Journal articles: 'Citizenship – Baltic States'

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Ginsburgs, George. "The citizenship of the Baltic states." Journal of Baltic Studies 21, no. 1 (March 1990): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01629778900000211.

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Driessen, Bart. "Slav non-citizens in the Baltics." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 2, no. 2 (1994): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181194x00030.

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AbstractThis study argues that customary international law obliges the Baltic states to accept the Slav populations as an integral part of the Baltic peoples. The history and collapse of the Soviet Union has produced large groups of Slav immigrants to remain in the Baltic states. They are not automatically granted citizenship rights in Estonia and Latvia, as they have to prove to qualify for naturalisation. People descending from the inter-War citizenry do ipso facto qualify for citizenship. First the nature of the coming-to-independence of the Baltic states is analysed, after which the law on self-determination is investigated. The de facto recognition of the Soviet annexation by most of the international community is seen as the watershed as far as the status of the Baltic states is concerned; from then on they were for all practical purposes part of the Soviet Union. Following an analysis of the applicable norms of customary international law, a scrutiny of relevant Baltic legislation is presented.

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Brubaker, W. Rogers. "Citizenship Struggles in Soviet Successor States." International Migration Review 26, no. 2 (June 1992): 269–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600205.

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The breakup of the Soviet Union has transformed yesterday's internal migrants, secure in their Soviet citizenship, into today's international migrants of contested legitimacy and uncertain membership. This transformation has touched Russians in particular, of whom some 25 million live in non-Russian successor states. This article examines the politics of citizenship vis-a-vis Russian immigrants in the successor states, focusing on the Baltic states, where citizenship has been a matter of sustained and heated controversy.

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Alijeva, Lilija. "Left Behind? A Critical Study of the Russian-speaking Minority Rights to Citizenship and Language in the Post-Soviet Baltic States. Lessons from Nationalising Language Policies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 24, no. 4 (November 3, 2017): 484–536. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02404004.

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Minority rights protection is widely discussed in relation to diversity management stability within a state. Yet the case of Russian-speaking minorities in the post-Soviet Baltic States has been a challenging example to analyse because of the sensitivity of language issues. This article discusses Baltic States’ language policies that impact the Russian-speaking minority’s language rights, argued here to be the focal point for minority identity formation inclusion into society. While international law continues to be mostly silent regarding minority language rights, kin-states, in this case Russia, direct their interest towards its supposed kin-nationals abroad, which leads to rising levels of concerns for Baltic States’ governments because this interest has led to conflict in other post-Soviet states. This article argues that the situation in the Baltic States is unique, recommends amending domestic language policies to achieve effective minority integration, inclusion, accommodation, generating stable democratic rule.

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FEHERVARY, ANDRAS. "Citizenship, Statelessness and Human Rights: Recent Developments in the Baltic States." International Journal of Refugee Law 5, no. 3 (1993): 392–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/5.3.392.

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Carpinelli, Cristina. "The Citizenship Policies of the Baltic States within the EU Framework on Minority Rights." Polish Political Science Yearbook 48, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 193–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019201.

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Gorodzeisky, Anastasia, and Inna Leykin. "When Borders Migrate: Reconstructing the Category of ‘International Migrant’." Sociology 54, no. 1 (July 19, 2019): 142–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038519860403.

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Using the Baltic states as an empirical example of a wider social problem of categorization and naming, this article explores the statistical categories of ‘international migrant/foreign-born’ population used in three major cross-national data sources (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Eurostat and The World Bank Indicators (WBI)). We argue that these seemingly politically neutral categories ignore historical processes of state formation and migration, and privilege the current ethnonational definition of the state. We demonstrate how, in regions with recent geopolitical changes, the international migrant category’s spatial and temporal constraints produce distorted population parameters, by marking those who have never crossed sovereign states’ borders as international migrants. In certain social contexts, applying the international migrant category to those who have never crossed international borders shapes and legitimizes restrictive citizenship policies and new forms of social exclusion. We further argue that, when uncritically adopting this category, transnational institutions assert territorial imaginaries embedded in ethnonational political discourses and legitimize exclusionary citizenship policies.

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Bessudnov, D. A. "ALBRECHT VON BRANDENBURG´S SPEECH AT THE CORONATION OF SIGISMUND II AUGUST AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE BALTIC IN THE XVI CENTURY." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 02, no. 06 (June 28, 2021): 07–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2021-05-02-07-16.

