Relevant bibliographies by topics / Church of England Book of common prayer Language

Academic literature on the topic 'Church of England Book of common prayer Language'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Church of England Book of common prayer Language"

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Carleton, Kenneth W. T. "John Marbeck and The Booke of Common Praier Noted." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012481.

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The liturgical section of The New English Hymnal contains musical settings for both eucharistie orders of the Church of England’s Alternative Service Book 1980. The modern-language service, Rite A, is provided with a newly-composed congregational setting in speech rhythm. The texts of Rite B use the traditional language of the Book of Common Prayer, and are given a musical setting taken from The Booke of Common Praier Noted by John Marbeck, published in 1550. An accompaniment is added, and the text is adapted where the original is no longer accurate. Its inclusion in this new hymn-book is evidence of the popularity which Marbeck’s setting has enjoyed for more than a hundred years. Its rediscovery took place in the nineteenth century through the influence of the Tractarians and their successors, who sought to revive traditional liturgical practices such as the singing of plainsong during worship. The Booke of Common Praier Noted is a musical setting of parts of the first English Prayer Book, which had been promulgated in 1549. The appearance of a second Prayer Book in 1552 rendered Marbeck’s work obsolete, as the new book expresses a different attitude towards music in worship. The 1549 Prayer Book encourages singing in many of the services, not least the Office of Holy Communion. The clerks, singing-men usually in minor orders, are expected to take a full part, and the normal eucharistie celebration is one which is sung virtually throughout. The Offices in the 1552 Book contain very few references to singing, and the clerks are nowhere mentioned. The only direction for singing any part of the order for Holy Communion is found at the end, when ‘Glory be to God on high’ may be said or sung. A rubric at Morning Prayer allows for the singing of the lessons in that service and at Evening Prayer, as well as the Epistle and Gospel at Holy Communion, so that the people may hear them more clearly. It is possible that the retention of this reference to singing from the first Prayer Book may have been an oversight, as the rubric is situated away from the main body of the service.
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Aldridge, Alan. "Slaves to No Sect: The Anglican Clergy and Liturgical Change." Sociological Review 34, no. 2 (May 1986): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1986.tb02706.x.

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Many writers have argued that the Church of England, in common with other Christian denomination, is undergoing a profound crisis of identity. One crucial aspect of this is the clergy's rapid abandonment of the traditional services of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer in favour of the radically different, modern language services of the Alternative Service Book, published in 1980. Liturgical change on this scale is said to be both cause and effect of a gradual transformation of the Church of England into a sect. In this article, evidence from a survey of the parochial clergy of one English diocese is presented, showing that the great majority of respondents approve of the Alternative Service Book and use it frequently for the conduct of worship. However, then outlook on the role of the Church of England in national life does not display any of the essential characteristics of sectarianism, the fact that the Church of England is the established Church is an important obstacle to sectarian tendencies, and the argument that the Church is being transformed into a sect is not warranted.
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Чернов, Василий Владимирович. "The Form of Solemnization of Matrimony in the Book of Common Prayer: A Russian Translation with Some Notes on Its History and Language." Вопросы богословия, no. 2(4) (September 15, 2020): 146–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/pwg.2020.4.2.007.

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Институт брака играл важную роль в ходе Английской «долгой Реформации» XVI-XVII веков. Изменение отношения к браку, как к состоянию низшему по сравнению с безбрачием, было одной из причин и движущих сил реформационных преобразований как на континенте, так и в Английской Церкви. При этом литургический чин бракосочетания в томвиде, в котором он был зафиксирован в Книге общественного богослужения 1662 года, является наиболее консервативной частью классического англиканского служебника. В данной статье автор демонстрирует, что данный чин не только практически не претерпел изменений как в ходе богослужебной реформы 1662 года, так и при подготовке предшествующих (1549 и 1552 гг.) редакций Служебника, но и в основном сохранил черты чинов бракосочетания из дореформационных английских литургических книг. Книга общественного богослужения 1662 года до сих пор не только сохраняет официальный статус в Церкви Англии (новые богослужебные книги допускаются лишь в качестве альтернативы классическому Служебнику), но и лежит в основе богословской и литургической традиций всех Церквей Англиканского Содружества, чем объясняется актуальность затронутой тематики. Marriage was a crucial element of England’s long Reformation in the 16th and 17th centuries. The end of view of marriage as inferior in relation to celibacy was among key reasons and forces of the reform both in England and the rest of the Northern Europe. The liturgy of marriage as it appears in the Book of Common Prayer 1662 was, however, the most conservative part of the Anglican worship of its time. The main goal of this article is to familiarize the Russian reader with one of England’s most important historic liturgies. The author also seeks to reaffirm that the Prayer Book marriage form not only passed largely unchanged through the making of 1549, 1552 and 1662 books, bud also preserved most key features of pre-Reformation English marriage rites. It resulted in a quite uniform Anglican liturgical tradition of wedding as the Prayer Book 1662 remains official in the Church of England and still frames worship and theology of the Anglican churches worldwide.
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Buchanan, Colin. "Parliament and the 1662 Book of Common Prayer." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 18, no. 1 (December 10, 2015): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x15000836.

