To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Christies.
Journal articles on the topic 'Christies'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Christies.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
C.-B., P. "The National Gallery Christies Furniture Fund." Museum Management and Curatorship 8, no. 3 (September 1989): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0260-4779(89)90082-4.
Full text
2
Rankin-Box, Denise. "Conference report: 12th Clinical reflexology conference: March 20–21, Christies Hospital, Manchester, UK." Complementary Therapies in Clinical Practice 16, no. 3 (August 2010): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ctcp.2010.04.002.
Full text
3
Vihalemm, Rein. "Chemistry and a Theoretical Model of Science: On the Occasion of a Recent Debate with the Christies." Foundations of Chemistry 7, no. 2 (January 2005): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10698-005-0959-y.
Full text
4
Molho, Jeremie. "Becoming Asia’s Art Market Hub: Comparing Singapore and Hong Kong." Arts 10, no. 2 (April 27, 2021): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts10020028.
Full textAbstract:
The recent emergence of new regions in the global art market has been structured by hub cities that concentrate key actors, such as global auction houses, influential art fairs, and galleries. Both Singapore and Hong Kong have developed explicit strategies aimed at positioning themselves as Asia’s art market hub. This followed the steep rise of the Chinese art market, but also the general perception of Asia as the world’s most dynamic art market. While Hong Kong’s emergence derives from its status as gateway to the Chinese market, and has been driven by key global players, such as the auction houses Christies’ and Sotheby’s, the Art Basel fair, and mega-galleries, Singapore’s strategy has been driven by the state. At the end of the 2000s, the city identified the art market as a new growth sector, and proactively invested, by creating a cluster concentrating international galleries and supporting art fairs, art weeks, and new world-class cultural institutions. Based on comparative fieldwork, and interviews with actors of the Singapore and Hong Kong art markets, this article shows that the two cities’ distinct strategies have generated contrasted models of “cultural hubs”, and that they play complementary roles in the structuration of the region’s art market.
5
Valls, Jaume Mensa I. "Arnau de Vilanova, el “Pequeño Cristo”: Significado y sentido del neologismo christinus en su obra espiritual." Traditio 70 (2015): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900012393.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this article is to study the meaning and significance of the word christinus (diminutive of Christus; “little Christ”) in the spiritual work of Arnau de Vilanova (ca. 1240–1311). This Catalan doctor and thinker created the neologism and used it twice in the titles of two of his works (Allocutio christini de hiis que conveniunt homini secundum propriam dignitatem creaturae rationalis ad inclitum dominum tertium Fredericum, Trinacriae regem illustrem and Tractatus epistolarum christini). On both occasions Arnau de Vilanova used the term in the genitive, referring to himself. This concept expresses an elaborate theology of the conformity of the Christian with Christ and also suggests Arnau de Vilanova's wish to underline his own similarity with Christ as a move to urge the highest civil and ecclesiastical authorities to put plans for reform into place. Christinus, together with other expressions such as “Jesus of Nazareth” and “Christianity,” points to a fully Christocentric conception of Christianity and its historical context, and it is also proof of Arnau's inventiveness in creating new words. The word christinus bears some resemblance to another typical Arnaldian concept: thomatista (Thomist).
6
Jantz, Richard L. "The Juvenile Skeleton. By Louise Scheuer and Sue Black. Illustrations by Angela Christies. viii + 485 pp. New York: Elsevier Academic Press. 2004. $79.95 (cloth)." American Journal of Human Biology 18, no. 1 (2005): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.20454.
