Journal articles on the topic 'Church Slavic Interlinear translations'
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1
Pentkovskaya, Tatiana V. "Maximus the Greek's Biblical Philology in the European Context and in the Church Slavonic Tradition." Slovene 9, no. 2 (2020): 448–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.2.18.
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[Rev. of: Verner I. V. The Interlinear Slavonic-Greek Psalter of 1552 Translated by Maximus the Greek. Moscow: Indrik, 2019, 928 pp. (in Russian)] The article offers a review of the study and publication of Maximus the Greek's 1552 translation of the Psalter. This translation, which has remained in manuscripts until now, is viewed as part of the European biblical revision, ialongside other well-known Renaissance translations and editions of the Holy Scriptures. The Church Slavonic-Greek Psalter of 1552 is a monument at once to Byzantine-Slavic, European-Slavic, and inter-Slavic cultural and linguistic ties of the early Modern period. The edition contains an exemplary linguistic and textological description of the Psalter of 1552 which clearly highlights the stages of Maximus the Greek's work on the text, reveals his methods using handwritten and printed sources in different languages, and explicates the translation technique of the Athos scholar. The book identifies the printed Greek original of the Psalter of 1552, which turns out to be the 1498 edition of Justin Decadius. The second part of the book contains a critical edition of the Psalter of 1552 based on the interlinear manuscript of the Russian State Library (RSL f. 173.I # 8) incorporating variant readings of six copies studied. The Greek part of the interlinear manuscript is presented in accordance with its specific Slavonic spelling. This book is a major contribution to paleoslavistics and to the research on biblical studies in Early Modern Russia.
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Springfield Tomelleri, Vittorio. "Te Deum в кириллической транскрипции с подстрочным церковнославянским переводом." Slavistica Vilnensis 68, no. 1 (October 5, 2023): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/slavviln.2023.68(1).93.
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The Latin Psalter from the Chudov monastery, written in Cyrillic letters around the end of the 15th century, is a document of paramount importance for the study of the Latin cultural tradition in Muscovy. This unique manuscript seems to be linked to the fervent translation activity directed by the archbishop of Novgorod Gennadii (1484–1504). The wide space left between the lines of the main Latin text was without doubt supposed to be filled with the Church Slavic corresponding text. A Slavic “translation” was indeed inserted into the biblical cantica and other texts, among which the hymn Te Deum, traditionally (and wrongly) considered to be a joint composition by Saint Ambrose and Saint Augustine, which was very widespread in the Western Church.
The article features the first diplomatic interlinear edition of the Slavic-Latin Te Deum, which is preceded by a short description and analysis of the Slavic text and its main linguistic peculiarities in comparison with another translation of the same work, made some decades later by Dmitry Gerasimov. Here all relevant differences between the two Slavic versions, both at the lexical and grammatical levels, are presented and shortly discussed. Further, some evident errors in the Slavic text of the Chudov Psalter cast some doubts on the possibility to consider it a real translation in the strict sense of the term; it seems rather to function as a lexico-grammatical interlinear gloss, to be read vertically as an auxiliary tool for a proper understanding of the Latin original.
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Tomelleri, Vittorio Springfield. "On the Theotokia in the Canon for St. Wenceslas." Slovene 5, no. 1 (2016): 7–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2016.5.1.1.
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The present paper reports on the first results from the investigation of the Church Slavonic canon composed for the Czech saint Wenceslas (Václav, Viacheslav) and preserved in East Slavic manuscripts from the end of the 11th century. Particular attention has been given to the analysis of the Marian hymns (theotokia), whose Greek originals could be detected in all cases but one (the first ode). The Slavonic translation has been thoroughly compared with its Greek original and with other versions taken from different canons. Following the critical edition of each single Slavonic text, a synoptic interlinear version is provided, which allows the immediate identification of common readings, errors, and omissions. The theotokia contained in the canon for Wenceslas show interesting similarities with the textual tradition documented in the Oktoechos and the Common of Saints, the latter being usually associated with Clement of Ohrid; a possible explanation of this fact could be that these texts were not newly translated from Greek, but taken from already existing hymnographic sources. Undoubtedly, much deeper analysis is required in order to disentangle the textual history of these texts; the collected material aims to provide a good starting point for further investigations.
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Brzozowska, Zofia A., and Mirosław J. Leszka. "The Qur’ān in Medieval Slavic Writings. Fragmentary Translations and Transmission Traces." Vox Patrum 83 (September 15, 2022): 367–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.13592.
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The Qur’ān was never translated into Church Slavic in its entirety; still, in the writings of some mediaeval Christian authors (Byzantine and Latin) quite extensive quotations and borrowings from it can be found. Many of these texts were transmitted in the Slavia Orthodoxa area. The aim of this article is to present the Church Slavic literary sources which contain quotations from the Qur’ān. The analysis covers Slavic translations of Byzantine and Latin authors as well as original texts of Slavic provenance. The main conclusion of the research is that only ca. 2% of the text of the Qur’ān has been preserved in the Church Slavic material.
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Verner, Inna V. "“Slavic hexaglot” as a sociocultural and linguistic experiment of Russian Slavophiles in the late XIXth century." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2020): 175–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.3-4.2.02.
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The article discusses the sociolinguistic reasons for the appearance of P. A. Hiltebrandt’s draft publication of the New Testament in the six Slavic languages and its failure. The role of this project in the Slavophile socio-political and philological program is determined; the editions of New Testament translations into various Slavic languages used in the printed fragment of hexaglot are identifi ed; the linguistic features of these translations are characterized. Presented in parallel with Church Slavonic and Russian, gospel translations in Bulgarian, Serbian, Czech and Polish were intended to actualize the “common Slavic” Cyril and Methodius tradition and realize the Slavophile idea of uniting the Slavs based on the common church language. Of all the planned publications, only the Church Slavonic-Czech diglot took place. Its linguistic features give reason to evaluate the philological status of the project as a claim to alternative “convergent” codifi cations of literary Slavic languages. A similarity with the language program of the project is also found in the K. P. Pobedonostsev’s Russian translation of the New Testament.
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Afanasyeva, Tatiana. "The Donatio Constantini in Church Slavonic Translations of the 14–15th Centuries: toward the Problem of their Dating and Localization." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2019): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2019.8.1.4.
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The article studies two Slavic translations of the Donation of Constantine from the 14th and the 15th centuries in comparison with the Greek text (in some cases with the Latin original) in order to establish the time and place of their appearance. F. Thomson believed that the first Slavic translation was made in Serbia, and the second one in Bulgaria, but the study shows that both translations are of East Slavic origin. Both translations have a number of ideological inserts, on the basis of which it is possible to put forward assumptions about the goals of creating them. The first translation was probably made for Metropolitan Cyprian and served as an authoritative source to which the metropolitan could appeal in the matter of collecting church taxes in Moscow Russia. The second translation, in our opinion, could have been made in Southwestern Russia in a circle of scribes denying the Church Union of 1439.
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Karzarnowicz, Jarosław. "ABOUT SEVERAL CHURCH SLAVONIC CONTEXTS OF OLD POLISH APOCRYPHA ROZMYŚLANIE PRZEMYSKIE." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 36 (2020): 22–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2020.36.22-34.
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The article draws attention to how the old Polish apocrypha Rozmyślanie Przemyskie (Przemyśl Reflection) realizes certain contexts common with Greek apocryphal texts and their Orthodox Slavic translations. Apocryphal works occupy an important place in medieval literature. They express peculiar folk piety, an understanding of the Christian faith and unofficial beliefs about the most important figures. Rozmyślanie Przemyskie (further on in the text – RP) is the most extensive old Polish monument of literature, it has 426 cards and is the most perfect monument of Polish late-medieval prose and a perfect example of the old Polish apocryphal. The article discusses the issues of similarities and differences in content, vocabulary and semantics between the Old Polish manuscript and Orthodox Slavic translations of the mentioned apocryphal gospels.
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Saenko, Mikhail. "On semantics of old church slavonic врат ‘neck (?)'." Slavic and Balkan Linguistics, no. 2 (2019): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3372.2019.2.6.
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The article critically looks at the defi nitions of the word âðàòú given in the three main dictionaries of the Old Church Slavic language. The analysis of Old Czech, German and Polish translations of the same extract, where this hapax occurs, suggests that the lexeme врат should be given a new definition.
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Pentkovskiy, Aleksey M. "The Slavic Liturgy of the Byzantine Rite and the Corpus of Slavic Liturgical Books at the End of the 9th and the Beginning of the 10th Centuries." Slovene 5, no. 2 (2016): 54–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2016.5.2.2.
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Recent scholarship on the historical development of the Slavic liturgy in its early stage has shown that one of the important prerequisites for its practical implementation was the establishment, under the guidance of a bishop, of a church organization which was entitled to use Church Slavonic as a liturgical language. Research has also demonstrated that the methodological approach linking the history of the Slavic liturgical texts with the development of the Slavic ecclesiastical structures administered by bishops offers valuable insights. The first Slavic corpus of liturgical books of Byzantine rites (the so-called Corpus of Clement, CC) came into being in the Slavic ethnic eparchy and then in the Slavic territorial dioceses which were to be integrated into the church organization of the First Bulgarian Empire. The core part of the CC, to which the complex of original Slavic hymnographic writings belongs, was created in the years between 893 and 916 in the Slavic ethnic eparchy of St. Clement of Ohrid in the western part of the First Bulgarian Empire (in the region of southern Albania, northwestern Greece, and southwestern Macedonia). The supplementary part of the CC, which contains the complex of the word-by-word translations of hymnographic writings, originated in the mid-10th century in Slavic territorial dioceses located at that time in the western part of the First Bulgarian Empire. This two-stage formation of the CC was due to the two-stage development of the Slavic church organizations, and it was thus neither linguistic nor literary in nature. Having special features characteristic of the western Byzantine liturgy, the CC differed from both its preceding and subsequent corpora of Slavic liturgical books in its liturgical, textological, and linguistic character. Every subsequent corpus of Slavic liturgical texts, however, built upon the preceding one, and this ensured the continuity of the Slavic liturgical and, consequently, linguistic tradition as a whole.
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Brzozowska, Zofia Aleksandra. "Who Could ‘the Godless Ishmaelites from the Yathrib Desert’ Be to the Author of the Novgorod First Chronicle? The "Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius" in Medieval South and East Slavic Literatures." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 369–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.20.
