Relevant bibliographies by topics / Citizenship Political aspects Europe

Academic literature on the topic 'Citizenship Political aspects Europe'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 30 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Citizenship Political aspects Europe"

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KROEN, SHERYL. "A POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE CONSUMER." Historical Journal 47, no. 3 (September 2004): 709–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003929.

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This article examines the relationship between the consumer and the citizen from the eighteenth century to the present in Europe and the United States. Part I highlights the political narrative underlying the opposition between courtly consumption (absolutism) and the inconspicuous consumption of the middling sorts, and explores early formulations of the relationship between consumption and democracy. Part II looks at the first half of the nineteenth century, defined by the opposition between consumers (coded feminine, and as ‘despised’) and citizens (coded masculine, and as ‘restrained’). Part III goes from the 1860s to the 1930s. American historians have emphasized the positive political agency of consumers in this period, and their contribution to the notion of social citizenship. This article emphasizes the less democratic aspects of consumer politics, and the contributions of anti-liberal movements on the extreme left and right to a stronger tradition of social citizenship in Europe. Part IV takes Lizabeth Cohen's claim that a ‘Consumers' Republic' was forged in the US in the post-war period, and casts the Marshall Plan and the Cold War as the context that gave rise to an international negotiation over the relationship between consumption and democracy that continues to the present.
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Guagnano, Giuseppina, and Isabella Santini. "Active citizenship in Europe: the role of social capital." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 1/2 (December 11, 2019): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-05-2019-0100.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to show if and to what extent in the EU countries the probability of being an active citizen depends on individual/household social capital endowment, other than on individual/household socio-economic characteristics. The paper provides a deeper insight of the determinants of active citizenship due to the growing concern of the European Commission with citizens’ issues. Design/methodology/approach The core of the paper, which adopts a micro-level perspective, is an empirical analysis, based on a logistic model, of the EU-SILC 2015 survey data. Findings The statistical analysis reveals that individual/household social capital, other than individual/household socio-economic characteristics, represents an important prerequisite for a citizen to be defined as “active.” Research limitations/implications There may be a possible reverse causation between active citizenship and social capital, making this last endogenous. Therefore, results should be taken with some cautions; nevertheless, the estimated effects of the individual/household socio-economic characteristics are coherent with the literature, giving strenght to the results obtained in estimating social capital effects. Practical implications The results show that active citizenship could be enhanced by promoting “desirable” aspects of social capital through specific policies addressed to raise people’s civic and political awareness, active solidarity and connectedness and cooperation between individuals within the communities for their own benefit. Moreover, a crucial role in enhancing active citizenship can be undoubtedly played by a lifelong learning process, from school to adult age, directed to maintain and acquire skills as drivers for active citizenship. Originality/value This study fills a significant gap in the literature, since so far little attention has been paid to individual/household social capital endowment as possible determinant of active citizenship.
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Poboży, Monika. "Obywatelstwo i obywatelskość w Unii Europejskiej." Przegląd Europejski, no. 1-2014 (June 29, 2014): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.1.14.3.

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Celebration of the 20th anniversary of the EU citizenship in 2013 was a good occasion for reflection on this institution. Has anything changed during this period in the status of European citizens and their role in the EU’s political system? Do they have opportunities to participate in the European decision-making process and to influence the European law and the direction of the EU’s development? Is the EU citizenship only a symbolic project that brings no added value? Can it be called “citizenship”? The article is devoted to answering these questions. The institution of the EU citizenship was analysed in two aspects: 1) citizenship as formal status connected with some rights and 2) civilness as mechanisms that guarantee participation in decisions on the future of a political community. The conclusion is that after 20 years the importance of the EU citizenship has been significantly increased, but only on declarative level – in the wording of treaties and institutional acts. However, this change has not caused the factual increase of citizen participation in the shaping of the European Union politics. It is the effect of a discrepancy on the EU level between citizenship as formal status and civilness as real empowerment of individual in the political system.
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Daskalova, Krassimira. "The Little Entente of Women, Feminisms, Tensions, and Entanglements within the Interwar European Women’s Movement." Aspasia 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 13–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2022.160103.

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This article discusses some aspects of the interwar women’s movements and feminist activities in Eastern Europe and the Balkans in particular, taking as a starting point the creation of the regional feminist network called the Little Entente of Women LEW). It shows that—despite the idea of “global sisterhood”—women’s actions have always been conditioned by the agenda of male political elites. At the same time, the article highlights some entanglements of the feminist activities and initiatives that shattered the (fraternal) social contracts of nation states and, already before World War II, won certain aspects of citizenship rights for women throughout the region of Southeastern Europe.
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Piper, Nicola. "Gendering the Politics of Migration." International Migration Review 40, no. 1 (March 2006): 133–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2006.00006.x.