Full text
7
Aleksiun, Natalia. "Christian Corpses for Christians!" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 3 (July 11, 2011): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411398913.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, the author analyzes the campaign that captured the attention of medical colleges at Polish Universities in Warsaw, Vilno, Cracow, and Lvov during the 1920s and 1930s. The author discusses calls made by right-wing students for a regular supply of Jewish corpses matching their percentage among the students, and the ways in which university authorities and Polish Jewish communal leaders responded to these demands. Clearly, driving Jews out of the medical profession combined traditional prejudicial thinking about Jews with modern racial science and corresponded with the more general call to remove Jews from free professions. However, the issue of Jewish corpses took this line of thinking into the realm of pathology. The author argues that taking issue with Jewish access to “Christian corpses” echoed perceptions of Jewish impurity. It implied that Jewish students constituted a danger not only to their Polish colleagues but even to the corpses of Christians, which they could somehow contaminate or violate. Thus, this campaign was based on the notion of essential difference between Jews and non-Jews even in death. It suggests a vision of society in which any contact between Jews and non-Jews was perceived as contaminating and dangerous.
8
Clooney, Francis X. "Extending the Canon: Some Implications of a Hindu Argument about Scripture." Harvard Theological Review 85, no. 2 (April 1992): 197–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000028856.
Full textAbstract:
Can the sacred texts of non-Christian religious traditions be revelatory for Christians in a fashion that is more than vague and merely theoretical? This question is central within the larger project of understanding the significance of the various world religions for Christians, and the effort to answer it must proceed according to three specific tasks.First, it is necessary to describe the ways in which the Christian tradition predisposes and constrains Christian believers on the issue of whether non-Christian texts can be revelatory words of God for non-Christians, for Christians, or for both. The formulation of this description requires reflection on the Christian tradition and its sources: Christian ideas of revelation, scripture, the Word of God, and possible words of God.
9
Jacobs, Carly M., and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse. "Belonging In a “Christian Nation”: The Explicit and Implicit Associations between Religion and National Group Membership." Politics and Religion 6, no. 2 (February 6, 2013): 373–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000697.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIf many consider the United States to be a Christian nation, how does this affect individuals who are American citizens but not Christian? We test two major hypotheses: (1) Americans consider Christians to be more fully American than non-Christians. We examine whether Americans explicitly and implicitly connect being Christian with being a true American; and (2) Christian Americans are more likely to be patriotic and set exclusive boundaries on the national group than non-Christian Americans. Among non-Christians, however, those who want to be fully accepted as American will be more patriotic and set more exclusive boundaries to emulate prototypical Americans than non-Christians who place less emphasis on national group membership. We test these hypotheses using data from a survey and from an Implicit Association Test. We find that Americans in general associate being Christian with being a true American. For Christians, this is true both explicitly and implicitly. For non-Christians, only the implicit measure uncovers an association. We also found that non-Christians exhibit significantly more pro-national group behaviors when they desire being prototypical than when they do not.
10
Tjeltveit, Alan C. "Lost Opportunities, Partial Successes, and Key Questions: Some Historical Lessons." Journal of Psychology and Theology 40, no. 1 (March 2012): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164711204000103.
Full textAbstract:
To shed light on some key perennial issues, I discuss several historical efforts to discern optimal understandings of human persons that take seriously both Christian faith and academic psychology. These include Gordon Allport's disguised integrative efforts; a 1924 book, An Elementary Christian Psychology; and Paul Meehl's 1958 integration book. I conclude that opportunities are lost: when seeking respectability becomes a primary motivator for Christians interested in psychology when psychology's implicit ethical and metaphysical assumptions are not recognized and critiqued, when efforts to create a Christian Psychology are based on a particular cultural-historical understanding of Christian faith that is assumed to be the only correct view of it, when Christians fail to engage with mainstream psychology when Christians fail to address rigorously key problems in the psychology/Christian faith interface, when Christians use ambiguous or supposedly neutral language to pursue Christian goals, and when Christians fail to work through thoroughly and develop fully the implications of Christian faith for our understandings of the psychological dimensions of embodied human persons.
11
Heim, S. Mark. "Christianity and Islam: Two Kinds of Difference." Review & Expositor 105, no. 1 (February 2008): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730810500104.
Full textAbstract:
Christian engagement with Islam poses the question: what theological sense can we make of a supersessionist approach to our own tradition? This essay sketches a Christian interpretation of Islam that combines the respectful encounter with religious pluralism and the hope for Christian ecumenism. Christians may thus view Islam in part as spreading the same faith and truth that Christians seek to follow. Simultaneously, Christians may view Islam as a profound and integral alternative to Christian faith and practice. The author briefly examines implications of this combined approach for a Christian understanding of Muhammad and the Qur'an.