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The work of Pseudo-Methodius, whose creation (in the original Syrian version) dates back to ca. 690, enjoyed considerable popularity in Medieval Slavic literatures. It was translated into Church Slavic thrice. In all likelihood, these translations arose independently of each other in Bulgaria, based on the Greek translation, the so-called ‘first Byzantine redaction’ (from the beginning of the 8th century). From Bulgaria, the Slavic version of the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius spread to other Slavic lands – Serbia and Rus’. In the latter, the work of Pseudo-Methodius must have been known already at the beginning of the 12th century, given that quotations from it appear in the Russian Primary Chronicle (from the second decade of the 12th century). In the 15th century, an original, expanded with inserts taken from other works, Slavic version also came into being, known as the ‘interpolated redaction’. All of the Slavic translations display clear marks of the events that preceded them and the circumstances of the period in which they arose. Above all, the Saracens – present in the original version of the prophecy – were replaced by other nations: in the Novgorod First Chronicle we find the Mongols/Tatars (who conquered Rus’ in the first half of the 13th century).
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Нечунаева, Наталия, and Алексей Нечунаев. "НАТАЛЬЯ НЕЧУНАЕВА, АЛЕКСЕЙ НЕЧУНАЕВ Cлавянская минея XI-XVII вв: типологическая классификация и методы информационного поиска." Fontes Slaviae Orthodoxae 2, no. 2 (February 12, 2020): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/fso.5093.
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This paper is a study of the Menaion, the Old Slavic hymnographical church text. First translations of church texts from the Greek language appeared in the Cyrillo-Methodian epoch. Consequent translation is related to the traditions of the Jerusalem Statute. Applying the linguistic-textological methodology and information search methods to these texts textological typology and specific linguistic variations are revealed. Using these characteristics as the basis some peculiarities of each text are shown and discussed.
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Рidhorbunskyi, Mykola. "South Slavic culture and its influence on the formation of liturgical collections of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church." National Academy of Managerial Staff of Culture and Arts Herald, no. 2 (September 17, 2021): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32461/2226-3209.2.2021.240076.
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The purpose of the article is to analyze the influence of the South Slavic spiritual culture on the formation and development of hymnography in the Ukrainian Orthodox Church in the 16th-17th centuries. The methodology includes a systematic analysis, which made it possible to analyze and study the influence of the South Slavic spiritual culture on the formation of hymnography in the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. To determine the temporal and quantitative characteristics of the analyzed material, statistical and chronological methods were used, which contributed to the identification of spelling and stylistic changes in Ukrainian liturgical collections. The scientific novelty lies in the determination of the characteristic features of the development of Ukrainian church singing under the influence of South Slavic spiritual culture. Establishing the difference in the formation of the two main directions of church singing in the Ukrainian territory, namely in big cities and peripheral spiritual centers. Conclusions. South Slavic influence manifested itself in certain spelling and stylistic changes that took place in Ukrainian liturgical collections. This process contributed to the intensification of the development of Ukrainian musical and hymnographic art. On the model of South Slavic graphics, a new style of writing was formed, which was called the "junior half-stav". Together with the change in spelling and literary language, the "weaving of words" was transferred - a special literary style that arose in Bulgaria during the time of Patriarch Euthymius. In Ukraine-Rus, the variety of translations of instructive and ascetic works of Byzantine and South Slavic writers in the spirit of "hesychasm" has increased. The restrained and austere tone of the previous era of Ukrainian Orthodox worship was filled with major Balkan-Slavic tunes. In the Notolinian Irmologions, polyeleos psalms and glorifications spread mainly in the form of Bulgarian and Serbian tunes, on the basis of which regional variants arose in the spiritual centers of Ukraine.
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Leszka, Mirosław, and Zofia Brzozowska. "The Byzantine chronicles of Symeon the Magister and the Logothete (10th cent.) and Joannes Zonaras (12th cent.). Lesser known sources of knowledge on the Balkan and Eastern Europe Slavs (review of research)." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 30 (December 1, 2023): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2023.30.2.
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The article deals with two Byzantine chronicles that were translated into Old Church Slavic in the Middle Ages on the Balkan Peninsula and were subsequently adapted in Rus’, where they served as the base and source of inspiration for indigenous East Slavic historical studies in universal history. It is about the works of Symeon Magister and Logothete, who probably wrote between the reign of Romanus I Lecapenus and the beginning of the reign of Basil II, and the Epitome historiarum of John Zonaras, covering history from the creation of the world to 1118, which is the most comprehensive Byzantine historical work and which, possibly, was completed ca. 1145. The aim of the article is to establish the chronology of the creation of the Old Church Slavic translations of both chronicles and the history of their dissemination in the Slavia Orthodoxa area (with a review of the state of research). The editions of the translations and unpublished manuscript material were examined (its excerpt is presented in the appendix). We were able to establish that the complete translation of the work of Symeon Magister and Logothete is preserved only in the Moldavian historiographical compilation of 1637, while the text of John Zonaras was translated by the Slavs several times and functioned in their literatures in many versions, none of which, however, is complete.
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Dragomirescu, Adina. "Contactul româno-slav: efecte convergente în sintaxa românei vechi și a istroromânei." Romanian Studies Today 7, no. 7/2023 (February 20, 2024): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.62229/rst/7.1/1.
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In this paper I present two cases of Romance-Slavic contact: direct contact in bilingual context (Istro-Romanian and Croatian), and indirect contact via translations (old Romanian and Old Church Slavonic). After briefly presenting the syntactic features attested in Istro-Romanian and in old Romanian (but which have disappeared from modern Romanian), I focus on two features: the prenominal position of relational adjectives and auxiliary inversion, features explained by convergence (as they are attested both in Latin/Old Romance and in the Slavonic contact languages, Croatian and Old Church Slavonic). Finally, I make some theoretical remarks on the consequences of contact in syntax.
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Efimova, Valeriya S. "On Some Processes in Forming the Lexical Fund of the First Literary Language of the Slavs: Multi-word Nominations, Phraseological Calques, Phraseologisms." Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 69 (2023): 285–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2023-69-285-299.
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Old Church Slavonic language emerged in a narrow elite circle of bookmen. It is a literary language of the medieval type, and this fact in many respects determines the peculiarities of its lexical inventory. The lexical fund of the language consists not only of words but also of multi-word names, which are lexical units-designations. The method of nomination by multi-word names was not alien to the Slavic folk speech of the time, however, most of the Old Church Slavonic multi-word names were created by Slavic bookmen themselves in the translation process (mainly from Byzantine Greek). The appearance of quite a large number of phraseological calques with multi-word names in the Old Church Slavonic lexicon is due to the need of nominating concepts related to the adoption of Christianity and “medieval encyclopedism”. The repeated use by bookmen of phraseological calque in different translated works led to the phraseologization of this phraseological calque. The author assumes that the main and defining property of phraseologisms is the possibility of extracting them entirely by a native speaker from his memory (in the case of the Old Church Slavonic language, mainly by a bookman). Thus, Old Church Slavonic phraseologisms are the results of processes that could take place in the language both over the centuries and in the period of the first Slavic translations but from a synchronous point of view, these results are already built into the lexical system, ready for use by a bookman. This is the fundamental difference between “phraseological calque” and “phraseologism”.
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Pen’kova, Yana A. "On a Marginal Use of the Imperative in East Slavic Monuments of the 11th–15th Centuries." Slovene 4, no. 2 (2015): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.2.7.
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The paper is devoted to the marginal construction that appears to be a kind of hybrid of an imperative and the future perfect: the auxiliary verb has the form of the imperative mood and is used with an l-participle. The construction is semantically and structurally similar to the Slavic perfect and the Slavic future perfect, however it is attested only in some archaic translated Church Slavonic monuments represented by East Slavic copies from the 11th through the 15th centuries of South Slavic translations (these include the Catechetical Lectures of Cyril of Jerusalem and the Homily to the Entombment and the Resurrection of Jesus Christ by Gregory of Antioch, as a part of the Uspensky Sbornik of the 12th–13th century) or by East Slavic translations of the Story of Ahikar. The author of the article suggests different interpretations of the grammatical state of the construction in question and describes the advantages and disadvantages of each. The following interpretations are offered: 1) regarding the construction as a tracing of the original structure, 2) regarding it as an artificial rhetorical construction, and 3) regarding it as an analytical construction with an auxiliary verb in the imperative mood and the main verb in the form of an l-participle. It seems preferable not to regard the construction as a simple calque of the original structure but rather as a particular archaic perfect imperative periphrasis. It remains unclear, however, whether it was an exclusively literary structure and was used as a possible means of translating Greek constructions with éstō or if it could be used independently.
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Hetényi, Martin, and Peter Ivanič. "The Contribution of Ss. Cyril and Methodius to Culture and Religion." Religions 12, no. 6 (June 7, 2021): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060417.
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The Byzantine mission of saint brothers Cyril and Methodius had a major impact on the spiritual history of Great Moravia. In the centuries that followed, their works paved the way for the political and historical development of the Slavic nations, mainly in South-East and East Europe. The mission, which reached Great Moravia in 863, had several dimensions. The most important were evangelism and the cultural and civilizational dimensions. Translations of the Gospel and liturgical texts into Old Church Slavonic intensified the religious life of our ancestors and laid the foundations of literature and culture for almost the entire Slavic world. From this point of view, research should be focused on the role and reflection of this historical and cultural heritage in the ecclesiastical and spiritual, national and cultural life of the Slavic nations. The aim of this article is to assess the significance of Christian and Byzantine cultural values in terms of the collective Slavic identity. The Cyrillo-Methodian idea manifests itself in the history of the Slavic world as a complex but solid foundation, capable of renewing the sleeping or inhibited energy and values in the areas of faith, culture, literature, arts, education, upbringing, as well as national consciousness.
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Molkov, Georgiy A. "Ways of adapting Greekisms in the Slavic-Russian version of the Euchologion of the Great Church." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Language and Literature 18, no. 1 (2021): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu09.2021.106.