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The struggle for control over trade routes in the Baltic Sea, which began in the 16th century, has left a controversial mark in the history of the Baltic states. On the one hand, it launched the processes of the formation of new state models, and on the other hand, it led to an internal crisis and the decline of some Baltic states, one of which was the Old Livonia. This article presents a previously unpublished document reflecting an important stage in the actualization of the system of ties between the figure of the Polish-Lithuanian monarch and the archbishops of Riga. This political and legal concept was used by Sigismund II Augustus to expand political influence and substantiate the legitimacy of his actions in Livonia on the eve and at the initial stage of the Livonian War. The prerogative of patronage of the Jagiellons connected to the medieval tradition and had a seignorial-paternalistic basis, subsequently playing the role of a legal basis for the final registration of citizenship relations. The document can be used to reconstruct the features of political consciousness characteristic of the legal field in the 16th century, as well as to expand ideas about the dynamics of the development of state and legal systems in the earlier modern era.

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Zmiyenko, Oleksandra. "The EU: Power(less) in Statelessness? The Case of the Baltic States." Journal of Social Policy Studies 16, no. 4 (December 24, 2018): 677–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/727-0634-2018-16-4-677-690.

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Oleksandra Zmiyenko – MA Law, European Interdisciplinary Studies – College of Europe; Academic Assistant at the College of Europe, EU International Relations Department, Bruges, Belgium. Email: Oleksandra.zmiyenko@coleurope.eu Despite still being an emergent research area, statelessness has come to attract growing attention both from academics and among policy-makers. So far, this legal vacuum, that represents a violation of the right to nationality, and has consistently been perceived through the prism of other human rights-related issues. To avoid oversight, statelessness needs to be perceived as a distinct phenomenon and to be addressed as such on the policy-making agenda. The European Union has two overt examples of statelessness among its Member States: Latvia and Estonia. In these post-Soviet countries, statelessness emerged in conjunction with debates over state continuity and state succession. The main question to be asked is to what extent does the EU have leverage when it comes to addressing the problem of statelessness? In its Member States, where questions of citizenship fall under the national competences, the EU influence in this regard seems limited, which is even more apparent outside of the EU. However, for the countries with 'European aspirations', there are different ways to have an impact: either before or after accession. Given its terminological ambiguities and that possible solutions to statelessness may be offered from a diverse range of academic fields, the research methodology of this study is interdisciplinary: from legal to historical analysis. While conditionality imposed on the aspiring members has a clear outcome in terms of legislation changes, once these states have acceded, the EU tends to have less influence. Conditionality might serve as a possibility to address statelessness among the countries with 'European aspirations', while increased pressure to fulfil international obligations may be crucial in dealing with Member States.

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von Post, Christina, Patrik Wikström, Helge Räihä, and Vilmantė Liubinienė. "Values and Attitudes of Nordic Language Teachers Towards Second Language Education." Sustainable Multilingualism 10, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 194–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sm-2017-0010.

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Summary Issues in minority education in relation to citizenship have received more attention lately, because of new requirements for language testing in several countries (Bevelander, Fernandez & Hellström, 2011, p. 101). The acquisition of citizenship is more decisive for immigrant participation in society than the duration of stay in the country (Bevelander, Fernandez & Hellström, 2011). The second language is crucial for active citizenship and integration in this perspective. Most countries in the EU (except Ireland and Sweden) have language requirements for citizenship and the use of language testing becomes increasingly common among the countries that receive migrants. The rapid development highlights the need for new international studies on the relationship between citizenship and conditions for second language learning. The goal of the recent study is to compare premises, perspectives and scales of values of Danish, Norwegian and Swedish language educators, related to the requirements for immigrant citizenship. Previous studies (Björklund & Liubiniené, 2004) indicate that there are major differences in value systems even between the neighbouring countries. To reach the objective of the present study, interviews were conducted with language educators in Denmark, Norway and Sweden. The results have revealed two opposing patterns. The values of Swedish informants show a wide-ranging variation, while the Danish and Norwegian data on values are consistently similar. The results raise further questions about the effects caused by differences in values among language educators when comparing the countries and call for a further verification of the data in a more extended study, including Lithuania and other Baltic states.