12
Duff, Nancy J. "Christians Preparing for Conversation: Jewish–Christian Relations." Theology Today 74, no. 3 (October 2017): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040573617721914.
Full textAbstract:
This article suggests that Christians need to prepare for Jewish–Christian conversation by cultivating a better knowledge of Jewish traditions and by critically examining Christian doctrine and biblical interpretation to rid Christian language and attitudes of anti-Judaism. To do the latter, Christians do not have to give up core beliefs of the Christian faith.
13
Godwin, Tony C., and Joyce G. Crouch. "Subjects’ Religious Orientation, Counselor'S Orientation and Skill, and Expectations for Counseling." Journal of Psychology and Theology 17, no. 3 (September 1989): 284–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164718901700310.
Full textAbstract:
The present study is a partial replication of Pecnik and Epperson's (1985a) study of expectations for Christian counseling versus counseling of an unspecified orientation, with the additional aim of clarifying the possible impact of counselor skill and social desirability upon these expectations. Undergraduate psychology students read one of four profiles of a counselor: Christian orientation, high skill; Christian orientation, unspecified skill; unspecified orientation, high skill; unspecified orientation, unspecified skill. These subjects, designated as Christian and non-Christian, rated the counselor profile on 19 variables related to counseling. In comparison to non-Christians, Christian subjects in general give higher ratings to the counselor regardless of the counselor's religious orientation. Non-Christian subjects rated the high skill counselor lower on several expectancy scales than Christian subjects did. No support was lent to the contentions that counselors with a Christian orientation are viewed as less expert than counselors in general or that social desirability can account for Christians’ higher expectations for counseling. Instead Christians may view counseling more positively.
14
Miller, Matthew R., and JohnMark Bennett Beazley. "Christian Spiritual Formation in the Classical School." Journal of Spiritual Formation and Soul Care 11, no. 2 (November 2018): 230–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1939790918796834.
Full textAbstract:
Classical Christian education has ancient roots in the Christian church. In recent days, Christians have attempted to recover this classical tradition. Many cite the intellectual rigor vis-à-vis public schools as the reason for choosing classical Christian education. However, intellectual rigor is only one part of the classical tradition. More importantly, classical Christian education seeks to develop morally upright Christians. This education forms the character of Christians so that they may live faithfully in the world. This article describes how classical Christian education works at Highlands Latin School in Louisville, KY. Specifically, the implementation of the classical curriculum in middle school Latin and Greek courses is addressed with an eye toward spiritual/moral formation.
15
Martin, Colin. "Christie's for the Christie: a collection for cancer." Lancet 355, no. 9202 (February 2000): 503–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(00)82066-8.
Full text
16
Bielenin-Lenczowska, Karolina. "Praktyka religijna i tożsamość macedońskich muzułmanów / Torbeszów w kontekście islamizacji na Bałkanach." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 267–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.016.
Full textAbstract:
Religious practice and identity of Macedonian Muslims / Torbeši in the context of islamization in the BalkansThe subject of this paper is the analysis of identity and religious practices of Macedonian Muslims / Torbeši within the context of Islamisation in the Balkan Peninsula. The Torbeši, i.e. Muslims whose mother tongue is Macedonian, themselves are not unanimous in self-identification. In part they declare their affiliation to the Macedonian nation, in part they consider themselves an autonomous ethnic group, while some derive their origin from the Turks or consider to be Albanians.In Macedonian official discourse Macedonian Muslims are those who convert into Islam during the time of Ottoman Empire. By Christians they are perceived to be our Muslims, i.e. not radical or even not true Muslims. It means, Torbeši are told to be in fact Crypto-Christans who only superficially and officially changed faith, but still practice some Christian activities that are referred in scholarship as Crypto-Christianity, bi-confession or non-completed Islamisation. In Macedonian Muslim or mixed Muslim and Orthodox-Muslim villages these practices are visible – they visit Christian temples, light candles and ask for prayers as well as observe some Christian feasts, like the Day of St. George.