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The Slavic-Russian translation of the Euchologion of the Great Church, made at the end of the 14th century by scribes from the circle of Metropolitan Cyprian, contains a large layer of exotic vocabulary. The purpose of this article is to describe the specifics of the adaptation of Greek vocabulary, borrowings, in this translation within the framework of Greek influence, which are known from the South Slavic translations of the 14th century. The article describes the differences concerning the degree of their morphological development, the relationship with their Slavic equivalent and with each other. Different ways of adapting the exoticisms are associated with their semantic heterogeneity in translation. The least ordered is the use of common noun vocabulary, denoting mainly objects of church use: each word that occurs repeatedly has its own set of declination variants. Proper names (or common nouns in the function of proper ones), as well as the names of heretical movements, were more consistently adapted. The frequency of such vocabulary in the Euchologion contributed to the development of typified means of its transmission. Along with techniques traditional for the 14th century for the Slavic tradition (glossing, deliberate use of unadapted foreign words), the translator also uses some new ways of adaptation, which can be considered as signs of the new wave of Greek influence. The new methods include cases of semantization of a variant of Greekism that differs from the traditional one, as well as methods of morphological and morphophonological adaptation of borrowings not known in the previous tradition.
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Levko, Oleksandr. "Rendition of σώφρων and σωφροσύνη in Ukrainian translations of the New Testament." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 68, no. 3 (July 11, 2023): 440–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2023-0022.
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Summary The article focuses on the rendition of the key words of the Christian ethical vocabulary σώφρων and σωφροσύνη in Ukrainian translations of the New Testament in comparison with other East Slavic translations in synchronic and diachronic dimensions. The σώφρων word group covers a range of “intellectual” and “moral” meanings in Ancient Greek, which continue to evolve in Hellenistic Greek to denote ‘soundness of mind’, ‘prudence’, ‘discretion’, ‘good sense’, on the one hand, and ‘moderation’, ‘self-control’, ‘temperance’, ‘restraint’, ‘decency’, ‘modesty’, on the other. Retaining such polysemy in the New Testament, the σώφρων word group also displays various connotations depending on gender, age and social status. The Old Slavonic and Church Slavonic calques of the σώφρων word group mostly accentuate its “moral” meanings, especially the meanings of ‘chastity’ and ‘purity’, which evolve in Christian ascetic literature after the New Testament, although in some cases they retain their primary “intellectual” meanings. The article also explores the use of semantic equivalents of the σώφρων word group in Old Ukrainian, Old Russian and Old Belarusian based on corpora data and historical written monuments. We came to the conclusion that Ukrainian biblical translations of the 19th to early 21st century, as well as some Russian and Belarusian translations, generally take into consideration the polysemy of the σώφρων word group in the New Testament, though a great extent of variability of equivalents and a lack of consistent reproduction of gender and age connotations are observed. We argue that the use of certain moral equivalents of the σώφρων word group in modern East Slavic translations (in particular, Ukrainian цнотливий, цнотливість, цнота, Russian целомудренный and Belarusian цнатлівий) is inappropriate due to the resulting narrowing of their meanings to ‘innocence’, ‘virginity’ and ‘sexual purity’.
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Karavaeva, Polina Yu. "Lexical Greekisms in the Slavic Translation of the Byzantine Life of St. Athanasius of Athos." Университетский научный журнал, no. 79 (April 24, 2024): 59–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25807/22225064_2024_79_59.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the use of lexical Greekisms in the language of the Slavic Life of St. Athanasius of Athos, which belongs to the new Svyatogorsk translations from Greek of the late 13th century. By comparing the translation of the list NBKM 307 that is the closest to the archetype with the Byzantine original, it is shown that, along with observing the general Athos-Tarnovo tendency to replace Greekisms with Slavic equivalents, borrowings are very actively used in the translation (more than 40 units). It has been established that lexical Greekisms not only act as a striking sign of the book style, but also perform three important functions. Firstly, they serve to nominate a new phenomenon, object, concept (колиба, красѡволъ, солинарь), for which there is no Slavic equivalent. Secondly, they make it possible to differentiate similar concepts that are different in the cultural and linguistic environments of the 13th–14th centuries (киновїа and монастырь). And fi nally, they have a signifi cant impact on the evolution of paradigmatic and syntagmatic connections between the lexical units of the Church Slavonic language.
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Kozhinova, Alla, and Alena Sourkova. "Hapax legomena in the Book of Job and their Reception in East Slavic Bibles of the 15th–16th Centuries." Slavistica Vilnensis 67, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/slavviln.2022.67(2).93.
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The article deals with the lexical correspondences to the Hebrew hapax legomena in the Book of Job, presented in the translation of Job into Ruthenian (prosta(ja) mova) as a part of the Vilnius Old Testament Florilegium (F 19–262) (approx. 1517–1533) and in the Bible by Francis Skoryna (1517–1519). Both versions are compared with the handwritten Church Slavonic Gennadius Bible (1499) and the printed Ostrog Bible (1581). Two Polish bibles — Radziviłł (Brest) Bible (1563) and the Nesvizh Bible (1568–1572) by Symon Budny — are considered as well. Special attention was given to the cases when translations of biblical hapaxes were the result of prescriptive (conditioned by the canonical context and traditional exegesis) activity of translators. In such cases, the knowledge of implicit information that should be verified in the translation was of particular importance. On the other hand, we analyze the translations of unfamiliar words resulting from conjectural variation, when hapaxes were interpreted on the basis of grammatical and syntactic norms and according to the meaning of the context. Not devoid of subjectivity, such variants were often transferred into subsequent translations, turning into dogmatized formulations. During historical development of the original language, the conjectural translation of individual words and entire text fragments partly compensate the translator's lack of the necessary linguistic and extralinguistic information. Thus, while working on the translation of the Book of Job at the end of the 15th–16th centuries, the translators of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania had to solve a number of problems — from searching for their own translations’ versions when interpreting "dark" passages to the need to meet those normative guidelines that were dictated by biblical translations, exegetical writings, and other authoritative texts.
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Korogodina, Maria V. "An Unknown Slavic Translation of a Fragment of the “Letter of the Three Oriental Patriarchs to Emperor Theophilos” in the 15th-century Miscellany by a Russian Scribe." Slovene 6, no. 1 (2017): 307–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.1.12.
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There is a fragment of a Slavic translation of the “Letter of the Three Oriental Patriarchs to Emperor Theophilos” in a 15th-century Russian manuscript. The fragment contains the opening part of the “Letter” and considers the relations between state and church authorities. Comparison with the translation of the entire “Letter,” which is known as “Mnogoslozhnyi svitok,” proves that these translations are different. A comparison with the Greek text of the “Letter” allows us to identify the Greek manuscript closest to the Russian fragment. One can suggest that the manuscript belongs to a Russian scribe who was interested in texts related to the formation of the structure of state authority in Russia.
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Lanceva, A. M., A. E. Gapanyuk, and C. Simon. "Reception of the Western European Cult of Saints Cyril and Methodius on the Example of Papal Documents Grande munus, Egregiae virtutis, Slavorum Apostoli: Description and Analysis." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 5, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2021-3-19-60-81.
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The relevance of the given problems is due to the church, state and socio-cultural veneration of the saints Cyril and Methodius as the creators of the Slavic alphabet and translations of the Holy Scriptures and hymnography into the Slavic language, which distinguishes the Slavic world into a separate cultural type, which often interacts with the multicultural paradigm of the modern European paradigm of the civilizational space. A significant place in the article is occupied by the problem of broadcasting the cult of Saints Cyril and Methodius in Catholicism in the coverage of official documents of the Roman Catholic Church, in particular, the encyclical as a separate type of papal documents that correspond to the social concept of the Roman Catholic Church. The purpose of the study is to analyze the encyclicals of the popes Leo XIII and John Paul II in different languages, discovering the general and the particular in their structure, which will serve as an incentive for further interpretation of the cult of the Holy brothers in the Roman Catholic world in the context of the formation of ecumenical communication of Christian churches and interfaith dialogue. The objective of the study is to identify the reception of the cult of Saints Cyril and Methodius in Western Christian religious culture. The novelty of this research is an attempt to analyze and interpret the structure and composition of papal encyclicals and the subsequent identification of the reception of the cult of the saints in Western European religious culture due to the absence of such works in Russian science. The methodological basis of the research is, first of all, an interdisciplinary approach, as well as historical, comparative historical, chronological and textological methods. All analyzed documents raise questions of the primacy of the Pope, missionary work, Catholic piety and the establishment of liturgical veneration of Saints Cyril and Methodius. An analysis of the texts shows the significance of these documents in the context of the formation of the Cyril and Methodius tradition in the West and the dialogue between East and West. The results obtained allow us to speak about the significance of the cult of Saints Cyril and Methodius in the context of individual Slavic countries and the entire Christian world as a whole.
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Klimkowski, Tomasz. "Particulele afirmative în limba română – perspectivă diacronică și areală." Studia Romanica Posnaniensia 47, no. 3 (October 15, 2020): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strop.2020.473.005.
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The present article analyses the Romanian affirmative particles from a diachronic and areal perspective in order to determine their origin. The analysis of a corpus of original literary texts and translations of religious texts as well as dictionaries and grammars from different epochs has resulted in distinguishing in Romanian the following affirmative particles: aşa (since the 16th, and especially the 17th century), ei (in the 16th century), ie (since the second half of the 18th century) and da (since the 19th century). As the last three can be put in the East European areal context, a natural explanation of their origin would be the assumption that they were borrowed respectively from Church Slavonic, German and Slavic. However, also because of the special status of affirmative particles as a part of basic vocabulary of most languages, we propose to apply to them the foothold theory inspired by Abraham’s half-open doors theory (2011). Accordingly, we believe that borrowing the particle ei from Church Slavonic could have used as a foothold the Old Romanian conjunction e (< lat. et) and the ie borrowed from German was superposed on the Romanian verbal form e ‘is’. On the other hand, the Slavic loanword da coincided with the inner semantic evolution of the Romanian forms dară ~ dar ~ da from an adversative conjunction to an affirmative particle.
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Klimkowski, Tomasz. "The translation of a biblical greeting formula into Romanian and Polish in a Romance and Slavic context." Studia Romanica Posnaniensia 50, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strop.2023.50.4.2.
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The purpose of this article is to compare the different variants of the translation of the verse from Luke, 1:28 (the angelic salutation) into Romanian and Polish, and the modern versions of the prayer based on this passage. The analysis reveals the innovative character of the newer biblical translations, especially in the case of the Protestant versions, while the text of the Hail Mary prayer and its Eastern counterpart used by the Catholic and Orthodox Churches respectively preserves the traditional formula. At the same time,this leads to semantic differences between the Romanian and Polish variants of this formula, due to the Greek and Church Slavonic model in the case of Romanian and the Latin model in the case of Polish. The linking element between the two languages is the formula used in the Polish Orthodox text, which follows the tradition of the Church Slavonic language and thus coincides with the Romanian version, having a literal meaning of ‘rejoice’, even though functionally it should be interpreted as a greeting.