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Rozenvalds, Juris. "INTEGRATION IN LATVIA: FLOWS AND EBBS IN NATIONAL AND EUROPEAN CONTEXT." CBU International Conference Proceedings 4 (September 22, 2016): 403–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v4.787.

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Russian-speaking communities in the member states of the European Union (EU), especially the Baltic States and Germany, have earned special attention, in recent years, as subjects of important integration policies, on one hand, and the main targets of Russia’s propagandist efforts, on the other. Because a significant part of Russian-speaking communities accepted these efforts, questions were raised concerning the effectiveness of previous integration policies to strengthen the national identity and invoke a feeling of political togetherness. Thus the factors fostering and triggering integration and the relations between civic and ethnocultural components of integration are of wide interest. This paper presents a case study of Latvia, as a country with the highest share of Russian-speaking citizens among the EU member states and a clear prevalence of ethnocultural components in its integration policies in recent years. The study examines the successes and failures of the integration policies of Latvia during the last twenty-five years, using mainly direct observations and sociological data collected during the last twenty years. The results show that language knowledge, citizenship status, and socioeconomic conditions play an important role in integration. In addition, these factors appear more effective with development of inclusive political practices and civil society structures, cooperative discourse, and facilitation of mutual trust between ethnolinguistic communities.

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Mikhailova, Yu L. "Peace negotiations between Russia and Latvia in 1920: Premises, key issues, and outcomes." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 14, no. 3 (November 27, 2022): 227–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2022-14-3-227-264.

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The conclusion of the Peace Treaty between Latvia and the RSFSR on August 11, 1920 marked an important stage both in the process of international recognition of Latvia and in the normalization of international relations in the region in general, and charted a new course of the foreign policy of the Soviet state. On the basis of a wide range of archival sources (transcripts of the plenary meetings of the RSFSR and Latvia delegations, the meetings minutes of the Soviet-Latvian boundary commission, etc.), as well as recent Russian and foreign historical researches, the paper examines a set of issues related to the conclusion of the Treaty. The key issues that predetermined the agenda of the Soviet-Latvian peace negotiations included border demarcation, the exchange of war prisoners, the return of property evacuated to Russia, the return of refugees and the establishment of procedures for citizenship option. The author notes that the issue of border delimitation and demarcation was one of the most controversial and painful during the negotiations. The ethnographic principle for future borders was inextricably linked with economic and military-strategic considerations. The author examines territorial concessions made by the RSFSR to Latvia and concludes that they served as a demonstration of the Soviet Russia readiness to take into account the territorial claims of the Baltic republics, which allowed it to achieve peace in the region and fix new borders, as well as to establish trade relations indispensable for the survival of a young Soviet state during the Civil War. At the same time, the Soviet representatives took a hard line on compensations for the damage caused during hostilities and the return of property evacuated from Latvia. The author concludes that the Soviet-Latvian treaty and similar treaties with other Baltic states not only enabled the establishment of a new balance of power in the East Baltic region for the interwar period and laid the foundation for the Soviet foreign policy towards the Baltic republics, but also served as a vivid example of realization of ‘the right of self-determination of peoples up to secession’. Finally, these treaties became one of the means to break the diplomatic isolation of Soviet Russia.

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Trummel, Taylor. "The Creation of a Contemporary Estonian Identity." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 9 (October 1, 2018): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v9i0.4446.

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With the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, and subsequent independence of Estonia, the power-holding ethnic Russians suddenly found themselves as outcast minorities within the borders of this Baltic country. Various legal and social measures taken by Estonia to reassert its cultural history and political power marginalized c in the country. In creating a modern state, Estonia’s interest to identify with the European community prompted its effort to join the European Union. Such motivation pushed the nation toward multilateral negotiations to comply with requirements of international standards for the fair treatment of minorities. In this paper, an analysis of the implications of historical narratives in identity formation and minority marginalization offers a lens to examine the power of multilateral organizations in providing oversight and incentives to newly independent states. This oversight can be perceived to be in humanitarian interest, but should also be considered for its economic and geopolitical interests. Estonia’s citizenship laws, European identity, and stateless persons provide a case study for such historical analysis.

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Gusachenko, Andrejs, and Vineta Kleinberga. "The Emergence and Restoration of the State: Latvia in 1918 and 1990." TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0005.