17
Koen, Raymond. "All Roads lead to Property: Pashukanis, Christie and the Theory of Restorative Justice." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 16, no. 3 (May 3, 2017): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2013/v16i3a2364.
Full textAbstract:
Nils Christie is acknowledged generally as the theoretical founding father of restorative justice. Evgeny Pashukanis may be taken as the premier Marxist theoretician of law. This essay represents an endeavour to read Christie through the lens of Pashukanism, that is, to comprehend the theory of restorative justice developed by Christie in relation to the general theory of law formulated by Pashukanis. The early part of the essay is expository: firstly, it sets out in abbreviated form the fundamental tenets of Pashukanis's so-called commodity form theory of law, with some attention being given to the Pashukanist approach to criminal justice; and secondly, it explains the core elements of Christie's theory of restorative justice, including his critique of western criminal justice and his advocacy of a system of "conflicts as property" as the answer to the crisis of criminality which plagues the western world. The latter part of the essay is critical: it compares and contrasts Christie's proprietary theory of restorative justice with Pashukanis's commodity form theory of law. On the one hand, it is argued that there exists a remarkable theoretical concordance between Christie and Pashukanis in the sense that Christie's idea of criminal conflict as property constitutes a non-Marxist vindication of Pashukanis's analysis of the legal form. On the other hand, it is posited that because Pashukanis proceeds from a Marxist perspective and Christie does not, there remain crucial areas of difference between them, especially as regards the historicity of the legal form, the concept of legal subjectivity, and the role of the state. In the light of these differences the essay concludes with a Pashukanist critique of the Christie thesis, seeking to assess the prospects of restorative justice replacing criminal justice as the generalised mode of disposition of criminal conflicts.
18
Thompson, James W. "Preaching to Philippians." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 61, no. 3 (July 2007): 298–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430706100306.
Full textAbstract:
Preachers who discover the distance between the ancient text and the contemporary church may find that words addressed to vulnerable Christians in a pre-Christian era leap over the distance of the centuries to address Christians in a post-Christian era.
19
Pillans, Brad, and Robert Bourman. "Mid Pleistocene arid shift in southern Australia, dated by magnetostratigraphy." Soil Research 39, no. 1 (2001): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/sr99089.
Full textAbstract:
In coastal sections at Hallett Cove and Sellicks Beach, south of Adelaide, and at Redbanks section on Kangaroo Island, the Brunhes/Matuyama polarity transition (780 ka) is identified in the strongly oxide-mottled Ochre Cove Formation. At all 3 sections, the Ochre Cove Formation is overlain by a calcareous grey-green aeolian clay, called Ngaltinga Clay, which in turn is overlain by calcareous sediments of the Taringa and Christies Beach Formations. The marked change from an oxide-dominated weathering regime to a carbonate-dominated weathering regime, estimated to have occurred at about 500–600 ka, is interpreted as a major arid shift in regional climates. Similar arid shifts are known from Lake Bungunnia in the Murray Basin and Lake Lefroy in southern Western Australia, where changes from lacustrine clays to evaporites and dune sediments are estimated to have occurred between 400 and 700 ka, and about 500 ka, respectively. An increase in aeolian dust accession in south-eastern Australia, consistent with increased aridity in the interior source area, occurred after 780 ka, and was probably coeval with increased dust input to Tasman Sea sediments since 350 ka. Between 600 and 900 ka, oxygen isotope fluctuations in deep-sea cores showed a pronounced change in frequency, from a 40 ka (obliquity dominated) to a 100 ka (eccentricity dominated) pattern. At the same time, glacial-interglacial amplitudes increased, with a marked enrichment of glacial d18O values consistent with larger continental based ice-sheets. Colder global temperatures, and lower sea levels during glacials, may have played a part in the mid Pleistocene arid shift recorded in southern Australia. Associated variations in the strength of the warm Leeuwin Current may also have affected regional rainfall patterns in southern Australia.