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A title such as this hardly suggests one is breaking new ground. But I edge into print on the subject, stirred by the interesting Speaker's Lecture given by the outgoing Second Estates Commissioner, Sir Tony Baldry, in December 2014, and published in the May 2015 edition of this Journal. It reads as the enthusiastic, even romantic, expression of the State–Church relationship by an almost doctrinaire establishmentarian; and I use the word ‘doctrinaire’ deliberately, for I have spent a lifetime of bumping up against leaders of both Church and State, from Enoch Powell to George Carey (let alone Derek Pattinson and Philip Mawer), who exude a firm conviction that the establishment of the Church of England is entrenched somewhere in the Apostles' Creed. Sir Tony continues in this tradition as he serenely asserts ‘We come then to the reign of Henry VIII. I think the important point here is that the Church of England is the creation of Parliament.’ But would not Augustine, Anselm and the drafters of Magna Carta (who are cited in Baldry's previous paragraph) all be turning in their graves? And what apoplexy would have come upon Newman, Pusey and Keble to have learned that their Church was thus created? Or, more to the point, is the ecclesiastical action of Parliament in the days when church and nation were co-terminous of any relevance to whether and how an unbelieving Parliament should hold control of a Christian body today? However, it is his brief section on ‘Parliament and Anglican liturgy’ which prompted the present submission.
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Cruickshank, Dan D. "Remembering the English Reformation in the Revision of the Communion Liturgy of the Book of Common Prayer, 1906–1920." Studia Liturgica 49, no. 2 (September 2019): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320719883817.

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This paper will examine how the Convocations of the Church of England remembered their past liturgies, and the reformation theology that formed the previous Prayer Books of the Church, in their main period of work on the revision of the Prayer Book from 1906 to 1920. Focusing on the Communion Service, it considers the lack of defenders of the 1662 Communion service and its reformed theology. It will examine how the 1549 Prayer Book was used as a basis for reordering the Communion service, and how this original Prayer Book was seen in relation to preceding medieval Roman Catholic theology. Ultimately it considers how a re-imagination of the English Reformation was used to justify the incorporation of liturgical theology that had no historical basis in the Church of England.
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HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER. "WHERE WAS THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, 1646–1660?" Historical Journal 62, no. 1 (January 21, 2018): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000425.

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AbstractWhen parliament abolished episcopacy, cathedrals, and the Book of Common Prayer, what was left of the Church of England? Indeed, as contemporaries asked between 1646 and 1660, ‘Where is the Church of England?’ The episcopalian clergy could not agree. Some thought the remaining national framework of parishes and congregations was ‘the Church of England’, though now deformed, and worked within it. Others thought that only those ministers and parish congregations who remained loyal in heart to the church as it had been qualified as ‘the church’: most of them continued to serve a parish church and tried to keep the old practices going. A third category of hard-liners thought ‘the Church of England’ was now restricted to a recusant community that worshipped with the Prayer Book in secret and rejected the new national profession. The fundamental issue was the nature of a church: was it a society of believers, however organized, or a hierarchical institution following rules prescribed by God? The question caused tensions and distrust among the clergy, and the rigorists thought of the rest as time-servers and traitors. Disagreements continued to divide the clergy after the Restoration, and were reflected in attitudes towards concessions to dissenters.
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Maltby, Judith. "‘The Good Old Way’: Prayer Book Protestantism in the 1640s and 1650s." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015850.