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Although every aspect of the migration process is shaped by political factors and migration presents many political challenges on the domestic and international levels, the attention of political scientists in the United States and Europe has been limited to relatively few topics, including control over entry and exit, and issues of incorporation and citizenship. Work that considers the political aspects of migration from a gender perspective constitutes an even smaller body of work. In considering the contribution that political science might make to our understanding of gendered migration, this essay points both to some pioneering studies of gendered patterns of migration and incorporation, and also to the growing concern with gender among international organizations and policy makers. Interestingly, the essay shows that it is scholars in neighboring disciplines who have more often have taken up questions of governance and the development of gender-fair policy towards migrants. The essay raises questions about the relationship between disciplinary boundaries and topical areas and also about the ways in which regional contexts shape the nature of scholarly inquiry by contrasting work on Asia with that in Europe and the United States.
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Low, Choo Chin. "The politics of citizenship in divided nations: Policies and trends in Germany and China." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 2 (May 6, 2016): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.04.006.

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Looking at how divided states competed against each other in the arena of citizenship since 1949, this research observes a number of common trends. The German and Chinese case studies manifested a shared trend in large part because they faced comparable challenges and responded with similar citizenship strategies in their quest for national legitimacy and diplomatic recognition. The policy effectiveness depended on the intensity of inter-state rivalry, the Cold War diplomacy, and the global nationality trends. The tight bipolar system and the strong international cooperation on nationality in Europe (among the socialist and non-socialist blocs) explain why both German states were in more favourable circumstances in asserting their citizenship claim. These two aspects are missing in the Asian context, which explain the absence of the role of the international community in legitimising or supporting the Chinese citizenship rivalry. This paper concludes that citizenship policies in the two German states were shaped in response to one another. As compared to the German case, the Chinese and Taiwanese policies exhibited a more pragmatic and independent character.
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Stüttler, Ira E. "La citoyenneté européenne et le déficit démocratique." Études internationales 28, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 535–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703775ar.

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The European citizenship and the democratic deficit are at the heart of the ongoing discussion about the European integration. Critics think that the possibility for the citizens to participate in the decision making process of the EU is not sufficient. In order to shed some light on this matter, the two concepts are examined under their different aspects. We emphasize not only their place in the larger context of the integration and the political situation in Europe but also the link between the two notions. This allows the conclusion that the European citizenship, because of its flexible and innovative character, should be the starting point in the search of an answer to the democratic deficit.
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Martinez Caballero, Juan. "La ciudadanía de la Unión Europea y sus derechos: un análisis crítico." Revista de Derecho de la UNED (RDUNED), no. 23 (March 14, 2019): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rduned.23.2018.24027.

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Desde hace unas décadas, como consecuencia, fundamentalmente,del acusado déficit democrático de la Unión Europea,por las instituciones comunitarias se están adoptando medidas quepretender reducirlo y paliarlo. Entre dichas medidas se encuentranaquellas que pretender convertir a los ciudadanos de la Unión en laverdadera razón de ser de la misma, superando sus iniciales pretensionesexclusivamente económicas, ahondando en aspectos jurídicopolíticos,tales como la ciudadanía y sus derechos. No obstante, elalcance de estas medidas está siendo muy limitado pues tanto la regulaciónefectuada, como la realidad existente, pone de manifiestocomo la ciudadanía de la Unión Europea se sustenta en la nacionalidadde los Estados miembros, es decir, en normas de Derecho interno.Ello, unido a la preponderancia de los intereses económicossobre los aspectos políticos, hace que la construcción de una auténticaciudadanía europea, tal y como la entendemos desde el punto devista del Derecho interno, no se haya alcanzado todavía, aspecto quetiene su reflejo en el escaso alcance de los derechos que rodean a lamisma.For decades now, in consequence, fundamentally, ofthe pronounced democratic deficit of the European Union, measuresare being taken by the Community institutions that seek to reduceand alleviate it. Amongst these measures are those that seek to convertthe citizens of the Union into its real reason d’être, by overcomingthe initial exclusively financial claims, delving into political issues,such as citizenship and their rights. However, the significanceof these measures is being very limited, since both the regulationand the existing reality show how citizenship of the European Unionis based on the nationality of the Member States, that is, on rulesof domestic law. This fact, together with the preponderance of economicinterests over the political aspects, means that the constructionof a genuine European citizenship, as we understand it from thepoint of view of domestic law, has not yet been achieved, aspect thatis reflected in the scanty scope of the rights that surround it.
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Lachman, Michal. "States of mind – political theatre at the age of nomadism." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 531–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0046.

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Abstract The review article comments on major themes and ideas analysed by S.E. Wilmer’s Performing Statelessness in Europe (Palgrave 2018). Wilmer’s analysis offers an overview of most recent as well as historical approaches to the concept of citizenship and the state which have been developed by avant-garde artists and theatre makers. The overall aim of Wilmer’s survey of political art is to “assess strategies by creative artists to address matters relating to social justice”. He also gives a significant amount of attention to various projects carried by German theatres which attempt to integrate resident immigrants into German society. The central thrust of his argument falls on a variety of contemporary theatrical initiatives directly concerned with the life of refugees and asylum seekers. The review highlights those aspects of Wilmer’s argument which directly concern the concept of modern society, nation state and identity. Wilmer shows precisely these aspects of modern state as most destructive. The review questions that assumption, arguing that the criticism of modern society should be more subtle and nuanced and that the potential failure of responding properly to the crisis does not necessarily lie entirely on the side of the state
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Bar Cendón, Antonio. "España y la UE: objetivo ideológico y proyecto político (1978-2018) // Spain and the EU: Ideological objective and political project (1978-2018)." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 101 (April 28, 2018): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.101.2018.21978.