20
Park, Jerry Z., Joyce C. Chang, and James C. Davidson. "Equal Opportunity Beliefs beyond Black and White American Christianity." Religions 11, no. 7 (July 10, 2020): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11070348.
Full textAbstract:
Scholars in critical race and the sociology of religion have independently drawn attention to the ways in which cultural ideologies drive beliefs about inequalities between groups. Critical race work on “abstract liberalism” highlights non-racially inflected language that tacitly reinforces White socioeconomic outcomes resulting from an allegedly fair social system. Sociologists of religion have noted that White Evangelical Christian theology promotes an individualist mindset that places blame for racial inequalities on the perceived failings of Blacks. Using data from the National Asian American Survey 2016, we return to this question and ask whether beliefs about the importance of equal opportunity reveal similarities or differences between religious Asian American and Latino Christians and Black and White Christians. The results confirm that White Christians are generally the least supportive of American society providing equal opportunity for all. At the other end, Black Christians were the most supportive. However, with the inclusion of Asian American Christian groups, we note that second generation Asian American and Latino Evangelicals hew closer to the White Christian mean, while most other Asian and Latino Christian groups adhere more closely to the Black Christian mean. This study provides further support for the recent claims of religion’s complex relationship with other stratifying identities. It suggests that cultural assimilation among second generation non-Black Evangelical Christians heads more toward the colorblind racist attitudes of many White Christians, whereas potential for new coalitions of Latino and Black Christians could emerge, given their shared perceptions of the persistent inequality in their communities.
21
Buell, Denise Kimber. "Producing Descent/Dissent: Clement of Alexandria's Use of Filial Metaphors as Intra-Christian Polemic." Harvard Theological Review 90, no. 1 (January 1997): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000006192.
Full textAbstract:
In the second century, Christians vied with each other to produce an authoritative discourse on Christian identity. Some early Christians deployed historically- and culturally-specific notions of procreation and kinship in their struggles with each other over claims to represent the truth of Christian biblical interpretation, practices, and doctrine. The extant writings of the late second-century Christian author Clement of Alexandria offer a generous range of contexts for exploring the nuances of this practice. This study comprises one facet of a larger investigation into early Christian use of procreative and kinship imagery in discourses about Christian identity in the second century CE.
22
Raheb, Tala. "Christian Agency and Lutheran Personal Status Laws in Palestine." Exchange 49, no. 3-4 (November 9, 2020): 278–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341570.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract In describing Christianity in the Middle East, scholars often highlight religious oppression, especially in relation to the larger Islamic context. Such contentious descriptions often cast Christians in the role of dhimmis, who are tolerated but not regarded as equal members of Muslim societies. Only in recent years some scholars have begun to modify their depictions of Christians and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East. While Christians in the Middle East have experienced and in certain regions continue to experience persecution, solely portraying them as victims does not do justice to the reality on the ground. By means of a case study on Palestine, I argue that an examination of the interaction between sharia (Islamic law) and Christian personal status laws sheds a different light on Christian identity and Christian-Muslim relations in the Middle East, and demonstrates the agency of Palestinian Christian communities in this respect.
23
Stern, Sacha. "Christian Calendars in Medieval Hebrew Manuscripts." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 1-3 (May 23, 2016): 236–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342223.
Full textAbstract:
The phenomenon of Christian calendars in Hebrew has largely been ignored in modern scholarship; yet it points to an important dimension of Jewish-Christian relations, and more specifically Jewish attitudes towards Christianity, in late medieval northern Europe. It is also evidence of transfer of religious knowledge between Christians and Jews, because the Hebrew texts closely replicate, in contents as well as in layout and presentation, the Latin liturgical calendars, which in many cases the Hebrew scribes must have used directly as base texts. Knowledge of the Christian calendar was essential to Jews for dating documents, especially (but not exclusively) those intended for Christians, for understanding dates in documents, for scheduling business or other meetings with Christians, and in short, for effectively coordinating their socio-economic activities with the rhythms and structure of Christian medieval life.