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Abstract On 18 November 1918, the independent Republic of Latvia was declared in an extremely complicated international and domestic environment—the First World War was still going on, empires were collapsing, and ethnically and ideologically diverse military troops were fighting within the boundaries of Latvian territory. Despite the historical context of a previously tense relationship between Latvians and other ethnic groups, representatives of all minorities fought next to Latvians against the enemies of the Latvian state. Up until 11 August 1920, when the Peace Treaty with the Soviet Russia was signed, the prospects of de jure recognition of the newly established state were blurred; yet, the defeat of the White forces in the Russian Civil War opened the long awaited “window of opportunity”, as a result of which Latvia managed to achieve its international recognition on 26 January 1921. More than seventy years later, on 4 May 1990, when the Declaration of Independence was adopted by the Supreme Council of the Latvian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR), the international and domestic situation was no less complicated. Latvia was forcefully incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940 and became part of it, yet the economic and political deterioration of the Soviet Union, the national awakening in the Baltic States and other Soviet republics alongside the fall of the Berlin Wall gave momentum for the regime to change. On 21 August 1991, after the barricades and bloody clashes with the Soviet Special Purpose Police Units (OMON) in Riga on January and the failed coup d’état in Moscow in August, Latvia’s independence once again became a reality. In the events of the 1990s, the memories of 1918 and Latvia’s independence in the period between the two world wars were crucial. It is manifested by the fact that Latvian statehood in 1991 was not established anew but restored. Acknowledging the importance of history on contemporary identification and policy-making, this article aims to provide an insight into the history of 1917–1922 and its resonance in the contemporary situation. Using the methodology of literature analysis and historical process-tracing it will reveal the complicated process of the state’s formation and recognition in the period of 1917–1922, paying particular attention to the role of the minorities and diplomatic efforts. It will also uncover the resonance of the events of 1918–1922 in the 1990s, when Latvia’s independence from the Soviet Union was declared, focusing in particular on aspects defining the statehood of Latvia and its citizenship. In this part, it will be argued that the history of 1917–1922 was brought back when the statehood of Latvia was concerned, while overshadowed by fifty years of the Soviet occupation, when the citizenship issue was on the agenda. Indeed, not only ethnic Latvians but also minorities living in Latvia played a decisive role in the efforts of restoring Latvia’s independence. However, as a result of the Citizenship Law,1 adopted in 1994, more than one-fourth of the population—in most cases, representatives of the Russian-speaking community—were denied citizenship. This practice contrasts the Act that had been adopted in the interwar period, when Latvian citizenship was granted to all ethnic groups who were living within the borders of the then agreed Latvian territory, notwithstanding their diverse ideological background. Given this fact, the article provides future research opportunities related to perceptions of history in contemporary policy-making.

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ELLISON, NICK. "B. Hvinden and H. Johansson (eds) (2006), Citizenship in Nordic Welfare States: Dynamics of Choice, Duties and Participation in a Changing Europe. London: Routledge. £60.00, pp. 248, hbk. - J. Aidukaite (2004), The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State – the Case of the Baltic States: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Södertörn Doctoral dissertations No. 1. Stockholm: Södertörn University College. pp. 206, pbk." Journal of Social Policy 37, no. 2 (April 2008): 311–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279407001766.

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McLean, Iain, Joseph Hogan, Joseph McCarney, Jane Booth, George Sanford, Derek W. Urwin, Fred Dallmayr, et al. "Book Review: Game Theory: A Critical Introduction, Game Theory for Political Scientists, The State Roots of National Politics: Congress and the Tax Agenda, 1978–1986, The Budget Puzzle: Understanding Federal Spending, Peddling Prosperity: Economic Sense and Nonsense in the Age of Diminished Expectations, Information, Ideology and Freedom: The Disenfranchised Electorate, Theories and Narratives: Reflections on the Philosophy of History, Independent Slovenia: Origins, Movements, Prospects, Central Europe since 1945, The Baltic States: The National Self-Determination of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, Bound to Change: Consolidating Democracy in East Central Europe, Poles Apart: Solidarity and the New Poland, The Power of Symbols against the Symbols of Power: The Rise of Solidarity and the Fall of State Socialism in Poland, The Resurrection of Rights in Poland, Comparative Political Systems: Policy Performance and Social Change, Understanding the Political World: A Comparative Introduction to Political Science, Comparative Politics: An Introduction and New Approach, Heidegger and Ethics, Economic Democracy: The Politics of Feasible Socialism, Socialism after Communism: The New Market Socialism, Avoiding Losses/Taking Risks: Prospect Theory and International Conflict, Locke in America: The Moral Philosophy of the Founding Era, The Myth of American Individualism: The Protestant Origins of American Political Thought, A Union for Empire: Political Thought and the Union of 1707, Multicultural Citizenship, One for All: The Logic of Group Conflict, Conor: A Biography of Conor Cruise O'Brien, Volume I: Narrative, Conor: A Biography of Conor Cruise O'Brien, Volume II: Anthology." Political Studies 44, no. 5 (December 1996): 958–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00344.x.