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Resumen:El reingreso en el contexto europeo, del que España fue expulsada tras el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ha sido durante largo tiempo el objeto del componente ideológico y del proyecto político de la práctica totalidad de las fuerzas políticas españolas. El ingreso de España en las Comunidades Europeas, en enero de 1986, vino a suponer la realización de ese objetivo ideológico y de ese proyecto político. Desde entonces, España experimentó importantes cambios que mejoraron notablemente su estructura económica, pero también otros aspectos políticos y sociales. Estos cambios han sido descritos y analizados por la doctrina científica con todo detalle y extensión. Este trabajo, sin embargo, trata de describir y analizar cuáles han sido las aportaciones de España al proceso de integración europeo y su desarrollo en cada fase del mismo, y lo hace partiendo precisamente de lo que fueron los planteamientos políticos e ideológicos de las principales fuerzas políticas del momento. Algo que no se ha hecho hasta el presente con la debida extensión e interés que merece el tema.Abstract:The return to the European context, from which Spain was expelled after the end of the Second World War, has been the object of the ideological component and of the political project of almost all of the Spanish political forces for a long time. The admission of Spain into the European Communities, in January 1986, meant the realization of that ideological objective and political project. Since then, Spain experienced important changes that significantly improved its economic structure, but also other political and social aspects. All of these changes have been extensively described and analyzed by the specialized literature. This paper, however, tries to describe and analyze Spain’s contributions to the European integration process at each phase of its development, and it does so departing precisely from a description of the political and ideological positions ofthe political forces of that period. This is something that has not been done so far, with the extension and interest that the subject deserves. Summary:1. Introduction. 2. Europe as an ideological objective. 3. Europe as a political project. A) The first step: The Single European Act. B) Citizenship and cohesion: The Treaty of Maastricht. C) The foreign role and the social policy: The Treaty of Amsterdam. D) Enhancing the institutional position: The Treaty of Nice. E) From toughness to concession: The European Constitution. F) Weakness and relocation: The Treaty of Lisbon. 4. Conclusion.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Citizenship Political aspects Europe"

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Shadley, Anna Bardes. "The Third Gate: Naturalization Legislation in Central and Eastern Europe." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1206123091.

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Piotrowicz, Ryszard W. "The post-war settlement in Central Europe : legal aspects of frontiers and citizenship." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305653.

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Saillard, Sébastien. "Les institutions et aspects juridiques relatifs au contrôle aérien en Europe : Eurocontrol." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60706.

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The European Organization for the Safety of Air Navigation (Eurocontrol) was created in 1960 for the centralization and harmonization of air traffic control, to meet the new requirements of increasing air traffic. The primary functions of Eurocontrol were modified because of the reluctance of several European member States to transfer their control on ATC. But air traffic was still increasing and is deemed to increase until the next century. The problem remains unsolved. Today, a new political trend in favor of Eurocontrol is emerging. This trend is shared by most of the European States as well as other organizations as the European Community and the European Civil Aviation Conference.
The main legal aspects of Eurocontrol are analysed in this thesis, as well as its cooperation with other organizations involved. Eventually, the future of Eurocontrol is analyzed with respect to future air navigation systems (FANS) based on satellite technology.
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Chan, Ka Ki. "Is citizenship sexual? : the study of the exercise of citizenship of non-heterosexuals in Hong Kong." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2013. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1517.

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Vezzani, Giovanni. "European Muslims and Liberal Citizenship: Reconciliation through Public Reason: The Case of Tariq Ramadan's Citizenship Theory." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/228062/4/Thesis.pdf.

