the foundations of modern knowledge on reason are challenged in several aspects of school knowledge, fundamentalism, nationalism and social exclusion.

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PASCALL, GILLIAN, and JANE LEWIS. "Emerging Gender Regimes and Policies for Gender Equality in a Wider Europe." Journal of Social Policy 33, no. 3 (July 2004): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004727940400772x.

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This article addresses some implications for gender equality and gender policy at European and national levels of transformations in family, economy and polity, which challenge gender regimes across Europe. Women's labour market participation in the west and the collapse of communism in the east have undermined the systems and assumptions of western male breadwinner and dual worker models of central and eastern Europe. Political reworking of the work/welfare relationship into active welfare has individualised responsibility. Individualisation is a key trend west – and in some respects east – and challenges the structures that supported care in state and family. The links that joined men to women, cash to care, incomes to carers have all been fractured. The article will argue that care work and unpaid care workers are both casualties of these developments. Social, political and economic changes have not been matched by the development of new gender models at the national level. And while EU gender policy has been admired as the most innovative aspect of its social policy, gender equality is far from achieved: women's incomes across Europe are well below men's; policies for supporting unpaid care work have developed modestly compared with labour market activation policies. Enlargement brings new challenges as it draws together gender regimes with contrasting histories and trajectories. The article will map social policies for gender equality across the key elements of gender regimes – paid work, care work, income, time and voice – and discuss the nature of a model of gender equality that would bring gender equality across these. It analyses ideas about a dual earner–dual carer model, in the Dutch combination scenario and ‘universal caregiver’ models, at household and civil society levels. These offer a starting point for a model in which paid and unpaid work are equally valued and equally shared between men and women, but we argue that a citizenship model, in which paid and unpaid work obligations are underpinned by social rights, is more likely to achieve gender equality.

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Pettinicchio, David, and Robert de Vries. "Immigrant Political Participation in Europe." Comparative Sociology 16, no. 4 (August 3, 2017): 523–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341436.

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This paper compares participation in different forms of political action between natives, immigrants and non-citizen immigrants using data from thirteen European countries across six waves of the European Social Survey. The authors highlight problems associated with previous categorizations of political action, and find that when political action is disaggregated and relative participation between groups is examined, that immigrants’ patterns of participation are not substantially different from those of natives. When comparing citizen immigrants to non-citizen immigrants, previous research has suggested that citizenship acts as a “ticket” to non-institutional, unconventional, confrontational forms of political action. The authors’ findings instead suggest a more complicated relationship between immigrant/citizenship status and preferences for political action since citizenship may facilitate participation in both so-called institutional and extra-institutional activities depending on the context of action.

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Just, Aida, and Christopher J. Anderson. "Immigrants, Citizenship and Political Action in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 3 (November 8, 2011): 481–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000378.

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Little is known about how immigrants participate in politics and whether they transform political engagement in contemporary democracies. This study investigates whether citizenship (as opposed to being foreign-born) affects political and civic engagement beyond the voting booth. It is argued that citizenship should be understood as a resource that enhances participation and helps immigrants overcome socialization experiences that are inauspicious for political engagement. The analysis of the European Social Survey data collected in nineteen European democracies in 2002–03 reveals that citizenship has a positive impact on political participation. Moreover, citizenship is a particularly powerful determinant of un-institutionalized political action among individuals who were socialized in less democratic countries. These findings have important implications for debates over the definition of and access to citizenship in contemporary democracies.

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Davies, Ian. "Citizenship Education in Europe." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 3, no. 3 (September 1998): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/csee.1998.3.3.127.

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Following some contextual remarks about the nature of Europe and citizenship, there is consideration of the ways in which teachers and learners are developing the knowledge, skills and dispositions needed for effective citizenship in Europe. Some attention is given to the different levels of citizenship education which can occur and the choices that educators can make when developing relevant programmes.

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Lavdas, Kostas A. "Republican Europe and Multicultural Citizenship." Politics 21, no. 1 (February 2001): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00129.

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This article explores the possibilities for a normative understanding of the politics of EU development from a republican perspective. It draws on current debates on republicanism, which combine republican, liberal and multicultural themes, and defends an approach to European citizenship and the design of European institutions in which the contemporary republican emphasis on freedom as non-domination is complemented with the multiculturalist concern with group rights that cut across national boundaries. It is argued that the combination of republican institutions and multicultural citizenship can provide a model for European construction.