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Hackmann, Jörg. "The Dilemma of Dual Loyalty. Werner Hasselblatt and the Rise and Failure of Baltic German Minority Politics in the Inter-War Period." Studies on National Movements 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/snm.85327.

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German minority politics in the Baltic states during the inter-war period has regained significant scholarly attention since the 1990s, when the Estonian concept of cultural autonomy from 1925 was rediscovered as a strategy for solving post 1989 minority conflicts as well as addressing issues of multiculturality. The case of the Baltic German politician Werner Hasselblatt, who is in the focus of this text, however, reveals a Janus-faced political approach: On the one hand, he had a significant share in the implementation of the law on cultural autonomy in Estonia, and he was also a major actor within the Congress of European Nationalities. On the other hand, from 1933 onwards Hasselblatt turned into an expert of Nazi resettlement and population politics, contrary to his earlier positions. Here, a critical analysis of his approach towards loyalty is undertaken, in order to discuss the tilting point in his political activities. My argument is that his attitude towards loyalty was based on the assumption of an irreconcilable conflict of dual loyalty to the ‘host’ state and the ‘kin’ nation. Whereas Hasselblatt regarded loyalty to German Volkstum not as a matter of individual choice for Baltic Germans and thus as not negotiable, he saw loyalty towards the Estonian state as connected to the fulfilment of the German minority’s political claims. Such an instrumental approach towards loyalty together with Hasselblatt’s primordial understanding of nationality in contrast to citizenship may be identified as crucial issues that led his concept of constructive minority politics tilt towards the destructive notion of ‘dissimilation’.

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Broka, Anna, and Anu Toots. "Locating Central and Eastern European emerging welfare regimes: is the youth welfare citizenship typology useful?" International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy ahead-of-print, ahead-of-print (August 23, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-04-2021-0104.