24
Galvin, John P. "“I Believe...in Jesus Christ, His Only Son, Our Lord”." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 50, no. 4 (October 1996): 373–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096439605000404.
Full textAbstract:
Christians recognize that the earthly Jesus can never be captured fully by historical scholarship. They recognize as well that Christian faith is not based on historical reconstructions. These recognitions notwith-standing, Christians insist that some elements of Jesus' life, which are open to historical research, are of central concern to Christian faith.
25
Slater, Thomas B. "On the Social Setting of the Revelation to John." New Testament Studies 44, no. 2 (April 1998): 232–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500016490.
Full textAbstract:
Revisionists have argued that no empire-wide persecution of Christians occurred in the late first century and that Domitian was neither a persecutor of Christians nor an evil, incompetent ruler. This essay agrees with those points but also argues that a closer examination of extant Roman and Christian late first/early second century writers demonstrates that Christians were held in low esteem and suffered in Roman society because of their religious convictions. This study argues that Revelation was a Christian response to religio-political pressures by indigenous Asian pagans upon Christians to conform to traditional social practices in Roman Asia.
26
Nguyen, Quang Hung, Nikolay N. Kosarenko, Elmira R. Khairullina, and Olga V. Popova. "The Relationship between the State and the Catholic Church in Postcolonial Vietnam: The Case of Christian Village of Phung Khoang." Bogoslovni vestnik 79, no. 2 (2019): 521–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.34291/bv2019/02/nguyen.
Full textAbstract:
Christian missionaries found Vietnam a spiritual country, and many Vietnamese converted to Christianity. On the other hand, during history, the Christian religious identity has brought various tensions due to the issues of colonialism, nationalism, and communism. Most Vietnamese Christians lived in pure Christian villages (lang cong giao toan tong) or mixed villages with Christians accounting for about a half of the population (lang cong giao xoi do). They have played an important role in the social, economic and cultural life of these villages. This article presents the historical background of a mixed village called Phung Khoang, contrasting the Christian vs. non-Christian cultural-religious views, and then discussing both the collaboration and tension played out over various historical periods.
27
Anitei, J. "Christian Bioethics and Post-Traditional Christians." Christian Bioethics 5, no. 3 (January 1, 1999): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1076/chbi.5.3.267.6889.
Full text
28
Weslager, C. A. "Christina, Christeen, Christiana: A Delaware Connection." Names 39, no. 3 (September 1991): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/nam.1991.39.3.269.
Full text
29
Anitei, Julian. "Christian Bioethics and Post-Traditional Christians." Christian bioethics: Non-Ecumenical Studies in Medical Morality 5, no. 3 (December 1, 1999): 267–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/chbi.5.3.267.6889.
Full text
30
Islam, Tazul. "Christian-Muslim Relations: an Analysis of the Quranic Articulation of Christian Friendliness to Muslims." Al-Bayān – Journal of Qurʾān and Ḥadīth Studies 17, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22321969-12340068.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Quranic discourse on Christians is paradoxical because its narratives express both compliments and condemnation, reproach and rapprochement. Scholars debate the sentiments behind the Quranic assertion that Christians are “certainly nearest in friendship” to the Muslim believers (Q 5:82). While some believe that this forms an incentive for rapprochement between Muslims and Christians, others interpret it in completely the opposite way. As such, this study aims to answer the fundamental question of whether Christian-Muslim friendship is possible. To come to a conclusion, it will examine the pros and cons of Christian-Muslim friendship that are detailed in both classical and modern exegeses concerning the nature of such friendship, the reasons behind it, and the identity of the friendly Christians mentioned in the Quran. It is expected that the result of this study will contribute to revising current understanding of Christian-Muslim relations.
31
Bassal, Ibrahim. "HEBREW AND ARAMAIC ELEMENTS IN THE ISRAELI VERNACULAR CHRISTIAN-‐ARABIC AND IN THE WRITTEN CHRISTIAN ARABIC OF PALESTINE, SYRIA, AND LEBANON." Levantine Review 4, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v4i1.8721.