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Between 1640 and 1642 the Church of England collapsed, its leaders reviled and discredited, its structures paralysed, its practices if not yet proscribed, at least inhibited. In the years that followed, yet worse was to befall it. And yet in every year of its persecution after 1646, new shoots sprang up out of the fallen timber: bereft of episcopal leadership, lacking any power of coercion, its observances illegal, anglicanism thrived. As memories of the 1630s faded and were overlaid by the tyrannies of the 1640s … the deeper rhythms of the Kalendar and the ingrained perfections of Cranmer’s liturgies bound a growing majority together.Professor John Morrill, quoted above, has rightly identified a set of historiographical contradictions about the Stuart Church in a series of important articles. Historians have until recently paid little attention to the positive and popular elements of conformity to the national Church of England in the period before the civil war. The lack of interest in conformity has led to a seventeenth-century version of the old Whig view of the late medieval Church: the Church of England is presented as a complacent, corrupt, and clericalist institution, ‘ripe’ – as the English Church in the early sixteenth century was ‘ripe’ – to be purified by reformers. However, if this was the case, how does one account for the durable commitment to the Prayer Book demonstrated during the 1640s and 1650s and the widespread – but not universal – support for the ‘return’ of the Church of England in 1660?This paper contributes to the larger exploration of the theme of ‘the Church and the book’ by addressing in particular the continued use by clergy and laity alike of one ‘book’ – the Book of Common Prayer – after its banning by Parliament during the years of civil war and the Commonwealth.
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Burns, Stephen, and Bryan Cones. "A Prayer Book for the Twenty-first Century?" Anglican Theological Review 96, no. 4 (September 2014): 639–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861409600402.

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In the more than thirty years that have passed since the authorization of the 1979 Book of Common Prayer, scholars and practitioners of its liturgical vision have mined the riches of its “baptismal ecclesiology,” its variety of texts, and its permissive rubrics; they have also raised new questions about its inconsistencies and shortcomings. Anglican and ecumenical partner churches have adapted and improved upon material found in the BCP in their own new liturgical resources, suggesting directions for further liturgical renewal, and the Episcopal Church itself has authorized supplemental texts in its Enriching Our Worship series, which began publication in 1998. Questions concerning expansive language, the relationship between baptismal ministry and its expression in holy orders, and the contextualization of liturgy in a multicultural church have come to the fore as primary concerns of the church in the twenty-first century, with important implications for the celebration of liturgy. The authors contend that attention to these questions, particularly regarding the language of prayer and the relationships among the ministers within the assembly, requires a more comprehensive discussion of liturgical renewal in the church, including the revision of the Book of Common Prayer itself. “… may be altered, abridged, enlarged, amended, or otherwise disposed of …”1
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Dudley, Martin. "Unity, Uniformity and Diversity: the Anglican Liturgy in England and the United States, 1900-1940." Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 465–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015576.

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‘Uniformity’, declared Sir John Nicholl, one of the greatest of Anglican ecclesiastical lawyers, ‘is one of the leading and distinguishing principles of the Church of England - nothing is left to the discretion and fancy of the individual.’ At the Reformation the English Church was distinguished not by the decisions of councils, confessional statements, or the writings of particular leaders, but by one uniform liturgy. This liturgy, ‘containing nothing contrary to the Word of God, or to sound Doctrine’ and consonant with the practice of the early Church, was intended to ‘preserve Peace and Unity in the Church’ and to edify the people. It was also opposed to the ‘great diversity in saying and singing in Churches within this Realm’ and, abolishing the liturgical uses of Salisbury, Hereford, Bangor, York, and Lincoln, it established that ‘now from henceforth all the whole Realm shall have but one Use’. This principle of liturgical uniformity was enshrined in the several Acts of Uniformity from that of the second year of King Edward VI to that of the fourteenth year of Charles II, amended, but not abolished, in the reign of Queen Victoria. It was a principle conveyed to the churches in the colonies so that, even if they revised or abandoned the Book of Common Prayer in use in England, as the Americans did in 1789, what was substituted was called ‘The Book of Common Prayer and declared to be ‘the Liturgy of this Church’ to be ‘received as such by all members of the same’. The principle of uniformity was modified during the Anglican Communion’s missionary expansion. The Lambeth Conference of 1920 considered that liturgical uniformity throughout the Churches of the Anglican Communion was not a necessity, but the 1930 Conference held that the Book of Common Prayer, as authorized in the several Churches of the Communion, was the place where faith and order were set forth, and so implied a degree of uniformity maintained by the use of a single book.
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Braddock, Andrew. "Domestic Devotion and the Georgian Church." Journal of Anglican Studies 16, no. 2 (June 4, 2018): 188–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355318000153.