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Verner, Inna. "Varying Means of Grammatical Parallelism in the Church Slavonic Translations of Psalms of the 11th–16th Centuries." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 2. Jazykoznanije, no. 6 (March 2021): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu2.2020.6.1.
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As a metrically organized poetic text, the Psalter is built on the principle of substantive and formal parallelism of verses and stanzas in the Hebrew text as well as in Greek and Church Slavonic translations. In the article, based on the material of Slavic translations of different times (from the Sinai Psalter of the 11 th century to the Psalter of 1552 by Maximus the Greek), cases of assimilation / dissimilation of grammatical forms in parallel text structures are considered. The variability which arises in the process of dissimilation has neither genetic (South Slavonic vs East Slavonic, archaic vs new, standard vs non-standard forms), nor functional (literary vs non-literary forms), but rhetorical nature of stylistic variation, conditioned by the structure of the text. The analysis revealed that in early Slavonic psalter redactions the choice and the number of variable grammatical forms are limited; the texts of the 16 th century, namely the Psalms of 1552 translated by Maximus the Greek, are particularly characterized by stylistic grammatical variability, concerning the most different forms (from the substantive Gen. and Dat. cases to the aorist and perfect in the 3 rd person). The examined cases of the dissimilated grammatical forms in parallel contexts of the Psalter are supported by some original Maximus the Greek's works, so that these forms should be considered as stylistic variants of the literary Church Slavonic language.
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Efimova, Valeriya. "Old Church Slavonic Phraseological Calques in the Aspect of their Further Phraseologization." Slavianovedenie, no. 3 (2023): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0025871-1.
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The article is devoted to the study of phraseological calquing in the Old Church Slavonic language. Phraseological calques of nominal phrases, which were formed by Slavic bookmen in the process of translations (mainly from Byzantine Greek), are considered part of the Old Church Slavonic lexical inventory in the aspect of their further phraseologization.The author proceeds from the idea of the lexical fund of the language as consisting not only of words but also ofmulti-wordnames, which are lexical units-designations. A large number of multi-word names-phraseological calques joined the Old Church Slavonic lexicon due to the need to transfer concepts related to Christianity, although there are also phraseological calques related to thestratumof ordinary vocabulary. Part of the phraseological calques could “take root” in the lexicon and become phraseological units.The author considers the possibility of extracting phrases entirely from memory by a native speaker (in the case of the Old Church Slavonic language, mainly by a bookman) as the main and defining property of phraseological units. Phraseologisation of phraseological calques occurred not only over time in the Church Slavonic receptions, but already in theperiodof the formation of the Old Church Slavonic language proper in the second half of the 9th – 10th centuries. The author demonstrates examples of variation of phraseological calques in this period. The further use of phraseological calque without the support of the Greek construction testifies to its phraseologization.
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Kuhar, Kristijan. "Utjecaj tekstova latinskih rimskih sakramentara na crkvenoslavensku rimsku liturgiju (9. – 14. stoljeće)." Slovo, no. 68 (2018): 171–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31745/s.68.6.
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The liturgical texts of the Church Slavonic sacramentaries (Kiev Leaflets, Vienna Leaflets, Sinai missal Sin. Slav. 5N and others) from the early stages of the Slavic liturgy (9th to 14th century) with its textological and euchological content mostly belong to the Roman rite. These texts are euchological texts with proper liturgical function: texts are written and arranged for the celebration of the Mass and they are preserved in the liturgical book called sacramentary. The medieval Latin liturgical textological tradition is divided into two branches: Gelasian and Gregorian, which formed a unique textological tradition in parts of Northern Italy and Transalpine countries (from Aquileia to Salzburg) establishing a new textological tradition known as the »Gelasianized-Gregorian Sacramentary«, which was used in the mentioned parts of Central Europe. Based on the research of the history of Old Church Slavonic liturgy and historical and comparative analysis of Latin and Church Slavonic texts, mostly conducted for the doctoral thesis entitled Historical and liturgical peculiarities of the early stages of the Slavonic liturgy, this study presents influences of Latin liturgical textological tradition from Central Europe on the oldest Church Slavonic translations of sacramentaries from 9th to 14th century and other liturgical texts, mainly euchological, which continued to exist in the Croatian Glagolitic tradition even after the liturgical reform at the end of the 13th century.
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Grishchenko, Alexander. "Zabelin’s Set: The Early Unknown Cluster of the Old Ruthenian Biblical Translations from Hebrew Sources (by the Manuscript from the 17th Century)." Judaic-Slavic Journal, no. 2 (4) (2020): 209–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3364.2020.2.15.
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The paper presents and publishes the cluster of the early unknown Biblical texts translated from Hebrew sources into Old Ruthenian, which was found by the author in the Miscellany No. 436 in the Collection of Ivan Zabelin, the second quarter of the 17th century, deposited in the State Historical Museum, Moscow. The Miscellany contains scholia on the Song of Songs, fragments Num 24:2–25, 23:18–19, Isaiah 10:32–12:4, and Proverbs 8:11–31. Zabelin’s Set has a textual connection to the translations of the Vilna Biblical Collection, the Museum copy of the Church Slavonic Song of Songs, and the Cyrillic Hebrew Manual, the second copy of which – also early unknown – comes before the Set. The author hypothesizes that Zabelin’s Set belongs to the activities of the late medieval East Slavic Christian Hebraists.
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Темчин, Сергей Юрьевич. "Кириллический рукописный учебник древнееврейского языка (список XVI в.) и его учебно-методические приемы." Slavistica Vilnensis 58, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/slavviln.2013.2.1436.
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В статье обосновывается характеристика недавно обнаруженного рукописного кириллического учебника древнееврейского языка, созданного совместными усилиями православных и иудейских книжников, как учебного пособия, с методической точки зрения значительно превосходящего иные восточнославянские двуязычные справочные материалы того же времени. С этой целью подробно описаны применяемые в нем приемы, направленные на такую подачу языкового и сопутствующего текстового (религиозно-культурного) материала, которая облегчила бы его усвоение потенциальным читателем. Методическую сторону рассматриваемого памятника письменности следует признать одним из результатов еврейского вклада в его создание.Ключевые слова: Великое княжество Литовское, кириллическая письменность, иудейско-христианские отношения, древнееврейский язык, руськамова, библейские переводы, жидовствующие....Sergei TemchinCyrillic 16th-century manuscript “Manual of Hebrew” and its teaching methods A concise Manual of Hebrew, recently discovered in a Cyrillic manuscript miscellany of the 3rd quarter of the 16th century (Moscow, the Russian State Archive of Early Acts, F. Mazurin collection (f. 196), inventory 1, No 616, f. 124–130) is very important for the history of the Ruthenian written culture in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The Manual of Hebrew comprises material of three different kinds: a) some excerpts from the original Hebrew Old Testament text (Ge 2.8, 32.27–28; Ps 150; So 3.4 (or 8.2), 8.5; Is 11.12) written in Cyrillic characters; b) a bilingual Hebrew–Ruthenian vocabulary with explanatory notes; c) small quotations from the Ruthenian text of three Old Testament books (Genesis, Isaiah, Song of Songs).The meta-language used in the Manual of Hebrew is Ruthenian. The translations present in the Manual had been made directly from Hebrew. A comparison of the quotations from the Song of Songs found in the Manual and all the known Cyrillic and Glagolitic versions of this book (referring to both the manuscript and the printed sources of different periods) reveals their principal coincidence with the Ruthenian translation found in the Vilnius Old Testament Florilegium (Vilnius, Wróblewskie Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences, F 19–262). The originals of the two manuscripts probably originated in the 2nd half of the 15th century in the circle of the learned Kievan Jew Zachariah ben Aaron ha-Kohen who is also known as Skhariya, the initiator of the Novgorod movementof the Judaizers (1471–1504).The Cyrillic Manual of Hebrew is a clear evidence of this language being taught/learned in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania during the late 15th–early 16th century. The learning material and its presentation methods reveal a quite elaborate (although inconsistently implemented) pedagogical approach which puts the Manual aside from the rest of early East Slavic glossaries of the same or earlier date. Thus, the Manual presents, among other features: a) a number of original Hebrew texts written in Cyrillic, divided into small portions (each with a Ruthenian translation) which are then put together to form a continuoustext; b) certain trilingual glossary entries where Hebrew, “Greek” (in reality Slavic borrowings from Greek) and Slavic words are juxtaposed, while in other cases double translations in two different Slavic languages (Ruthenian and Old Church Slavonic) are given; c) some long elaborated definitions, sometimes containing synonymous variants or alternative translations; d) information about the sources of variant Hebrew forms or their meanings; e) information on certain grammatical (gender, plural, possessive) forms and word formation (compounds), etc.It is beyond doubt that the Cyrillic manuscript “Manual of Hebrew” is a result of joint efforts of Jewish and East Slavic bookmen, but the relatively high level of pedagogical and linguistic sophistication of the joint result is to be ascribed to the Jewish compilers of the Manual rather than to their East Slavic co-authors.
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Kozhinowa, A. A. "Features of expression of modal meanings in 16th-century biblical translations created on the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania." Sibirskiy filologicheskiy zhurnal, no. 3 (2020): 216–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18137083/72/17.
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The paper deals with the features of expression of some modal meanings in the Masoretic text of the book of Genesis by means of particles and the special construction of infinitivus absolutus, which serves to express modality in Hebrew. The ways of translating into Slavic languages in 16th-century bibles created on the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania are considered as well. The data from classical translations – LXX, the Vulgate, and the Czech Venetian Bible – are also used for analysis. The particles were chosen because they are desemantized and do not make considerable changes in the semantics of sentences, but merely specify them. The infinitivus absolutus constructions are a means of expressing modal semantics. They are absent in Slavic languages and require understanding and special translation efforts from the translator. It is concluded that even the translator dealing with sacred texts corrects modal semantics and changes the formal means of its expression, indicating that the modality is understood as a category of a special kind, with unclearly defined borders and a diverse and non-rigid set of means of expression. The analysis of translated texts made using various original texts shows that translators while trying to preserve the spirit and letter of the original or authoritative translation (the Masoretic text, Church Slavonic translation, the Venetian Bible, the Vulgate), nevertheless, consider modality to be a category that can be easily sacrificed in translation, by changing or even eliminating the modal meaning.