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This study investigates the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Western European societies from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the ‘idea of public reason’ [see John Rawls, Political Liberalism, expanded edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005) and the 1997 essay “The Idea of Public Reason Revisited,” originally published in University of Chicago Law Review 64 (1997), 765-807 and now included in Political Liberalism, expanded edition, 440-490]. By its very nature, political liberalism does not prescribe a single model for being Muslim in contemporary Europe. Thus, one may wonder if it is too vague as a point of departure for the analysis. On the other hand, however, here I argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer questions such as “What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies?”, “On what grounds is such exclusion based?”, and “What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet?” in a distinctively political way and, ideally, to solve the political and social problems from which those questions spring. In this research, I claim that public reason provides a common discursive platform that establishes the ground for a public political identity and for shared standards for social and political criticism. Together, these two elements solve the two dimensions of the problem of ‘stability for the right reasons’ (in Rawls’s terms) in contemporary European societies, because they secure both the political inclusion of Muslims on an equal footing as citizens and civic assurance that they will remain committed to fair terms of social cooperation. A joint solution of these two apparently conflicting demands of stability for the right reasons (i.e. inclusion and mutual assurance) requires an effort in political reconciliation. After having compared public reason citizenship with two prominent normative alternatives, I will conclude that the former is an adequate ideal conception of citizenship for European societies. Finally, I will apply the justificatory evaluative methodological framework (whose requirements I will specify starting from the idea of public reason itself) to a conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim public intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. (I justify the choice of this author in sections 2.3 and 6.1). Such an evaluation sheds light on one of the main insights of this research, that is, the idea that public reason makes a decompression of the public space possible: it frees the public space from those forces that would prevent citizens from the possibility of exercising effectively their two moral powers (once more in Rawls’s words, the ‘capacity for a sense of justice and for a conception of the good’) as free equals. In this sense, public reason tries to reconcile ideal political consensus and the fact of reasonable pluralism on a public political ground. I believe that this is the deepest meaning of what Rawls calls ‘reconciliation through public reason’: its aspiration is to reabsorb reasonable pluralism politically without annihilating it.This research is structured in three parts: the first is methodological, the second is reconstructive, and the third is evaluative. Each part is composed of two chapters.In chapter one (“General Framework”), I begin from some empirical observations about the role of perceptions and identities in relation to the issue of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary Europe. I claim that from this point of view Islam seems to “make problem” in a very specific sense. This does not mean that Islam is a problem, but that Islam is frequently publicly presented and perceived as a problem. This is the background problem from which my work starts. Thus, I explore some dimensions of such a problem (see 1.1). Subsequently, I provide a more specific formulation of the research problem and questions and of the aims of this study. Then, the main research question (Q) is stated in these terms: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a ‘problem of mutual assurance’ [on which, see in particular Paul Weithman, Why Political Liberalism? On John Rawls’s Political Turn (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010)] concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In order to answer this question, I also specify three sub-questions that I call respectively Q1, Q2, and Q3 (see 1.2).In chapter two (“Toward a Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory”), I firstly try to frame the problem of public justification within Rawls’s political liberalism (see 2.1). I then consider a specific approach to the question of Muslim citizenship in liberal democracies which can be adopted from a Rawlsian perspective: namely, reasoning from conjecture (see 2.2). Finally, I explain my own approach (which I call justificatory evaluative political theory) by means of comparison with the method of reasoning from conjecture (see 2.3). In presenting the evaluative framework specified from a political liberal standpoint, I point out three political liberal evaluative requirements: the reciprocity requirement (RR), the consistency requirement (CR), and the civility requirement (CiR).Chapter three (“What is Public Reason?”) deals with the history of the notion of public reason from Kant to Rawls and its enunciation within Rawls’s work (see 3.1 and 3.2 respectively). In doing so, I also identify three specifications for the three political liberal evaluative requirements considered in the second chapter. Furthermore, in chapter three I also unpack CR in three different dimensions (PR1, PR2, and PR3).Chapter four (“Public Reason and Religion. Reinterpreting the Duty of Civility”) completes the reconstructive stage by analysing Rawls’s ‘wide view’ of public reason and two major lines of objection to it (see 4.1). After having discussed such criticisms, I then introduce my own interpretation of the ‘proviso,’ which is structured around a two-level (or bifurcate) model of the ‘duty of civility’ (see 4.2).Chapter five (“Reconciliation through Public Reason: Justificatory Evaluative Political Theory between Modelling and Application”) bridges the second and the third part, that is, the reconstructive and the evaluative stage respectively. In the first section of the chapter, I summarise the political liberal evaluative requirements developed in the second part. In doing this, my purpose is to present my justificatory evaluative model of public reason citizenship (see 5.1). In the second section, I firstly argue that a conception of citizenship grounded in public reason is not only possible in existing European societies, but also preferable if compared with alternative conceptions (I consider liberal multiculturalism and Cécile Laborde’s critical republicanism [Cécile Laborde, Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)]) with reference to the problem under scrutiny in this research. In conclusion, I show that public reason citizenship is able to solve the theoretical problem and the main research question mentioned above: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? In the final part of chapter five, I try to demonstrate that public reason citizenship can both include Muslim citizens and solve the assurance problem because it provides both shared standards for political criticism and a common political identity on the basis of which citizens politically recognise one another as free equals. If my argument succeeds, then public reason citizenship not only could but also should be adopted as the ideal conception of citizenship in European societies (see 5.2).In the sixth chapter (“Tariq Ramadan’s European Muslims and Public Reason”) I apply the evaluative framework based on public reason to the conception of citizenship for Muslims in Europe developed by Tariq Ramadan. (According to a principle introduced in chapter two which I call the “plausibility principle” PP, I argue that Ramadan’s theory of citizenship can be plausibly presented as a “European Muslim” approach to the issue of citizenship, see 6.1). The purpose of such an evaluative work is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and ‘mutual assurance’) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship (see 6.2-6.5).
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
N.B. 1) Le lieu de défense de la thèse en cotutelle est ROME (Luiss Guido Carli)2) L'affiliation du co-promoteur de la thèse en cotutelle (Sebastiano Maffettone) est: LUISS Guido Carli
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Bain, Katrin. "New public management, citizenship and social work : children’s services in Germany and England." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2008. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3114/.