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AbstractThis article explores the development of domestic devotion in the Georgian Church of England through an examination of the manuals of prayer produced and circulated for both personal and family use throughout the eighteenth century. Alongside more well-known works, including Edmund Gibson’s Family Devotion and Robert Nelson’s Companion for the Festivals and Fasts, it pays attention to the diverse material provided for private and household devotion and its relationship to The Book of Common Prayer. The article highlights the key themes that were expressed through this literature, the spirituality that it fostered, and the sources on which it drew. It reveals how greater awareness of this material can deepen our understanding of how Georgian Anglicans prayed and what they were encouraged to pray for.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Church of England Book of common prayer Language"

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Leuenberger, Samuel. "Cultus ancilla scripturae : das Book of common prayer als erweckliche Liturgie : ein Vermächtnis des Puritanismus /." Basel : F. Reinhardt Kommissionsverl, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36626515h.

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Lane, Lewis Calvin III. "Finding Elizabeth: history, polemic, and the Laudian redefinition of conformity in seventeenth century England." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/2924.

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The "beauty of holiness," the ceremonialist agenda of the Laudians during the Personal Rule of King Charles I (r.1625-1649), was in many ways a serious shift from and challenge to the devotional and theological ethos that had dominated the Church of England since the 1570s. So stark was this shift that scholars today regularly cite the rigid enforcement of the "beauty of holiness" as one of the precipitating causes of the English Civil Wars that broke out in 1642. The rise of Laudianism, then, and its claim on the character of the nation's established church, the church's devotional life, and England's confessional identity, was no small matter. Perhaps the most understudied aspect of the Laudian movement was the way this circle of clergy argued that their program for the church was neither a challenge nor, for that matter, innovative. Recent historians have described how the Laudians used various rhetorical strategies to present their vision as perfectly orthodox, a mere restatement of old-fashioned principles and practices long enjoyed since the happy reign of Queen Elizabeth (r.1558-1603). Developing arguments from scripture, from the practice of the early church, or simply the more obvious need to worship God with reverence, the Laudians shifted their apologetic strategies depending on the moment. This project considers in detail a particular Laudian strategy - the appeal to precedents from the Elizabethan church. In addition to reflecting on the malleable nature of history in the early modern period and on the character of what one might call the rhetoric of conservatism, this project reveals the power of the image of Elizabeth Tudor in seventeenth century religious polemics. This dissertation is concerned not so much with Puritans, but rather with two groups who both claimed to be conformists and who both based that claim on adherence to Elizabethan principles. Both Laudians and, as one scholar describes them, "old style" conformists both claimed ownership of a legitimating Elizabethan past and thus ownership of a normative identity. At a broad level, my research seeks to understand a moment of religious and social change and how that change was persistently negotiated by recourse to history. My goal is to consider the way the Laudians appropriated the image of Elizabeth for their own designs. This examination does not end with the reign of Charles, however. The Laudian claim of true conformity and denial of innovation did not end when civil war erupted in 1642 or even when the king was executed in 1649. One finds this historical claim in the mouth of Archbishop William Laud at his trial for treason. Likewise, one finds during the Cromwellian Protectorate in the 1650s the rise of full historical enterprises, not simply the invocation of history in polemic. When the monarchy was restored in 1660, works by the Laudian historian Peter Heylyn were ready for Royalist consumption and, as one might suspect, they offer an interpretation of the past that legitimates the Laudian program and brands its opponents as foreign and dangerous. This type of literature was polemic under the form of history. Yet we cannot casually dismiss such arguments as simple propaganda. We must understand them instead as alternative readings of the past, stories that contemporaries told themselves and which worked to confirm a particular vision of the world. My project, in sum, will offer an assessment of the way historical claims functioned within the discourse of religious and political legitimacy at a time of intense religious and political strife. My concluding argument is that the tradition known as Anglicanism, while it had a long gestation, was born not in the reign of Elizabeth or even in the early Stuart period, but rather at the Restoration in 1660 when Charles II came to the throne and a particular vision of what it meant to be a loyal conformist achieved canonical status.
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Ibezim, Alexander Chibuzo. "The analysis of the rite of infant baptismal ritual as found in the Anglican Book of Common Prayer in the light of Turner's theory of rituals." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2006. http://www.tren.com.

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WINSTED, Margareta. "Poetická imaginace anglikánské spirituality ve vybraných dílech metafyzických básníků 17. století." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-54553.