Full textAbstract:
This essay examines the Hebrew and Aramaic residues in the Arabic vernacular spoken by Israeli Christians and the written Arabic of Christians in the Holy Land, Syria, and Lebanon. The corpus of the spoken Christian-Arabic under consideration here is based on cassette recordings of elderlies who live in Christian villages in northern Israel - namely in Fassuta, Me’ilya, Tarshiha, Bqe’a, Jiish, Kufir Yasif, Ekreth, Bir’im, Ibilleen and Shfa’amir.The corpus of the written Christian-Arabic being reviewed is based mainly on folk tales, poems, proverbs, dictionaries, Bible translations, books of interpretations, and liturgical sources.
32
Ezigbo, Victor I. "Violent Christians, the Nigerian Public Square, and the Utility of Jesus’ Forgiveness Sayings for Tackling Religious Violence." International Journal of Public Theology 12, no. 2 (July 19, 2018): 236–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341537.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article explores the questions: Is Jesus’ teaching on forgiveness compatible with Nigerian Christians’ strategies of preemptive violence or counter-violent responses in light of harms done to them by people of other faiths? Are there some Christological reasons that might motivate Nigerian Christians to refrain from using violence as the only effective means available to them to protect Christian communities against attacks from people of other faiths? To answer these questions, I will focus on three main issues. Firstly, I will discuss the theological rhetoric of some pastors that are shaping Christian discourse on Christian-Muslim and Christian-traditional religion relations. Secondly, I will discuss the idea of ‘disciple’ and ‘non-disciple’ dialectics in Jesus’ thought vis-à-vis how his followers are to live in relation to his non-followers. Finally, I will also discuss Jesus’ teaching on forgiveness, highlighting some of its theological implications for tackling religious violence that are rooted in some Nigerian Christians’ anxieties about other religious faiths.
33
Dean, Jason. "Outbidding Catholicity. Early Islamic Attitudes toward Christians and Christianity." Exchange 38, no. 3 (2009): 201–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254309x449700.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractHow did early Islam gain its understanding of Christians and Christianity? How did it react to Christian claims of universality? To answer these questions, this article first identifies passages pertaining to the Christian religion in representative texts of the three main bodies of literature produced by the first Muslim writers and editors: the Qur'ān, the Hadith and the Sira. This data is then analyzed into five ideal-types of Islamic attitudes toward Christians and Christianity: 1) affirmations of the truth of the Gospel, 2) descriptions of Christians as true believers, 3) descriptions of Christians as sectarians, 4) accusations of disbelief (kufr) and 5) accusations of idolatry (shirk). The assertion of an historical relationship between sectarianism, disbelief and idolatry led to subordinating the Muslim-Christian dialogue on the recognition of the unicity of God, which could be conceived of as providing the basis either for a restricted religious pluralism or for an Islamic universalism.
34
McKECHNIE, PAUL. "Christian Grave-Inscriptions from the Familia Caesaris." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no. 3 (July 1999): 427–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999001761.
Full textAbstract:
In this article I shall republish a small corpus of epitaphs from the Roman imperial household, with apparently Christian features. These texts have not previously been published together. The dating of these inscriptions will be discussed, and inferences about the Christian community in the imperial service during the Severan period will be drawn from the points of comparison which can be made between the texts.It has long been known from literary sources that there were Christians in the emperors' service in these years. For the generation after Justin Martyr's death, Christian literature provides three references to Christianity in the familia Caesaris. Hippolytus says that Callistus, later to be bishop of Rome, was the slave of Carpophorus, a Christian ‘of the emperor's household’ during the reign of Commodus (180–92). Irenaeus, writing in that reign, refers in the course of a theological argument to ‘those in the royal palace who are believers’, without giving any hint about the number of Christians involved. Then in the 190s Tertullian's Apologeticum lists the palace along with other commanding heights of Roman life in which, he asserts, Christians have established a presence. By this time it was evidently well-known in Christian circles, including in the provinces, that there were Christians in the familia Caesaris: of these three authors, only Hippolytus was based in Rome where the imperial household was centred.