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This thesis examines the citizen-state relationship in the context of the modernisation of public services as effected by New Public Management (NPM). It explores the extent of the impact of one element of NPM - the shift towards representing service users as consumers or customers - within children’s services in Germany and England. Two qualitative case studies, one of a German and one of an English children’s social service, were conducted. The studies examined conceptions of citizenship in relation to parents who were users of these services by analysing national and local policy documents, local organisational procedures and by conducting semi-structured interviews with managers and social workers, partly based on the use of vignettes. These studies found that in children’s services, the impact of NPM is mainly at the organisational level with regard to elements of NPM other than consumerism. As far as consumerism is concerned, the studies demonstrated that this element of NPM is not central to an understanding of contemporary state-citizen relationships in this field and that the consumerist version of citizenship has had little impact. Rather than being a singular concept, citizenship was revealed as being open to a number of interpretations and formulations. In each country five different conceptions of citizenship were identified. These were ideal-type conceptions that served as discursive resources on which politicians, managers and social workers drew in different combinations, depending on the specific situation and wider context. Although there has been research on the impact of NPM on children’s services, there has previously been little consideration of its consumerist agenda, especially with regard to conceptions of citizenship that come into play in relation to parents as service users, as representations of state-citizen relationships in this field. The conceptions of citizenship that have the most impact on parents as service users derive from different understandings of the family and parenthood in the German and English contexts. Parenthood in Germany is a legal status that includes both the responsibility for the safe upbringing of one’s children and the right to receive support from social services. Parents are perceived by social workers as being the holders of these responsibilities and rights. In contrast, parenthood in England is an identity. In their contact with social services, English parents are perceived solely as their children’s carers, to the extent that they are referred to and addressed directly as ‘mum’ and ‘dad’ by social workers. The thesis concludes that the findings demonstrate that policy initiatives, organisational structures and social work practice impacting on state-citizen relationships are shaped by the wider historical and political context from which they emerge. Accordingly, rather than emerging from consumerism as a dominant paradigm, conceptions of citizenship vary; they are complex, competing and contested conceptions and they combine in a variety of different ways.
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Zhelo, Inessa. "Impact of Economic, Political, and Socio-Demographic Factors on the Parliamentary Election Outcomes in Central and Eastern European Countries." Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/29712.

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This study determines how economic, political, and socio-demographic factors impact the parliamentary election outcomes in central and eastern European countries in transition period. A one-way fixed-effect method has been applied to analyze two main economic models. The dependent variables are share of the Western-oriented and traditional-oriented parties. Data of sixteen countries have been used in the thesis. According to the results of this study, it is possible to conclude that outcomes of parliamentary elections in central and eastern European countries depended on political and socio-demographic factors from I 990-2001. Factors such as loans, received from the United States, per capita in the pre-election year, as a measure of external pressure, and share of agriculture in GDP, as a measure of country`s level of development, demonstrate consistent significance in both variations of the model.
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Shields, Rachel. "(Re)imagining history and subjectivity : (dis)incar-nations of racialised citizenship." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Sociology, c2012, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/3249.

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This thesis explores the ways in which modern history-writing practices reiterate race-based categories of citizenship. To investigate these practices across time, I have examined discourses produced by the United Farm Women of Alberta (UFWA) in 1925, and discourses produced by the contemporary magazine American Renaissance (AR). The UFWA were concerned with the promotion and definition of citizenship, and in so doing laid race as a foundation of Canadian identity. AR is a magazine that concerns itself with white nationalism in the contemporary United States. Drawing upon Avery Gordon and Wendy Brown’s theories of history and haunting, I have situated these discourses in imaginative relation to one another, illuminating the “past” in the present. I have also critically examined how I am complicit in reproducing the historical practices under study; as an architecture of history, haunting helps to imagine alternatives for the study of history and social life, particularly our own.
vii, 160 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm
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Stine, Anthony Philip. "Citizenship, Duty and Virtue: A Vision of Jefferson's America." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/316.

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In contemporary American political life, concepts such as duty to country and society often play a role in political discourse, but are often forgotten in the lives of average Americans. The life of the average citizen is focused on issues of economic survival, familial matters, and the diversions that occupy persons. Devotion to country is made an at best secondary concern for Americans. The purpose of this work is to examine the concepts of civic virtue that historically have dominated American political thought, using the writings of Thomas Jefferson and his influences as the primary source material for this effort, as well as the writings of modern western political theorists. Through this work, a conflict emerges between the values of western liberal thought and classic republicanism; to this end, a secondary purpose of this work is to reconcile those differences in an American context. Finally, a third purpose of this work is to offer a theoretical plan for re-connecting the average citizen with concepts of civic virtue through a proposal for public service.
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Karolewski, Ireneusz Pawel. "Bürgerschaft und kollektive Identität in Europa." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1341/.

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In Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept kollektiver Identität werden drei Bürgerschafts-Modelle (republikanisches, liberales und cäsarisches) diskutiert. Bürgerschaft wird im Sinne von citizenship anstelle von Staatsbürgerschaft wegen deren etatistischer Konnotation in der deutschen Sprache verwendet. Abschließend wird die europäische Bürgerschaft sowie deren korrespondierende kollektive Identität betrachtet.
The article refers to collective identity as a sense of commonness between individuals that fosters a general commitment to the public interest. In order to establish the link between collective identity and citizenship, three models of citizenship are explored (republican, liberal and caesarean). Finally, the model of European citizenship and its corresponding collective identity are elaborated.
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Books on the topic "Citizenship Political aspects Europe"

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Reframing social citizenship. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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Owtram, Francis, and Annemarie Profanter. Citizenship in transition: New perspectives on transnational migration from the Middle East to Europe. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2013.