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The thesis concerns an aspect of poetic imagination in the works of 17th century metaphysical poets and examines the way these poets were influenced by the Church of England. In addition, it identifies elements of Anglican spirituality in their works. The first section analyzes the concept of Christian spirituality and the specifics of Anglican spirituality. Anglican spirituality is closely linked with the historical origins and development of the Anglican Church. In the second section, there is a description of poetic imagination and the relationship between poetics and spirituality. The thesis describes the concept of so-called metaphysical poets. The works of three selected authors are examined to identify poetic expressions of general, theological issues. Theological themes emphasized in Anglican spirituality are compared with those expressed in metaphysical poetic imagination. The aim of this thesis is to find the role of poetics in general, theological discourse.
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Books on the topic "Church of England Book of common prayer Language"

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Vivien, Morris, and Burgess Henry James, eds. A Prayer for all seasons: The Collects of the Book of common prayer. Hartsop, Penrith, Cumbria: Fort House Publications, 1987.

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England, Church of. [A portion of the Book of Common Prayer in the Cree language]. Moose [Moose Factory, Ont.?: J. Horden], 1993.

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A Prayer for all seasons: The Collects of the Book of common prayer. Cambridge: Lutterworth Press, 1999.

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England, Church of. The book of common prayer and administration of the sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the church according to the use of the Church of England. New York: H. Holt, 1992.

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Bible English: Chapters on old and disused expressions in the Authorized Version of the Scriptures and The book of common prayer : with illustrations from contemporaneous literature / cby T. Lewis O. Davies. London: George Bell, 1985.

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1921-2006, Porter J. R., Church of England, and Church of England, eds. The first and second prayer books of Edward VI. London: Prayer Book Society, 1999.

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England, Church of. Synaptai, Epistolai kai Euangelia =: Collects, Epistles & Gospels. Athe na: Exantas, 1988.

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England, Church of. Kitabu cha sala: Na kutenda siri, na taratibu za kanisa , pamoja na zaburi za Daudi. London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1987.

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Nicholson, Sydney H. Sir, 1875-1947., ed. The parish Psalter with chants: The Psalms of David pointed for chanting. Croydon: Royal School of Church Music, 1989.

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England, Church of. Ṣalāth al-jamāʻath kī kitāb aur secrīmanṭon kī dustūr aur dusrī rasmen̲ ... ʻaqāʼid-i dīn ke sāth. Calcutta: Church Mission Press, 1997.

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Book chapters on the topic "Church of England Book of common prayer Language"

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"THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH The Book of Common Prayer, 1559." In Religion and Society in Early Modern England, 48–89. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203221808-5.

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Cummings, Brian. "6. Modernity and the Book of Common Prayer." In The Book of Common Prayer: A Very Short Introduction, 101–20. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198803928.003.0007.

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‘Modernity and the Book of Common Prayer’ describes the revisions and changes to the Book of Common Prayer from the 17th century onwards. It outlines the plans to revise the book by the General Synod of the Church of England, a process that began in 1964 resulting in the 1980 Alternative Service Book. The biggest change came with the publication of Common Worship in 2000, which replaced the Book of Common Prayer outright. It abolished uniformity, providing alternative prayers for different services and encouraging experimentation and improvisation. The Book of Common Prayer always operated as an instrument of monolithic social order. This alone made it difficult for it to survive into the 21st century.
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Hefling, Charles. "Establishment." In The Book of Common Prayer: A Guide, 179–201. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190689681.003.0009.

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The text of the Book of Common Prayer as it now stands in the Church of England was established in 1662 as part of the Restoration settlement of religion. A great many amendments were included in the final version of the text, notably the adoption of the Authorized or King James Version for many of the biblical extracts. Some of the revisions had been agreed to by both parties at the Savoy Conference, convened in response to long-standing puritan objections to the Prayer Book. While most of the changes had no effect on the meaning of the text, a few did modify the Communion service in a conservative direction. A number of new services were added as well; and with that the Book of Common Prayer arrived at the form it has had in England ever since.
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Hefling, Charles. "Preambles: “But One Use”." In The Book of Common Prayer: A Guide, 76–86. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190689681.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the Prayer Book’s self-presentation in its preliminary, nonliturgical prose: the two Acts of Uniformity (1559 and 1662) that define the constitution of the text and regulate its use in the Church of England; and the three prefatory essays, two of which were written by Thomas Cranmer for the original, 1549 Book of Common Prayer, and have been retained ever since. These texts are themselves primary sources that provide a preliminary context in which to understand the origins and purpose of the liturgies they precede. They outline the successive revisions of the Prayer Book, and indicate both the political and the theological dimensions of its contents.
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Hefling, Charles. "Disruption." In The Book of Common Prayer: A Guide, 155–78. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190689681.003.0008.