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Grishchenko, Alexander I., and Vadim V. Ponaryadov. "Новые находки памятников древнепермского языка и письма." Ural-Altaic Studies 43, no. 4 (December 2021): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2500-2902-2021-43-4-7-34.
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The paper for the first time publishes monuments of the Old Permian language written with Abur, or the script of St. Stephen of Perm; these sources are previously unknown or have not been introduced into academic circulation. They are published here as fac-similes, with transliteration, transcription, and Russian translation. Perhaps the oldest of these inscriptions (from the 1460s — the early 1470s?) is the postscript written in a mixture of Old Permian and Russian at the end of the Church Slavonic Homilae by St. Gregory the Great: it was copied in the Ferapontov Monastery, in the White Lake area, perhaps by the hand of St. Martinianus of White Lake (Belozersky). The next earliest of the Old Permian documents — and the earliest to be dated precisely — is scribal mar-ginalia on a manuscript book with the spiritual homilies of St. Isaac the Syrian in a Church Slavonic translation; it was copied in Ust-Vym (the Komi area) in 1486 by Gabriel (Gavrila) the Deacon (Ki̮ldaś). Other Old Permian postscripts were made at the court of the archbishop of Novgorod the Great in the early 1490s in two volumes with the new Church Slavonic translations from the Vulgate; they were prepared in the circle of Archbishop Gennady of Novgorod and Pskov. Finally, the last word of the late 15th — early 16th century inscription in the Church Slavonic Corpus Areopagiticum has been re-attributed as Old Permian rather than Slavic cryptog-raphy in Abur; this book was donated to the Annunciation Church of Ust-Vym by St. Pitirim, bishop of Perm. The total number of new texts is 37 word-forms, including lexemes that were not previously recorded for this period — this is significant for the Old Permian corpus of the 15th — early 16th centuries. Although from the graphic, phonetic, grammatical, and lexical points of view, these texts basically represent the same linguistic system found in previously known Old Permian monu-ments, they demonstrate, on the one hand, the inclusion of Old Permian scribes into the activities of professional Old Russian scrip-toria and, on the other, they testify to the emergence of interest on the part of East Slavic bookmen in “indigenous” languages. Knowing these languages could be a sign of belonging to a special intellectual stratum that included both the creators of the first Church Slavonic complete biblical collection (the Gennady Bible) and members of the so-called heresy of the Judaizers.
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Grishchenko, Alexander I. "The Slavic Adventures of Greek Kohath: On the Origin of the Title of the Old Russian Book of Kaaf." Slovene 1, no. 2 (2012): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2012.1.2.5.
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The article deals with the origin of the title of the Slavonic-Russian Book of Kaaf which has been still attributed to a hazy Hebrew source. In fact, the name of the second son of Levi, Kohath (קהת), appeared in the title absolutely accidentally, and the title came from from the Greek gloss Καὰθ ἐκκλησιαστής included in the explanatory onomasticons of Biblical names. This gloss is, perhaps, connected with the corresponding passage in the Testament of Levi from the apocryphal Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. Moreover, the article contains comparative data of the spelling of Kohath’s name in Church Slavonic translations of the Pentateuch and in the Palaea Interpretata, in the latter not only in the Testament of Levi, but also in its main text. The adventures of the word Кааѳъ / Каафъ in medieval Russian writing turn out to be entirely literary, and not connected with any hypothetical verbal tradition, which might have proved to have been a tempting explanation for this word.
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Zholobov, Oleg F. "Old Slavic Sermon Language: The Extraordinary Nature of Verb Morphology in Cyril Turovskij’s Homilies." Slovene 6, no. 2 (2017): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.2.5.
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The article’s subject matter—verbs functioning in the sermons of the Old Russian church writer Cyril Turovskij (second half of the 12th century)—is considered in details for the first time on the basis of the earliest source, Tolstovskij Sbornik (second half of the 13th century). Since Cyril’s sermons were addressed to a wide range of listeners and readers they had to be based on intelligible and simple language forms that also preserved a connection with literary standards. This manifested itself in the significant Russification of the preaching language. The article describes the following features of the language of Cyril’s sermons: the earliest and widespread usage of “praesens historicum”; the exclusive usage of aorist forms with additional endings (načętъ type); the special functional and syntactic nature of the aorist rěšę; the unusually wide usage of 2 Sg. aorist and imperfect forms; the usage of perfective imperfect forms and imperfects with additional endings; the prospective future tense and modal functioning of the paraphrastic forms with the auxiliary verb xoščè; special cases of 1 Pl. imperatives usage; the special character of the reflexive enclitic sę; and the extraordinary distribution of periphrastic preterits forms. Some similarity of verbs functioning in Cyril’s homilies and The Tale of Igor’s Campaign is detected as well as in the original Chronicle, early Old Russian translations, and Paroemiarion.
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Muçaj, Skënder, Suela Xhyheri, Irklid Ristani, and Aleksey M. Pentkovskiy. "Medieval Churches in Shushica Valley (South Albania) and the Slavonic Bishopric of St. Clement of Ohrid." Slovene 3, no. 1 (2014): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2014.3.1.1.
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There were numerous Slavic settlements in South Albania (including the valley of Shushica River) at the end of the 1st millennium. In the second half of the 9th c. a significant part of this region was conquered by the 1st Bulgarian Kingdom, and after 870 there were established ecclesiastical dioceses which became part of the church organization of the Kingdom. Slavonic ecclesiastical schools were established in that region as well, after 886 in the context of the so-called “Slavonic project” of the Bulgarian prince, Boris. St. Clement took an active part in this project. It was South Albania where the first Slavonic bishopric in Southeast Europe was founded, in 893, when St. Clement was appointed bishop. His bishopric was organized according ethnic principle, so that St. Clement was called “the bishop of Slavonic people.” The center of Clement’s bishopric was in Velica, which is related to the modern settlement Velçë in the Shushica valley. There are ruins of a cross-in-square church with a narthex in the Asomat region, which is located near Velica. The church was built at the end of the 9th‒beginning of the 10th cc. and dedicated to the Archangel Michael. The plan of this church is identical with that of the so-called “pronaos” of the church built by St. Clement in his Ohrid monastery. In St. Clement’s bishopric Church Slavonic was used as a liturgical language. For that purpose, a set of Byzantine liturgical books was translated from Greek into Church Slavonic, and Clement took an active part in this process. Liturgical pecularities of these books partially observed in Greek manuscripts of South Italian provenance testify to the hypothesis that Greek sources of the earliest Church Slavonic translations belonged to liturgical tradition of Epirus, similar to those of South Italy. This also proves the location of St. Clement’s bishopric in the valley of the Shushica River.
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Stabile, Giuseppe. "Rumanian Slavia as the Frontier of Orthodoxy. The Case of the Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu." Studia Ceranea 9 (December 30, 2019): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.09.04.
Full textAbstract:
At least from the 14th to the 17th c. – beyond their Middle Ages until their Early Modern Ages – the Rumanians belonged to the so-called Slavia Orthodoxa. Besides the Orthodox faith, they had in common with the Orthodox Slavs the Cyrillic alphabet until the 19th c. and the Church Slavonic, which was the language of the Church, of the Chancery and of the written culture, until the 17th c., although with an increasing competition of the Rumanian volgare. The crisis and decline of the Rumanian Slavonism, the rise of the local vernacular, have been related with Heterodox influences penetrated in Banat and Transylvania. Actually, the first Rumanian translations of the Holy Scriptures, in the 16th c., were promoted, if not confessionally inspired, by the Lutheran Reformation recently transplanted in Banat and Transylvania (some scholars incline to a [widely] Hussite origin of these early translations). Not only Banat and Transylvania, but also Moldavia and Wallachia (the Principalities) were crossed by the border between the Latin and the Byzantino-Slavonic world, the Slavia and the Romania. Influences from the whole Slavia – the Orthodox and the Latin Slavia, the Southern, the Eastern and the Western one – met in the Carpatho-Danubian Space describing what will be derogatively called Slavia Valachica (i.e. Rumanian): a kaleidoscope of Slavic influences in Romance milieu. The appearance of Slavo-Rumanian texts, either with alternate or parallel Church Slavonic and Rumanian, revealed that in the middle of the 16th c. the decline of Slavonism had already started. Mostly but not only in the western regions, beyond the Carpathians, which were under Latin rule, the Orthodox (“Schismatic”) clergy was less and less confident with the Slavonic. This last still remained the sacred language though largely unintelligible, whilst the vernacular still lacked sacred dignity, besides being suspect to spread Heterodoxy. The Slavo-Rumanian Tetraevangelion of Sibiu (1551–1553) is the oldest version of a biblical text in Slavonic and Rumanian and contains the oldest surviving printed text in Rumanian. Apart from evoking icastically – by its twocolumns a fronte layout – the Slavic-Rumanian linguistic border, this fragment of a Four-Gospels Book (Mt 3, 17 – 27, 55) can be considered in many senses a border text: geographically (the border between East and West), chronologically (the decline of Slavonism and the rise of the Rumanian Vernacular), culturally and confessionally (the border between the Latin [i.e. Catholic then Protestant too] West and the Byzantino-Slavonic East). This paper aims to reconstruct, as far as possible, the complex milieu in which the Tetraevangelion was translated, (maybe) redacted and printed, focusing on the Slavonisms in its Rumanian text. A special attention will be paid to any possible interaction between that mainly Latin (Lutheran-Saxon) milieu and the Rumanian Slavonism.
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Nikolaeva, Nataliya G., Anton V. Yermoshin, and Anastasiya S. Volskaya. "Transposition — retelling — translation: the destiny of Areopagitica in Slavia Orthodoxa." Slovo.ru: Baltic accent 15, no. 1 (2024): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2225-5346-2024-1-7.
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The article undertakes a conceptual analysis of the challenges associated with translating works from the Corpus Areopagiticum, a collection of theological treatises attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite from the 1st century. However, these works are unequivocally associated with early medieval Eastern Christian mystical-theological thought, presumably from the turn of the 5th—6th centuries. These texts first appeared in the Slavic Orthodox area in 1370, and subsequent translations emerged at the end of the 17th century, in the 18th and 19th centuries, and, most recently, in contemporary times. The authors introduce a set of criteria that facilitate the differentiation of the analyzed texts into distinct types of text transmission, namely transposition, retelling, and translation. These criteria are founded on factors such as the dominant translation strategy, the approach to the source language, and the textual tradition. The primary research methodology involves a diachronic analysis of linguistic material, employing comparative, stylistic, and textual analysis within the theolinguistic paradigm. The hypothesis posited in the article is substantiated based on empirical evidence. Moreover, the article draws conclusions regarding the impact of general linguistic changes on the nature of translations. This includes shifts in the role and status of the Church Slavonic language, the conditions contributing to the formation of a new literary language, and the inevitable influence of broader cultural and civilizational factors. The paper also explores the tradition of translating otherness, a practice that persists in contemporary times.