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1946-, Dahlgren Peter, and Sparks Colin 1947-, eds. Communication and citizenship: Journalism and the public sphere in the new media age. London: Routledge, 1991.

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Islam and liberal citizenship: The search for an overlapping consensus. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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1959-, Checkel Jeffrey T., Katzenstein Peter J, and MyiLibrary, eds. European identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Debeljak, Aleš. Evropa brez Evropejcev. Ljubljana: Sophia, 2004.

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Appelt, Erna. Geschlecht, Staatsbürgerschaft, Nation: Politische Konstruktionen des Geschlechterverhältnisses in Europa. Frankfurt/Main: Campus, 1999.

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Globalization, migration, and the future of Europe: Insiders and outsiders. New York: Routledge, 2011.

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1953-, Edwards Lynne, Munn Pamela, Fogelman K. R, Unesco Institute for Education, and Council of Europe, eds. Education for democratic citizenship in Europe: New challenges for secondary education : report of the Seventh European Conference of Directors of Educational Research Institutions held in Nitra (Slovakia) 27-30 October 1992. Lisse [Netherlands]: Swets & Zeitlinger, Academic Pub. Division, 1994.

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author, Szelényi Katalin 1974, ed. Global citizenship and the university: Advancing social life and relations in an interdependent world. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Citizenship Political aspects Europe"

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Karolewski, Ireneusz Paweł. "Towards a Political Theory of Democratic Backsliding? Generalising the East Central European Experience." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 301–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_13.

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Abstract This chapter argues in favour of a general theory of democratic backsliding which should cover three dimensions: (1) the societal one (changing citizenry), (2) the institutional one (changing institutions of democratic government) and (3) the processual one (the nature of the democratic backsliding itself). Following these aspects, the chapter explores general developments of democratic backsliding, which also apply to East Central Europe. Regarding the societal dimension, it points to changes in the nature of citizenship towards spectatorship and plebiscitary understanding of democracy. Considering the institutional dimension, it focuses on two types of state capture: the party state capture and the corporate state capture. With regard to the processual dimension, the chapter argues that democratic backsliding does not imply fully fledged authoritarianism but rather represents a retrogression to semi-democracy—a potentially stable regime type, in which the dismantling of the rule of law goes hand in hand with cyclical elections preserving democratic standards.
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Thomass, Barbara. "Citizenship and Public Broadcasting in Europe." In Citizenship and Political Education Today, 141–57. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230522879_9.

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Threlfall, Monica, Lenita Freidenvall, Małgorzata Fuszara, and Drude Dahlerup. "Remaking Political Citizenship in Multicultural Europe: Addressing Citizenship Deficits in the Formal Political Representation System." In Remaking Citizenship in Multicultural Europe, 141–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137272157_7.

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Recchi, Ettore. "A Sterile Citizenship? Intra-European Mobility and Political Participation." In Mobile Europe, 105–22. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316028_6.

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Lamb, Richard. "Macmillan and Europe." In Harold Macmillan Aspects of a Political Life, 75–94. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376892_6.

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Einhorn, Barbara. "Citizenship, Civil Society and Gender Mainstreaming: Complexities of Political Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe." In Women’s Citizenship and Political Rights, 67–85. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502901_5.

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Hellsten, Sirkku K. "Can Feminism Survive Capitalism? Challenges Feminist Discourses Face in Promoting Women’s Rights in Post-Soviet Europe." In Women’s Citizenship and Political Rights, 53–66. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502901_4.

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Macková, Alena Macková, Sam Mejias, and Jakub Macek. "When Facebook Is (Not) Enough: Hybridity in the Media and Political Strategies of Leftist Youth Organisations." In Youth Active Citizenship in Europe, 159–87. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35794-8_6.

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Santos, Ana Cristina. "LGBT Activism, Politicians and Political Change." In Social Movements and Sexual Citizenship in Southern Europe, 57–82. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137296405_4.

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Santos, Ana Cristina. "Political, Legal and Cultural Change in Southern Europe." In Social Movements and Sexual Citizenship in Southern Europe, 39–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137296405_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Citizenship Political aspects Europe"

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Cisko, L. "GREENING OF EUROPE – ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES AND LEGAL-POLITICAL ASPECTS." In Economic trends: new opportunities and threats. Publishing House “Baltija Publishing”, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-158-9-18.

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Giannakopoulos, Dr Angelos. "Engaging Citizens in the Fight against Corruption Results of the EU-Project “ALACs (Advocacy and Legal Advice Centres): Promotion of Participation and Citizenship in Europe”." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir61.

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Kochukov, Sergey, and Olga Kochukova. "Feminine Ethno-national Personifications in the Austrian Political Caricature of the Period of the Great Eastern Crisis (1875–1878)." In Woman in the heart of Europe: non-obvious aspects of gender in the history and culture of Central Europe and adjacent regions. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0475-6.13.