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Dauenhauer, Bernard P. "Democratic Citizenship in Today's Europe." Good Society 12, no. 1 (2003): 27–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2003.0019.

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Blockmans, Wim. "Exclusive Citizenship in Preindustrial Europe." Journal of Urban History 47, no. 4 (March 22, 2021): 893–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144221999367.

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Ferreira, Nuno. "Sexuality and Citizenship in Europe." Social & Legal Studies 27, no. 2 (December 26, 2017): 253–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0964663917748003.

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Triandafyllidou, Anna, David Cesarani, and Mary Fulbrook. "Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe." British Journal of Sociology 48, no. 4 (December 1997): 703. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591606.

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GRAHL, JOHN, and PAUL TEAGUE. "ECONOMIC CITIZENSHIP IN THE NEW EUROPE." Political Quarterly 65, no. 4 (October 1994): 379–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1994.tb01553.x.

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25

Delanty, Gerard. "Dilemmas of citizenship: Recent literature on citizenship and Europe." Citizenship Studies 2, no. 2 (July 1998): 353–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621029808420687.

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Fagan, Adam, and Indraneel Sircar. "Activist Citizenship in Southeast Europe." Europe-Asia Studies 69, no. 9 (October 21, 2017): 1337–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2017.1390196.

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Vink, Maarten Peter, and Rainer Bauböck. "Citizenship configurations: Analysing the multiple purposes of citizenship regimes in Europe." Comparative European Politics 11, no. 5 (June 17, 2013): 621–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2013.14.

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Wiesner, Claudia, and Anna Björk. "Introduction." Contributions to the History of Concepts 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2014.090103.

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The concept of citizenship in Europe after World War II faces two major challenges: migration and European integration. This introduction precedes a group of articles examining debates and law-making processes related to the concept of citizenship in Europe after World War II. The introduction sketches the historical development of citizenship in European representative democracies, taking into account four basic dimensions (access to citizenship, citizenship rights, citizenship duties, and the active content of citizenship) for analyzing changes in the concept of citizenship.

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Balibar, Etienne. "Europe as Borderland." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 27, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 190–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d13008.

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The discussion in this paper moves through three stages. In the first the relation of political spaces and borders to citizenship is interrogated; in the second, notions of deterritorialization and reterritorialization are examined in relation to ideas of the material constitution of Europe; and, in the third section it returns to the issue of citizenship and its relation to cosmopolitanism. Rather than being a solution or a prospect, Europe currently exists as a ‘borderland’, and this raises a number of issues that need to be confronted.

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Coffé, Hilde, and Tanja van der Lippe. "Citizenship Norms in Eastern Europe." Social Indicators Research 96, no. 3 (May 28, 2009): 479–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-009-9488-8.

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Faist, Thomas, Harry Coenen, and Peter Leisink. "Work and Citizenship in the New Europe." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 2 (March 1995): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076872.

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Einhorn, Barbara. "Citizenship in an Enlarging Europe: Contested Strategies." Czech Sociological Review 41, no. 6 (December 1, 2005): 1023–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2005.41.6.04.

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Joppke, Christian. "Comparative Citizenship: A Restrictive Turn in Europe?" Law & Ethics of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1938-2545.1018.

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In the rapidly growing literature on comparative citizenship, a dominant assumption is that the nationality laws in Western states are converging on liberal norms of equality and inclusiveness. However, especially since the onset of the new millennium and an apparent failure of integrating Muslim immigrants there has been a remarkable counter-trend toward more restrictiveness. This paper reviews the causes and features of restrictiveness in the heartland of previous liberalization, north-west Europe. It is argued that even where it seems to be strongest: with respect to the rules of naturalization, the restrictive trend is embedded within an overall liberal, sometimes even liberalizing framework. The notion of a wholesale restrictive turn in Europe therefore has to be rejected.

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Schnapper, Dominique. "Citizenship and national identity in Europe." Nations and Nationalism 8, no. 1 (January 2002): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1469-8219.00035.