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Христова-Шомова [Khristova-Shomova], Искра [Iskra]. "Небесният симпозиум. Коментарите към Йов 1:6 във византийската и славянската традиция." Slavia Meridionalis 16 (October 21, 2016): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2016.006.
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Celestial symposium: Commentaries to the Book of Job 1:6 in the Byzantine and Slavic traditionsJob 1:6 is one of several places in the Bible where God’s sons (celestial beings) are mentioned: “One day the sons of God came to present themselves before the Lord, and Satan also came among them.” Numerous commentaries of the Church Fathers were included in the Greek catena to the Book of Job. Some of these were not written specially as commentaries to this passage but are extracts from works commenting the nature of the angels, their place in God’s providence and their role in human life. The author then goes on to discuss the two Slavic translations that were made of the catena. The first one comprises the majority of the texts included in the Greek catena, while the second one contains only two small passages from commentaries of Saint John Chrysostom and Olympiodoros. The article provides a comparison between Slavic texts, which were translated from Greek in the Balkans at the same time: in the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century. Several miniatures from medieval Greek manuscripts, which illustrate the Celestial symposium, are represented at the end of the article. Niebiańskie sympozjum. Komentarze do Księgi Hioba (1, 6) w bizantyńskiej i słowiańskiej tradycjiWerset 1,6 Księgi Hioba jest jednym z wielu miejsc w Biblii, w którym wspomina się synów Bożych: „Zdarzyło się pewnego dnia, gdy synowie Boży udawali się, by stanąć przed Panem, że i szatan też poszedł z nimi”. Ogromna liczba komentarzy Ojców Kościoła do Księgi Hioba została zawarta w greckiej katenie. Niektóre z nich nie zostały napisane jako bezpośredni komentarz do tego wersetu, lecz są wypisami z prac autorów, komentującymi naturę aniołów, ich miejsce w Bożej opatrzności, a także rolę w życiu ludzkim. Ponadto istniały dwa słowiańskie przekłady kateny. Pierwszy zawierał większość tekstów pochodzących z greckiej kateny, a drugi składał się zaledwie z dwóch passusów, będących wyimkami z komentarzy św. Jana Chryzostoma i Olimpiododrosa.W artykule porównano teksty słowiańskie, które zostały przetłumaczone z języka greckiego na Bałkanach w tym samym czasie: pod koniec wieku XIV lub na początku XV. W artykule przedstawiono również kilka miniatur pochodzących ze średniowiecznych greckich rękopisów, przedstawiających niebiańskie sympozjum.
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Антишкин, Андрей Викторович. "Theodore Prodrom as an interpreter of texts of Christian hymnography and his commentary on the canons of Epiphany." Theological Herald, no. 1(32) (March 15, 2019): 247–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2019-32-247-259.
Full textAbstract:
Произведения православной гимнографии, используемые за богослужением, написаны византийскими авторами, многие из которых прославлены Святой Церковью в лике святых и признаны вдохновенными и талантливыми поэтами. В их числе прп. Иоанн Дамаскин и прп. Косма Маюмский, жившие и писавшие в VIII веке. Их поэтический язык насыщен всевозможными образами и весьма сложен, а потому трудно поддается переводу на другие языки. Известно, что славянские переводы богослужебных произведений этих авторов не всегда легко уразуметь, и зачастую может возникать вопрос о точности самих переводов. В нашем исследовании мы рассматриваем комментарии византийского писателя и поэта XII века Феодора Продрома на каноны Богоявления, составленные в VIII в. прп. Космой Маюмским и прп. Иоанном Дамаскином. Как уже было сказано выше, многие места этих произведений сложны, а комментарии, составленные Феодором Продромом, хорошо раскрывают смысл отдельных выражений и фраз ирмосов и тропарей. Works of Orthodox hymnography used in worship were written by Byzantine authors, many of whom are glorified by the Holy Church as saints and recognized as inspirational and talented poets. Among them is St. John Damascene and St. Cosmas of Maiuma, who lived and wrote in the VIII century. Their poetic language is full of all sorts of images and is very complex, and therefore difficult to translate into other languages. It is known that the Slavic translations of the liturgical works of these authors are not always easy to comprehend, and often there may be questions about the accuracy of the translations. In our study, we review the Byzantine commentaries of the writer and poet of the XII century Theodore Prodromus on the canons of Epiphany, compiled in VIII cent. by St. Cosmas of Maiuma and St. John of Damascus. As mentioned above, many places of these works are complex, and the commentary compiled by Theodore Prodrom reveal very well the meaning of the individual expressions and phrases of the irmos and troparion.
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Korovin, Vladimir L. "Two Versions of Psalm 143 in Paraphrases of Russian Poets of the Late 18 – First Half of the 19 century." Two centuries of the Russian classics 4, no. 2 (2022): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2686-7494-2022-4-2-194-213.
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The final verses (12–15) of Psalm 143 (144) are read differently in Greek and Jewish versions: the first is about the temporary well-being of sinners, while the second is about the bliss of the righteous. In the Church tradition, the Greek version, which included all the Patristic interpretations adopted by the Orthodox and Catholics, was considered canonical. The Jewish version in Russia was known from foreign translations until 1822. The first biblical paraphrases in Russian poetry of the 18th century were the paraphrases of Psalm 143, made in 1743 by Lomonosov, Trediakovsky and Sumarokov according to the Greek-Slavic version. This article discusses some later paraphrases of Psalm 143, the authors of which also had to make a choice between two versions of the original text. The example of Lomonosov was followed by N. P. Nikolev, G. A. Pakatsky and V. K. Kuchelbecker, as well as E. V. Karneev. The Jewish version was used by A. M. Kotelnitsky and N. M. Shatrov. The paraphrase of F. N. Glinka was regardless of the discrepancy between two versions of Psalm 143. The most interesting are the poems of Kuchelbecker and Shatrov. The article also clarifies the circumstances of the creation of some paraphrases and notes cases of their textual dependence on the “Psalter in the Russian Language” published by the Russian Bible Society and “Commentary on the Psalter” compiled by Archbishop Irenaeus (Klementievsky).
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Братухина, Людмила В., and Александр Ю. Братухин. "Конструкции с предлогом О со значением ‘основания деятельности, средства’: инновация или индоевропейское наследие?" Studia Slavica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 64, no. 2 (February 6, 2021): 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/060.2019.64203.
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The paper is devoted to analyzing examples of the use of constructions “O + locative”, which have the meaning of “basis of activity, instrument”. Our interest in these examples is due, firstly, to the fact that this meaning of the preposition O is completely absent in modern Russian. Secondly, in some cases, this construction found in Old Slavonic texts is replaced in Church Slavonic by the construction “ВЪ + locative”, which is a calque from the ancient Greek construction “έν + dative” (often having the meaning of “a tool”) but this substitution is inconsistent. Thirdly, the constructions “O + locative” and “BЪ + locative” appear in the Old Slavonic manuscripts in parallel. The main aim of the study is to identify the shades of meaning that the creators of Old Slavonic texts distinguished in the ancient Greek construction “έν + dative”, choosing “O + locative” as a variant of translation; and to determine whether the indicated meaning of the preposition O was original in the Slavic languages or this preposition was acquired in the process of translating Biblical texts.The research is based on the Sinai Psalter, the Zographic and Ostromir Gospels, the Ostroh and Elizabethan Bibles as well as the examples (contained in the dictionaries of the Old Slavic, Old Russian, and Church Slavonic languages) from the Mariinsky Four Gospels, Assemaniev’s Gospel, Savin’s book, Euchology of Sinai, and Supralsky manuscript.The construction “έν + dative” is translated not only by “O + locative”. The former is also regularly translated by constructions of the instrumental case without a preposition (in Old Slavonic and Church Slavonic texts). The possibility of forming of the meaning of the action source under the influence of the construction “OTЪ + genitive” is also considered. In general, the dynamics of evolution of the meaning of “O + locative” is traced in the paper. It is concluded that the analyzed “O + locative” construction acquired the meaning of “basis of activity, instrument” at the time of the creation of Old Slavonic Bible translations. This is due to the process of reflection on the text, which became possible with the appearance of the written Slavonic language and the comparison of this construction with a simple instrumental case, combinations of “OTЪ + genitive” and “BЪ + locative”, which in some cases acted as synonymous and could be chosen by translators either spontaneously or with the aim to express nuances of meaning. This is demonstrated with the elimination of ancient Greek tracing, as well as the reverse replacement of “O + locative” by “BЪ + locative”. The instrumental case without a preposition was similar to “O + locative” in the expression of the causal meaning as well as in indicating the source of the action; the con- struction of “OTЪ + genitive”, in addition to the similarity of meaning, in terms of spelling and phonetics also resembled “O + locative”. The construction “O + locative” turned out to be more stable in the cases of indicating an animate source or basis of activity.
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Loma, Aleksandar. "The verb osvetiti in the mining code." Juznoslovenski filolog 75, no. 2 (2019): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi1902009l.
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Enacted in 1412 by Serbian Despot Stefan Lazarevic, the Mining Code came down to us in two versions, a Cyrillic copy made in the late 16th century and a Latin-alphabet transliteration from 1638, as well as in several translations into Ottoman Turkish. Since the publication of its Cyrillic version in 1962, it has been recognised as a highly valuable source for the history not only of law and economics, but also of the Serbian language. Its linguistic relevance consists not merely in displaying traits of an early dialectal development and rendering a lot of terms borrowed from the Middle High German language of the ?Saxons? (Sasi), settlers who after the second half of 13th century triggered the development of the mining industry in medieval Serbia: moreover, it provides the first attestations of many genuine words of spoken Old Serbian, some of them probably calqued on German patterns. One of these words is osvetiti of the Cyrillic version, apparently identical to Old Serbian osvetiti ?sanctify; impose a legal sanction; revenge? < Common Slavic *obsvetiti, but making no sense in the given context. Yet in the Latin version it occurs twice written with ? rendering e (?yat?), which points to *obsvetiti ?to light up (the mining gallery)?, and such an interpretation seems contextually plausible. If it is true, we have in the Mining Code the single attestation of osvetiti in Serbian outside of the texts written in Church Slavonic. In the vernacular, the verb was replaced by osv(ij)etliti, partly because in the ekavian speeches it became homophonous with osvetiti.