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Stykalin, Alexander. "The First Lady of the Communist Regime as a Backbone Element of the Political System: The Phenomenon of Elena Ceaușescu." In Woman in the heart of Europe: non-obvious aspects of gender in the history and culture of Central Europe and adjacent regions. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0475-6.31.

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Gazioğlu, Şaziye, and Fatoş Otcuoğlu. "The Central Asian Countries and the Energy Sector: Economics, Politics and Legal Aspects." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00434.

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This paper is written with aim of investigating the importance of the natural resources within the Central Asian energy sector. The geopolitics position of the Central Asian Countries place them in the centre of conflicting powers; that is to say, on the one hand they are providing energy to Europe and USA, and on the other hand they are next to China, which has the highest and growing demand for energy consumption. In political arena, China accordingly seeks to prevent the independence of East Turkistan, which has historical links to Turkistan (West) in Russia. In this regard, we examine the energy policies and trade between states, and we particularly focus on the gas and oil pipelines from said countries to Europe. We also examine the demand from Caucasian and the Central Asian Countries by European, and Pacific Countries and, as well as, the USA. Correspondingly, we discuss the political conflicts upon the energy investments, and mainly concentrate on the investments in Central Asian and Commonwealth of Independent States (“CIS”), and the political risks and legal disputes relating to foreign energy investment and stability implications in this regard.
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Benlloch-Dualde, Jose V., and Sara Blanc. "eSGarden: a European initiative to incorporate ICT in schools." In CARPE Conference 2019: Horizon Europe and beyond. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carpe2019.2019.10209.

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Knowledge transfer to the society is undoubtedly one of the main objectives of Universities. However, it is important that these advances reach the youngest, many of them, future university students. Having this in mind, a European project around how incorporating ICT in school gardens was proposed (SCHOOL GARDENS FOR FUTURE CITIZENS, 2018-1-ES01-KA201-050599). In this project, both universities and schools, belonging to five European countries, are collaborating with public and private organizations with social concerns, environmental responsibility and sustainability. School gardens is a broad topic that combine technological needs for managing and control with education in values of environmental sustainability, social inclusion and citizenship, transmission of tradition, and the promotion of digital culture in both girls and boys from the early school stages. These last aspects are aligned with some sustainable development targets (SDGs), such as ensuring healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages, inclusive and equitable quality education, gender equality or responsible consumption. A further challenge of the consortium is to extend the proposed approach to other schools throughout Europe with the same interests and impact, considering cultural diversity and climate differences.
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Vladimir, DUGAROV. "HISTORICAL AND THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF THE GLOBALIZATION INTERACTION OF THE COUNTRIES OF NORTHEAST ASIA WITH THE STATES OF EASTERN EUROPE IN THE FORMATION OF THE “GREAT SILK ROAD” IN THE BEGINNING. XXI CENTURY." In Social and political challenges of modernization in the 21st century. Publishing House of Buryat Scientific Center, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30792/978-5-7925-0537-7-2018-33-35.

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Brunner, Martin, and Alfred Sigg. "Waste-to-Energy in Europe and Technology Highlights From Von Roll Inova Projects." In 15th Annual North American Waste-to-Energy Conference. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/nawtec15-3200.

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Von Roll Inova is a major provider of thermal treatment technologies ranging from combustion, energy recovery, air pollution control, and residue processing. The company is headquartered in Switzerland and its portfolio includes over 300 WTEs around the world, processing more than 100,000 metric tons of solid wastes per day. This paper discusses the technological and political trends in Europe regarding waste-to-energy, the state-of-the-art-technology and presents an an overview of recently executed projects by Von Roll Inova. During the hiatus on new plant construction in the U.S., European countries pursued a variety of different approaches. Not all the results showed environmental, social or economic promise. Of the aspects developed since the mid-nineties, some are applicable to the United States. Particularly the advances in air pollution control technology and improved thermal efficiency will be useful as new Waste-to-Energy capacity is added in the U.S. and delays in permitting may be avoided by taking advantage of such experience transfers.
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Чепик, Виктор. "Немецкий подход к идее европейской интеграции после Первой и Второй мировых войн." In Россия — Германия в образовательном, научном и культурном диалоге. Конкорд, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/de2021/027.

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The appearance of Soviet Russia in the international arena in 1917 was one, but not the only factor that contributed to the further development of the idea of European integration. German supporters of the unification of Europe after the First World War were attracted by the economic and political aspects of the European idea, in the development of which they themselves took an active part. In particular, it was proposed to create a pan-European economic zone, which included as an "indispensable complement" the "joint economic exploitation of pan-European colonies", most of which were in Africa. The German Foreign Ministry, headed by G. Stresemann, supported the project of a federal union of Europe. After the Second World War, the supporters of European integration in Germany, which was divided into occupation zones, hoped with the help of membership in the proposed European Federal Union to solve a number of national tasks, the main of which was the reunification of Germany.
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Hana, Suela. "ANALYSIS OF INTEGRATION POLICIES FOR VICTIMS OF TRAFFICKING, THE NECESSITY OF THEIR MULTIDISCIPLINARY EVALUATION." In 5th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2021 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2021.413.