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PurposeThe authors’ aim is to establish the variance of youth welfare citizenship regimes in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and to revisit the applicability of the regime approach to the emerging welfare regimes (EWRs).Design/methodology/approachThe empirical analysis follows the descriptive case study strategy aiming to discover diversity of youth welfare citizenship patterns. The case selection is made within the CEE country group, which includes countries in Central Europe, the Baltics, Eastern Europe and Southeast Europe, all sharing the communist past. The subdivision of these countries in reference to the welfare states can be made via the European Union (EU) membership based on the assumption that EU social policy frameworks and recommendations have an important effect on domestic policies. We included countries which are in the EU, i.e., with a similar political and economic transition path. There were three waves of accession to the EU in CEE countries. In the first wave (2004), all the Baltic countries, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and Slovenia joined. In the second wave (2007), Romania and Bulgaria joined. Finally, Croatia joined the EU in 2013. Altogether 11 CEE countries are the EU members today, the remaining CEE countries are non-EU members and thus are excluded from the current research. Those countries which are part of the EU share similarities in social and economic reforms during the pre-accession period and after in order to reach a comparatively similar system with other member states. So, in terms of casing strategy these six countries can be named as emerging welfare regimes (EWRs) evolving transformations across different public policy areas. Handpicking of six countries out of 11 relies on the assumption that the Anglo-Saxon welfare system characteristics are more evident in the Baltic countries (Aidukaite, 2019; Aidukaite et al., 2020; Ainsaar et al., 2020; Rajevska and Rajevska, 2020) and Slovenia, while in Bulgaria and Croatia certain outcomes reflect the Bismarckian principles of social security (Hrast and Rakar, 2020; Stoilova and Krasteva, 2020; Dobrotić, 2020). This brings important variety into our analysis logic. Last but not least, we juxtapose six CEE EWR countries under analysis with six mature welfare regime countries representing different welfare regime types. Those mature welfare regime countries (Finland, Sweden, France, Germany, Italy, UK) are not an explicit object of the study but help to put analysed CEE EWR cases into larger context and thus, reflect upon theoretical claims of the welfare regime literature.FindingsThe authors can confirm that the EWR countries can be rather well explained by the welfare citizenship typology and complement the existing knowledge on youth welfare regime typology clusters in the Western Europe. Estonia is clustered close to the Nordic countries, whereas Latvia, Lithuania, Croatia and Slovenia are close to the Bismarckian welfare model despite rather flexible, non-restricted educational path, universal child and student support. Bulgaria is an outlier; however, it is clustered together with mature Mediterranean welfare regimes. Former intact welfare regime clusters are becoming more diverse. The authors’ findings confirm that there is no any intact cluster of the “post-communist” welfare regime and Eastern European countries are today “on move”.Research limitations/implicationsAltogether 11 CEE countries are the EU members today. The remaining CEE countries are non-EU members and thus are excluded from the current research. Those countries which are part of the EU share similarities in social and economic reforms during the pre-accession period and after in order to reach a comparatively similar system with other member states. At least one CEE country was chosen based on existing theoretical knowledge on the welfare regime typology (Anglo Saxon, Beveridgean, Bismarckian) for the Post-communist country groups.Practical implicationsIn the social citizenship dimension we dropped social assistance schemes and tax-relief indices and included poverty risk and housing measures. Youth poverty together with housing showed rather clear distinction between familialized and individualised countries and thus, made the typology stronger. In the economic dimension the preliminary picture was much fuzzier, mainly due to the comprehensive education in the region and intervention of the EU in domestic ALMPs (and VET) reforms. The authors added a new indicator (pro-youth orientation of ALMP) in order better to capture youth-sensitivity of policy.Social implicationsThe authors included a working poverty measure (in-work poverty rate) in order to reflect labour market insecurity as an increasing concern. Yet, the analysis results were still mixed and new indicators did not help locating the regime types.Originality/valueIn order to improve the validity of the youth welfare citizenship regime economic dimension, Chevalier's (2020) model may also be worth revisiting. The authors argue that this dichotomy is not sufficient, because inclusive type can have orientation towards general skills or occupational skills (i.e. monitored or enabling citizenship clusters), which is currently ignored. Chevalier (2020) furthermore associates inclusive economic citizenship with “coordinated market economies” (referring to Hall and Soskice, 2001), which seems hardly hold validity in the Nordic and at least some CEE countries.

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Astapova, Anastasiya. "An Estonian-Russian Language Club as a Venue for Grassroots Ethnic Integration." Nationalities Papers, May 17, 2021, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2021.8.

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Abstract One third of Estonian residents identify Russian as their mother tongue, and despite having lived in Estonia for decades, many of them are not fluent in the Estonian language and choose to remain stateless rather than obtain Estonian citizenship by passing the state language exam. Ethnic segregation in Estonia continues to be a matter of bitter political debate, not least in the context of tensions with neighboring Russia and pressure from the EU to solve the problem. While a lot of state resources are being spent on what the Estonian-speaking public often perceives as vain attempts at integration of Russophones, several civil society initiatives have recently emerged to provide platforms for informal language socialization. In this article, I focus on the case study of the Keelegrupp (Language Group) which provides a venue for interaction between Estonian and Russian speakers, to analyze what makes this informal organization more successful at responding to the challenges of language-based segregation than professional, state-funded initiatives. Ethnographic documentation and analysis of this initiative is essential given that its experience and structure are highly applicable for and transferrable to many other states with similar situations of ethnic segregation, not the least the neighboring Baltic countries.

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"IOM Workshop on Citizenship, Statelessness and the Status of Aliens in the CIS and Baltic States, Helsinki, 12-15 December 1994: Background paper submitted by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)." Refugee Survey Quarterly 13, no. 4 (December 1, 1994): 97–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rsq/13.4.97.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Citizenship – Baltic States'

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