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Salve, Kristi. "Observations on Lutsi oral tradition." Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri. Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics 12, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 273–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/jeful.2021.12.2.11.
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This article examines Lutsi intangible culture in an attempt to clarify the origins of this language island. Historical stories about coming from “Sweden” refer to southern Estonia, but such stories are also widespread in areas that were never under Swedish rule. The Christian tradition is based on the church language and literature of Estonia. Lutsi laments or lament-like songs are unique, different from Seto laments, but also from the lament-like orphan songs of southern Estonia. Work songs and ritual songs (tavandilaul) as well as narrative songs are related to traditions found in both Võromaa and Setomaa. Oskar Kallas’s documentation contains an impressive number of children’s songs and readings, short verses, and other peripheral material. Their proportion only increases in later collections. The influence of Latvian songs is striking and can be seen from direct translations to texts where original and borrowed material intermingle. The Lutsi tradition was also probably influenced by their Slavic neighbours. Comparisons with the folklore of the other South Estonian language islands and that of the Tver Karelians shows both commonalities and differences.
Kokkuvõte. Kristi Salve: Tähelepanekuid Lutsi maarahva suulisest pärimusest. Artiklis on vaadeldud Lutsi maarahva vaimset kultuuri, püüdes selgust tuua keelesaare kujunemisloosse. Ajaloolised jutud „Rootsi“ päritolust viitavad küll Lõuna-Eestile, kuid sellised jutud on levinud ka aladel, mis pole Rootsi võimu alla kuulunudki. Lutsi kristlik pärimus lähtub Eesti kirikukeelest ja -kirjandusest. Lutsi itkud või itkulaadsed laulud on omapärased, erinedes setu itkudest, aga ka Lõuna-Eesti itkulaadsetest vaeslapselauludest. Töö- ja tavandilaulud, samuti jutustavad laulud seostuvad nii Võrumaa kui ka Setumaa traditsiooniga. Juba Oskar Kallase kogus on silmapaistvalt palju lastele mõeldud laule ja lugemisi, lühikesi (pilke)salmikesi ja muud perifeerset rahvaluule ainest. Hilisemates kogudes nende osakaal suureneb. Silmapaistev on läti laulude mõju alates otsestest tõlgetest kuni tekstideni, milles genuiinne ja laenuline segunevad. Ilmselt on Lutsi traditsiooni mõjutanud ka naabruses elavad slaavi rahvad. Võrdluses teiste vanade eesti keelesaarte, aga ka Tveri karjalaste rahvaluulega hakkab silma mõndagi ühist, kuid samas ka erinevat.
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Sukina, Liudmila Borisovna. "Saints who sailed from the sea: «German» model of foolishness in Old Russia." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 33, no. 1 (2023): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2023.101.
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The article attempts to put forward and substantiate a hypothesis about the use of a special model of this feat in the formation of the cult of some holy fools of the Russian Church, borrowed not from the eastern, but from the western medieval religious culture. Some lives of Russian holy fools noticeably fall out of the Eastern Christian tradition, with which old and modern historiography links their hagiography. Despite the veneration of the Byzantine σαλος in Ancient Russia, in its religious life the practices of foolishness occupied a marginal position for a long time. In the process of formation and development of the «national» cult of holy fools in the Muscovite state, one of the options for explaining where such ascetics came from was their foreign origin. In the article this problem is considered on the material of the hagiography of Isidor of Rostov and Procopius of Ustyug. In their Lives, one can single out a topic that is common to them and unusual for Russian hagiography. Both saints are repeatedly referred to in the texts of their Lives as foreigners who previously lived in Western countries, «German land». Both found in the Orthodox faith their «spiritual fatherland» and abandoned the «Latinism». In the Lives of each of them, «foolishness» is explicated as the main religious practice. But this is not the «obscenity» of the Eastern Christian σαλος, but a desire for solitude and wandering close to the model of behavior of the saints of the Western Middle Ages. In both lives there is a motif of the sea. Based on the observations and arguments presented in the article, it can be assumed that the compilers of the hagiographies, creating the image of a holy fool-foreigner unknown to Old Russian literature before, were guided by hagiographic texts not only of Greek-Byzantine, but also of Western European origin, some of which were available in Slavic translations. The saturation of the texts with Novgorod plot details indicates that Novgorod, which had long-standing and extensive cultural ties both with the post-Byzantine world and with the countries of the Baltic region, could be the place for constructing this new model of holiness for Old Russia.
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Sulyak, S. G. "Rusins in the Works by P.D. Draganov." Rusin, no. 65 (2021): 76–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/65/5.
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Pyotr Danilovich Draganov (February 1 (13), 1857 – February 7, 1928), a native of Bessarabia, Russian philologist, historian, ethnographer, bibliographer, and teacher. Born into a family of Bulgarian colonists in the village Comrat of Bessarabian region, he graduated from the Bulgarian Central School in Comrat (1875), then studied at the Chișinău progymnasium, the provincial gymnasium (1875–1877) and the Kharkov gymnasium (1877–1880). After graduating from the gymnasium, he entered the Faculty of History and Philology of the Imperial Kharkov University (1880–1882), then continued his studies at the Imperial St. Petersburg University, graduating in 1885 with a candidate’s degree. In 1885–1887, he taught general history and Church Slavonic language at the St. Cyril and Methodius Male Gymnasium (Thessaloniki, Macedonia). In 1888, he was appointed teacher of the Russian language and literature of the Comrat real school. Since 1893, he taught Russian at the Chișinău Women’s Gymnasium. In 1896, he became a junior assistant librarian at the Imperial Public Library in St. Petersburg, in charge of the category of Slavs and Galician-Russian books of the Manuscript Department of the library. Due to the difficult financial situation, he had to resign from the library and return to teach Russian at the Comrat real school. In 1906–1912, P.D. Draganov worked as an inspector of a real school in Astrakhan, director of a teacher’s seminary in the village Rovnoe of the Samara province. In 1913, he returned to Bessarabia and was appointed director of the male gymnasium in Cahul. When Bessarabia was occupied by Romania, the Romanian authorities issued a decree on the preservation of the gymnasium and proposed to P.D. Draganov to remain its director. However, he decided to return to his native Comrat, where he taught Bulgarian at the Comrat real school until retirement. P.D. Draganov is the author of over 100 historical, literary, ethnographic, philological, bibliographic and critical works. His articles were published in the “Journal of the Ministry of Public Education”, “Historical Bulletin”, “Izvestia of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in the Department of Russian Language and Literature”, “Russian Philological Bulletin” and others. Some of his works have remained unpublished. Most of P.D. Draganov’s studies focus on Bessarabian and Balkan themes. He wrote many works about A.S. Pushkin. Draganov was the founder of Macedonian studies in Russia. One ofhis most important works is “The Macedonian-Slavic Collection” (Issue 1. St. Petersburg, 1894), which received many reviews. Another well-known work of his is the compilation “A.S. Pushkin in Fifty Languages, i.e. Translations from A.S. Pushkin into 50 languages and dialects of the world. A Bibliographic Wreath on the Monument to A.S. Pushkin, Woven for the Centenary of His Birth, May 26, 1799 – May 26, 1899 with a Portrait of the Poet” (St. Petersburg, 1899). Draganov also participated in the compilation of the Bulgarian-Russian Dictionary, published the first universal index Bessarabiana, where he listed the sources and literature published over 100 years since the annexation of Bessarabia to Russia. Among the numerous works by P.D. Draganov, there are studies about Rusins.
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Cicėnienė, Rima. "Johannes Hevelius’s Selenographia Manuscript in Vilnius." Knygotyra 72 (July 9, 2019): 34–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2019.72.20.
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The aim of this article is to investigate the history of the Cyrillic manuscript transcription of Selenographia (1647), which details Moon observation – the work of Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth astronomer Johannes Hevelius (Jan Heweliusz, 1611–1687). The codex is relevant in two aspects: first, as an example of a late-17th century book, incorporating the characteristics of both a manuscript and a printed publication; and second – as an example of scientific literature in the Commonwealth. Hevelius is a well-known sciencist. The researcher is recognized as the first precise topographer of the Moon. He has composed a catalogue of 1564 stars, discovered four comets, and defined new boundaries of several constellations. In historiography, the manuscript translation of Selenographia has been known since the end of the 19th century. However, in the beginning of the 20th century, the transcript was equated to a piece owned by Tsar Feodor III Alexeyevich (1661–1682), which was present in his library in 1682. The manuscript has been studied by multiple linguists, astronomers, and museologists from various countries; however, it is still yet to receive attention from Lithuanian scientists. This article aims to clarify the currently available scientific information regarding the manuscript version of J. Hevelius’s work Selenographia, which is presently kept in the Manuscript Department of the Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences (LMAVB). This study also seeks to answer the following questions: whether the scientists of the GDL were aware of the piece and its Slavic translation, if there is a possibility that the codex may have belonged to the library of Tsar Feodor III Alexeyevich, and what are the history and the lifecycle of the codex. The object of this investigation is a manuscript codex (LMAVB RS F19–318) archived in the LMAVB. A digital copy of an exemplar archived in the Zurich ETH Library was used for comparative analysis. The history of astronomy in 17th century Europe and the GDL, as well as the placement of this work of Hevelius in that history, is shortly discussed and based on a literary analysis. This information was used to evaluate the scientific value of the manuscript codex under investigation and make conclusions regarding any possible demand for the translations of Selenographia in the GDL’s scientific environment of that time. Codicological and comparative analyses with the original print enabled to consider the circumstances of the translation and transcription of Selenographia and establish the characteristics of the manuscript codex. It was determined that the text is written in a hybrid Church Slavic language; it is written by several scribes in the Calligraphic Book Font with characteristics of the Chancellerie Font, distinctive to the cursives used in the 17th century in Kiev and Moscow. The transcription of the translation is illustrated with original copper engravings (17 of 140), hand-drawn copies of original drawings (17), and original (3) pictures. The majority of illustrations are missing, some blank gaps meant for tables are present, and several tables have been redacted completely. The contents of Selenographia were adapted to fit the environment of its purchaser: all dedications and celebratory texts dedicated to Hevelius were removed and supplementary texts were eliminated, an original preface created by the translator was added, and only an anonymous “ruler” is mentioned. The transcription of the text was intended to maintain the order of the text and illustrations as well as the exact glosses system present in the margins. All numbers and dates have been written in the Cyrillic alphabet; however a Western year numbering system was maintained, and the surnames of scientists were retained in their original Latin forms; objects named in schemes and diagrams were presented in the Latin alphabet. The coinciding fragments of an extant Selenographia translation (chapters 48, 51, 54, and 55) and texts of the codex kept in the LMAVB archives allow us to conclude that it is a translation made by S. Chizhinski during his service in Posol’skii prikaz (Moscow) in 1678–1681. Based on all the defined characteristics, as well as the unfinished appearance of the book and the variety of paper used, it may be concluded that it is a transcription meant for the diplomatic needs of Posol’skii prikaz rather than for the personal library of the Tsar.Efforts to find any evidence of the discussed Selenographia translation in the history of astronomy and book history in Lithuania were unsuccessful. It was not possible to clarify the history of the function of the codex as well. Nonetheless, the history of this book focuses one’s attention to another little-studied topic in Lithuania – the connections of literature and book culture in the 17th century that bridge the GDL and the Tsardom of Russia. To sum up, it may be concluded that access to new archival sources in Russia and Lithuania and a detailed chemical analysis of materials making up the codex (the ink in particular) would affirm or deny the conclusions reached in this study.