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Three main topics are discussed in this chapter. One is the Hampton Court conference, the first of three largely unsuccessful attempts to take account of objections to the Book of Common Prayer on the part of “godly” protestant nonconformists. Another is the counter-puritan movement known as Laudianism and the abortive Prayer Book for Scotland, known as “Laud’s Liturgy.” The third topic is the parliamentary abolishment of the Prayer Book in England, which had the unintended consequence of elevating its status as a sacred text for those who continued to use it until its return as the Church of England’s statutory liturgy at the restoration of monarchy in 1660.
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Villani, Stefano. "The First Italian Edition of the Book of Common Prayer (1685)." In Making Italy Anglican, 71–78. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197587737.003.0005.

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In 1685 the first printed edition in Italian of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer was published in London: Il Libro delle Preghiere Publiche secondo l’uso della Chiesa Anglicana. The translation’s editor was Edward Brown, an Anglican cleric, who also published a translation into English of Paolo Sarpi’s Lettere Italiane Scritte al Signor dell’Isola Groslot in 1693. While Brown was the promoter of this Italian edition of the Book of Common Prayer, the translator was a certain Giovan Battista Cappello from Valtellina. Because an Italian Protestant church in England no longer existed when this translation was published, it was apparently not meant for use in worship. The decision to translate the Book of Common Prayer aimed to demonstrate the excellence and doctrinal purity of the Church of England at a time when a Catholic king had succeeded to the throne with an Italian wife.
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Villani, Stefano. "The Book of Common Prayer for Immigrants in London and the United States." In Making Italy Anglican, 156–60. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197587737.003.0011.

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This chapter reconstructs both the use of the Italian version of the Anglican liturgy in the short-lived nineteenth-century Italian congregations established in England to serve the growing number of Italian immigrants and the history of the Italian translations of the Book of Common Prayer of the Episcopal Church of the United States of America. In 1874 and in 1876 the Italian Costantino Stauder published a partial Italian version of the American Prayer Book for the first Italian-speaking Episcopal congregation in New York. The first complete Italian edition was published in Philadelphia in 1904 by Michele Zara, minister of the Italian Episcopal Church of the Emmanuello of that city. His successor, Tommaso Edmondo della Cioppa, published in 1922 a bilingual selection of the Book of Common Prayer.
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8

"Special Nationwide Worship and the Book of Common Prayer in England, Wales and Ireland, 1533–1642." In Worship and the Parish Church in Early Modern Britain, 43–83. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315546254-7.

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9

Wilcher, Robert. "Henry Vaughan and the Church." In Keeping the Ancient Way, 141–68. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859746.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses Vaughan’s response to the destruction of the Church of England and the replacement of the Book of Common Prayer with a Puritan Directory of Public Worship. During the 1650s, when the Act for the Propagation of the Gospel in Wales resulted in the ejection of orthodox clergy and the closure of many churches in South Wales, Vaughan contributed to the movement known as Anglican survivalism, promoted by Jeremy Taylor. The chapter shows how Vaughan’s literary activities between 1650 and 1655 were designed to resist Puritan hypocrisy and oppression and to support an Anglican community deprived of sacred buildings and public worship.
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Villani, Stefano. "The Italian Editions of the Book of Common Prayer Published in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century." In Making Italy Anglican, 116–38. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197587737.003.0009.

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As a result of political events in Italy—first the election of Pope Pius IX and then the political unification movement—both the English political and religious elite and English public opinion became convinced that the Risorgimento would also inevitably lead to religious reform. This prompted the SPCK to promote multiple re-editions of Nott’s text (in 1841, 1848, and 1849), which was revised by several Italian religious and political exiles in England. In 1850, the Welshman Thomas Sims reprinted Nott’s edition for circulation in the Waldensian valleys. Sims was convinced that the Waldensian Church could become the base from which to launch a missionary offensive against Italy. However, in preparation for this task Sims felt that the Waldenses first had to adopt the Church of England as a model, in terms of both organizational structure and liturgy. This attempt contributed to the growing British interest in the Waldenses.
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