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Extensive developments and changes in the economic, political, social, cultural and scientific fields have undoubtedly brought problems and disturbing phenomena in many parts of the world, such as the trafficking and exploitation of human beings. Every year many women, girls and children are illegally transported across the borders of their countries of origin, sold or bought, bringing to mind all the primitive ways of human slavery, seen in stark contrast to the galloping development that society has taken today, as well as aspirations for a worldwide civilization and citizenship. Regarding Albania, the beginning of trafficking in human beings dates in 1995 (Annual Analysis of 2003 of the State Social Service, Tirana), where the country found itself in a situation of instability of political, economic, social and cultural changes, as well as in a transitional geographical position to was used by traffickers, mostly Albanians, as an “open door” for the recruitment, transportation and sale of women, girls and children from Moldova, Russia, Romania, Turkey, Albania, China, etc. Albania is identified as a source and transit country for trafficked women and children. In addition, many NGOs and international organizations report significant increase cases in the trafficking of human beings. In 1999, official sources reported that young women and girls had been lured or abducted from refugee camps in Albania during the Kosovo crisis and then sold for prostitution in Italy and the United Kingdom. Reports from Italy, Germany, Belgium and the UK suggest that Albanian women and girls, which are trafficked for prostitution mostly are from rural areas (Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Review Conference, September 1999). It is almost common to talk about the phenomenon of trafficking in human beings, about the motivating and attractive factors, the consequences associated with this phenomenon of Albanian society. Given the extent of the trafficking phenomenon during the last 30 years transition period in Albania, the Government has made different legislative and institutional efforts, through a strategic approach to combat and mitigate this phenomenon. However, the elements of identification, protection, reintegration and long-term rehabilitation for victims of trafficking remain issues of concern and still not properly addressed, in the context of the institutional fight against trafficking in persons, which should have as its primary goal the protection of the human rights for victims of trafficking and not their further violation or re-victimization (Annual Report of the European Commission, 2007).
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Reports on the topic "Citizenship Political aspects Europe"

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Romero, Antonio. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement and relations between European Union and Cuba. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff01en.

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This document makes an assessment of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between Cuba and the European Union (EU) in its four years of validity, and of the evolution of political and economic relations between both parties. The analysis is structured in five headings that address the background, determinants and significance of the PDCA between Cuba and the EU; the main elements discussed in the political dialogue —and in thematic dialogue— between the two parties since 2018, and the central aspects of trade, investment and cooperation relations between Cuba and the EU. The report concludes that, unlike the United States, the EU is able to support the complex process of economic and institutional transformations underway in Cuba, in four fundamental areas: i) technical assistance and advice for the design and implementation of public policies, macroeconomic management, decentralisation and local development; ii) cooperation to fight climate change and transform Cuba’s productive and technological structure; iii) the promotion and encouragement of foreign investment flows from Europe, targeting key productive sectors; and iv) the exploration of financial opportunities for Cuba through the European Investment Bank (EIB) under the current PDCA.
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Haider, Huma. Fostering a Democratic Culture: Lessons for the Eastern Neighbourhood. Institute of Development Studies, August 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.131.

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Political culture is the values, beliefs, and emotions that members of a society express about the political regime and their role in it (Pickering, 2022, p. 5). Norms, values, attitudes and practices considered integral to a “culture of democracy”, according to the Council of Europe, include: a commitment to public deliberation, discussion, and the free expression of opinions; a commitment to electoral rules; the rule of law; and the protection of minority rights; peaceful conflict resolution. The consolidation of democracy involves not only institutional change, but also instilling a democratic culture in a society (Balčytienė, 2021). Research on democratic consolidation in various countries in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) finds that a key impediment to consolidation is the persistence of old, authoritarian political culture that undermines political and civic participation. This rapid review looks at aspects of democratic culture and potential ways to foster it, focusing on educational initiatives and opportunities for civic action — which comprise much of the literature on developing the values, attitudes and behaviours of democracy. Discussion on the strengthening of democratic institutions or assistance to electoral processes is outside the scope of the report.
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Willis, Craig, Will Hughes, and Sergiusz Bober. ECMI Minorities Blog. National and Linguistic Minorities in the Context of Professional Football across Europe: Five Examples from Non-kin State Situations. European Centre for Minority Issues, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/bvkl7633.

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Football clubs are often analysed by scholars as ‘imagined communities’, for no fan of any team will ever meet, or even be aware of most of their fellow supporters on an individual level. They are also simultaneously one of the most tribal phenomena of the twenty-first century, comparable to religion in terms of the complexity of rituals, their rhythm and overall organizational intricacies, yet equally inseparable from economics and politics. Whilst, superficially, the events of sporting fixtures carry little political significance, for many of Europe’s national and linguistic minorities football fandom takes on an extra dimension of identity – on an individual and collective scale, acting as a defining differentiation from the majority society. This blogpost analyses five clubs from non-kin state settings, with the intention to assess how different aspects of minority identities affect their fan bases, communication policies and other practices.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.

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This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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