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White, Vicky, and John Hams. "Social europe, social citizenship, and social services." European Journal of Social Work 2, no. 1 (January 1999): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691459908413801.

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Torpey, John. "Contested Citizenship: Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, no. 6 (November 2006): 609–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500639.

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Vlachová, Klára, and Tomáš Lebeda. "Active Citizenship and Satisfaction with Democracy in Europe." Czech Sociological Review 42, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2006.42.1.03.

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Weale, Albert. "Citizenship in Europe and the Logic of Two-Level Political Contracts." German Law Journal 15, no. 5 (August 1, 2014): 867–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019180.

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How are we to understand the state of citizenship in Europe twenty years after the implementation of the Maastricht Treaty? When answering this question, I focus particularly onsocial citizenship. Social citizenship may be understood as a form of political relationship among citizens extending to each collective protection against the financial risks associated with the life cycle, including dependency when young, ill heath, accidents, and the vulnerabilities of old age. Collective protection against these financial risks takes the form of social rights within the welfare state, including rights to income protection, access to health care, and the provision of education. Within the most economically developed European states, securing these rights has since 1945 been seen as central to the democratic legitimacy of these states, as well as an aspirational standard for democratizing societies seeking to achieve “the concrete substance civilised life” and the associated “general reduction of risk and insecurity”1 at all levels that the welfare state provides.

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Bee, Cristiano, and Roberta Guerrina. "Framing Civic Engagement, Political Participation and Active Citizenship in Europe." Journal of Civil Society 10, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2014.897021.

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Kostakopoulou, Theodora. "Towards a Theory of Constructive Citizenship in Europe*." Journal of Political Philosophy 4, no. 4 (December 1996): 337–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.1996.tb00056.x.

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Welsh, Jennifer M. "A Peoples' Europe? European Citizenship and European Identity." Politics 13, no. 2 (October 1993): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1993.tb00225.x.

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Mudde, Cas. "Contested Citizenship: Immigration and Cultural Diversity in Europe." Acta Politica 43, no. 4 (December 2008): 493–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500219.

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Neuwahl, Nanette. "Citizenship, Democratic Participation, and Legitimate Governance in Europe." Good Society 12, no. 2 (2003): 26–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gso.2004.0010.

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Clarke, James, Elsbeth van Dam, and Liz Gooster. "New Europeans: Naturalisation and citizenship in Europe." Citizenship Studies 2, no. 1 (February 1998): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621029808420669.

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Barlow, Anna. "Participation, Citizenship and Transfrontier Exchanges—2019." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 18, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01801005.

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This article summarizes developments in the protection of minorities in Europe in the areas of participation, citizenship and transfrontier exchanges during 2019. It includes developments at the UN level, in addition to regional developments under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE), the Council of Europe (CoE) and the EU.

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Hurrelmann, Achim. "Demoi-cratic citizenship in Europe: an impossible ideal?" Journal of European Public Policy 22, no. 1 (March 24, 2014): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2014.881413.

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Hintjens, Helen M. "Limits of citizenship: migrants and postnational membership in Europe." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (October 1995): 887–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625180.

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Krook, Mona Lena, Joni Lovenduski, and Judith Squires. "Gender Quotas and Models of Political Citizenship." British Journal of Political Science 39, no. 4 (August 26, 2009): 781–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990123.

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Gender quotas have spread rapidly around the world in recent years. However, few studies have yet theorized, systematically or comparatively, variations in their features, adoption and implementation. This article surveys quota campaigns in Western Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand. It proposes that one or more sets of controversies influence the course and outcomes of quota reforms. These revolve around (1) competing principles of equality, (2) different ideas about political representation, and (3) various beliefs about ‘gender’ and its relation to other kinds of political identities. The article draws on these distinctions to identify four broad models of political citizenship that determine the kinds of quota policies that are pursued and their prospects for bringing more women into political office.

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Alba, Richard D., Yasemin Nuhoglu Soysal, and Klaus J. Bade. "Limits of Citizenship: Migrants and Postnational Membership in Europe." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 4 (July 1995): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2077636.

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Kastoryano, Riva. "Citizenship, Nationhood, and Non-Territoriality: Transnational Participation in Europe." PS: Political Science & Politics 38, no. 04 (October 2005): 693–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096505050365.

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