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Marynchak, A. V. "Marian Theme in Music: Aspects of History and Genre Stylistics (a Case Study of the Works byKonstanty Antoni Gorski)." Aspects of Historical Musicology 18, no. 18 (December 28, 2019): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.34064/khnum2-18.12.
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The objectives of the research. The article is devoted to the study of the main parameters of the Marian theme embodiment in the art of music, with highlighting the aspects of history and genre stylistics. It is noted that the choice of the topic is related to the study of the works by the Kharkiv composer of Polish origin Konstanty Antoni Gorski, who worked in Kharkiv for many years (1880–1910) and belongs to the founders of his academic musical culture. The article lays the methodological basis for studying interpretation of the Marian theme in the works by this author, for that the analysis of the relevant sources (theological, musicological, etc.) has been carried out to derive the genre-stylistic classifications for this phenomenon (confessional, genre, national classifications). The results of the study. It is noted that the Marian theme in music can be classified as one of its central themes. This is due to the general ethical and natural content of the European music of the academic layer, which itself, as it is known, originated from the Church music and retained the features of high contemplation inherent in the cult genres, which determined the prospect line for the subsequent development of the Christian world music. The study emphasizes that the image of the Blessed Virgin Mary acts as a part and an important component of the New Testament, where two her main hypostases are presented. The Virgin Mary is honored and praised, firstly, as the Mother of the Son of God, who experienced suffering with him for the good of humanity, and secondly, as the intercessor and guardian of people who believe in her divine power and destiny. Here, the two interpretations of the Blessed Virgin’s image should be borne in mind, which are implemented at the confessional level – in the Catholic and Orthodox liturgical service. The whole branch of knowledge, called Mariology, is devoted to the study of these issues in the European theology and art history. The musical aspects of this field, presented in the monograph by O. Nemkova (2013), are closely related to religious teachings, as well as to their secular reflection at the level of the genre, style and stylistics of the musical works. The musical interpretation of the Blessed Virgin’s image, coming from Catholicism is based on the postulates of Her Divine destiny, which is reflected in the canonical texts in Latin, among which two main ones stand out – “Stabat Mater” and “Salve Regina”. These texts are realized in the cantata genre, the basis of which is the style of da chiesa, that is, the concerto itself in the church that accompanies the service in honor of Virgin Mary. The latter takes place in such holidays: Conception of Mary by Her mother Anna, Nativity of Mary, Presentation of Mary, Annunciation, Dormition of the Mother of God. The prayer “Ave Maria” is also very popular, and it has become for many European authors the basis of both applied religious and secular works, an example of which is the music of Early Baroque, Romanticism and Modern times. The secularization processes that began in the music of the Christian world on the turn of the Late Renaissance and Baroque (the watershed here is the 1600 year, the official year of the opera genre birth), called to life two groups of works on Marian themes: 1) the compositions nearby to the canonical original, as a rule, Latin texts (they were distributed among Catholics by religion and in Catholic countries); 2) the works modified, based on translations and free narrations of canonical texts given in the national languages and in suitable stylistics of one or another national culture (this is characteristic of Protestantism, as well as of Orthodoxy). There is also a deep line of interpretation of the Blessed Virgin’s image, personifying the eternal idea of motherhood and femininity, which is equally characteristic of many national musical cultures, in particular, the non-religious wave that manifested itself in Slavic music, first at the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries, and then – during the last two decades of the 20th century. It is noted that Gorski, remaining a devout Catholic by the nature of his activity in such interfaith cultural center as Kharkiv in the late 19th – the first two decades of the 20th centuries, embodied in his work the traditions and demands coming from the Polish (Catholic) as well as the Ukrainian (Orthodox) and French and German (Lutheran, Protestant) musical cultures. On this basis, three of his opuses devoted to Virgin Mary arose: the Catholic cantata “Salve Regina” (for voice, violin and organ), the concerto-cantata in French “Salutation a la Sainte Vierge” (for soprano accompanied by choir, organ, string quintet and two French horns), and the choral concerto for the Orthodox mixed choir “Zriaszcze mia bezglasna” on the Old Slavonic text. Each of these works is a special genre form, with which Gorski works as with a standard model equipped with a lexical layer of a certain musical stylistics, primarily national. The Polish song and romanza sources are traced in the first of the works, along with the obvious influence of the opera arias. In the cantata on the French text, echoes of not only opera scenes are heard, but also the elements of the programme music, story-telling, characteristic of French musical style. Finally, the Orthodox choral Concerto on the Old Slavonic text demonstrates the typical genre of the Ukrainian music – the large form intended for collective choral performance that was the equivalent of a symphony in the Western European musical culture. Conclusion. It is proved that, guided by the world experience, Konstanty Antoni Gorski embodies all these models in three Marian works – the canonical church cantata, the larger-scale secular cantata, the a cappella choral concerto, while remaining a composer with original and unique intonational thinking. Gorski in these three compositions appears as a neoclassic, subordinating the original genres to his own creative intentions, which makes the music of these compositions comprehensible and accessible to a wide audience. It was that for the purpose to popularize the opuses by Gorski this article has been written.
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McAnallen, Julia. "Predicative possession in Medieval Slavic Bible translations Predicative Possession in Early Biblical Slavic." Oslo Studies in Language 3, no. 3 (August 25, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.44.
Full textAbstract:
Late Proto-Slavic (LPS) had an inventory of three constructions for expressing predicative possession. Using the earliest Slavic Bible translations from Old Church Slavic (OCS), and to a lesser degree Old Czech, a number of conclusions can be drawn about the status of predicative possession for LPS. The verb iměti ‘have’ was the most frequent and least syntactically and semantically restricted predicative possessive construction (PPC). Existential PPCs with a dative possessor appear primarily with kinship relations, abstract possessums, and in a number of other fixed construction types; existential PPCs with the possessor in an u + genitive prepositional phrase primarily appear with concrete and countable possessums. Both existential PPCs call for an animate, most often pronominal, possessor. The u + genitive was the rarest type of PPC in LPS, though it had undoubtedly grammaticalized as a PPC.
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Фомина [Fomina], Людмила [Liudmila] Ф. [F ]. "Космонимия в cлавянских переводах библейской Книги Иова." Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej 56 (November 21, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sfps.2216.
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Cosmonymy in Slavic Translations of the Biblical Book of JobThis article explores the names of Venus, Pleiades, the Great Bear and Orion’s Belt in Slavic translations of the biblical Book of Job. The author proposes hypotheses about the etymology of Church Slavonic names for the following celestial objects: (1) the name денница for Venus originates from folk cosmonymy and was introduced into religious discourse by Apostle of the Slavs Constantine-Cyril; (2) the name власожелищи is etymologised as a merger of two nominations: South Slavic Власи ‘Pleiads’ and a hapax legomenon from the Book of Job *желищи ‘Great Bear’, from Hebrew Āsh or Aish ‘funeral convoy’; (3) the name кружилия for Orion is also connected with Hebrew cosmonymy and points to the mythical giant Nimrod, who was tied with a belt to the sky for his rebellion against God. Kosmonimia w słowiańskich tłumaczeniach biblijnej Księgi HiobaNiniejszy artykuł analizuje nazwy Wenus, Plejad, Wielkiej Niedźwiedzicy i Pasa Oriona w tłumaczeniach biblijnej Księgi Hioba na języki słowiańskie. Autorka przedstawia hipotezy dotyczące etymologii kilku cerkiewnosłowiańskich nazw obiektów kosmicznych: 1) nazwa planety Wenus денница została zapożyczona z kosmonimii ludowej i wprowadzona do dyskursu religijnego przez Apostoła Słowian Konstantyna-Cyryla; 2) nazwa власожелищи jest traktowana jako połączenie dwóch nazw: płd. słow. Власи ‘Plejady’ i hapaks legomenon z biblijnej Księgi Hioba *желищи ‘Wielka Niedźwiedzica’, od hebrajskiego Āsh lub Aish ʽkondukt pogrzebowyʼ; 3) nazwa Oriona кружилия rownież związana jest z kosmonimią hebrajską i wskazuje na mitycznego olbrzyma Nimroda, skazanego przez Boga na przywiązanie pasem do sklepienia niebieskiego.
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Collins, Daniel E. "The Pragmatics of "Unruly" Dative Absolutes in Early Slavic." Oslo Studies in Language 3, no. 3 (August 25, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.45.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines some uses of the dative absolute in Old Church Slavonic and in early recensional Slavonic texts that depart from notions of how Indo-European absolute constructions should behave, either because they have subjects coreferential with the (putative) main-clause subjects or because they function as if they were main clauses in their own right. Such "noncanonical" absolutes have generally been written off as mechanistic translations or as mistakes by scribes who did not understand the proper uses of the construction. In reality, the problem is not with literalistic translators or incompetent scribes but with the definition of the construction itself; it is quite possible to redefine the Early Slavic dative absolute in a way that accounts for the supposedly deviant cases. While the absolute is generally dependent semantically on an adjacent unit of discourse, it should not always be regarded as subordinated syntactically. There are good grounds for viewing some absolutes not as dependent clauses but as independent sentences whose collateral character is an issue not of syntax but of the pragmatics of discourse.