35
Igreja, Victor, and Béatrice Dias Lambranca. "The Thursdays as They Live: Christian Religious Transformation and Gender Relations in Postwar Gorongosa, Central Mozambique." Journal of Religion in Africa 39, no. 3 (2009): 262–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006609x449946.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper focuses on gendered processes of socialization experienced by Christian religious groups in different Christian churches in post-civil war Gorongosa, a district in the centre of Mozambique. Discourses of radical social transformation through Christian interventions and experiences are prominent among Christians, both men and women. Yet a comprehensive and longitudinal analysis of the social world in which the Christian groups are embedded and the performances of Christian men and women demonstrates the emergence of complex processes of transformation and continuities with local cultural beliefs and practices that many non-Christians have partially or thoroughly reformed or abandoned. These changes and continuities also encompass the manifestation of fluid forms of submission and creativity, and masculinities and femininities against the ideological notion of thoroughly new and closed Christian identities. The overall analysis suggests that the tension between the practices of change and continuity are necessary in order to create and sustain the legitimacy of the various Christian groups in Gorongosa.
36
Salem, Salem A. "Muslims and Christians Face to Face." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 2 (July 1, 1998): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i2.2187.
Full textAbstract:
Muslims and Christians Face to Face is an academic research work thatobserves the various response of Muslims to Christianity and Christians toIslam. It is written by Kate Zebiri, who is a lecturer in Arabic and IslamicStudies at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.In the first chapter, "Factors Influencing Muslim-Christian Relations," Zebiridiscusses the four factors that affect Mu Jim and Christian perceptions of eachother.The first factor is what the Qur'an says about Christians and Christianity, andthe way in which the Qur'anic material has been interpreted. With regards to thisfactor the author discusses the Qur'anic awareness of religious plurality, theQur'anic perception of Jesus, the earthly end of Jesus in the Qur'an, and what theQur'anic verses say about the salvation of the People of the Book in the hereafter.Moreover, Zebiri tries to draw attention to the difference between what theQur'an says about Christians and Christianity, and the way in which the Qur'anicmaterial has been interpreted, and the difference between the commentators' andjurists' positions toward Christianity, in both the classic and contemporary periods.The second factor is the history of Muslim-Christian relations and the affectof historical memory. Here the author describes the relation between the ArabMuslim conquest and the Byzantine Christian Empire; the situation ofChristians under Muslim rule; the affect of the Crusades on the Muslims' attitudesto Christianity; the development of the Christian attitude to Islam fromignorance during the European Christendom, to anti-Muslim polemic attitude toconduct studies on Islam based on reliable sources after the Renaissance, tousing Islam as a theme in internal Christian polemic during the time of theReformation, to admiring Islam for its own sake in the Enlightenment; and finally,the attitude of both liberal and conservative Christians to Islam today.The third factor is the relationship between Christian missions and imperialismand the influence this has on the Muslim attitude toward Christianity today.With regards to this factor, the author explores the interrelationship betweenColonialism and Christian missions, and how it has been implanted in theMuslim consciousness and become part of the anti-Western discourse.The fourth factor is Christian and Muslim views on dialogue. In this pare theauthor shows the Christian acknowledgment of Islam as a result of the Christianecumenical movement She states that Muslims have been slow to initiate andparticipate in organized dialogue. In addition, she mentions that many Christiansand Muslims see dialogue as antithetical to their mission or da'wah, believingthat one compromises the other ...
37
Harmon, Lucyna. "Narratemes in Agatha Christie’s Poirot Novels." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, no. 2 (March 30, 2021): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.2.03.
Full textAbstract:
"Narratemes in Agatha Christie’s Poirot Novels. In this paper, Agatha Christie’s selected Poirot novels are examined for recurring narratemes, limited, for the purposes of this research, to actions and results of actions as important constituents of the plot. As point of departure, Propp’s narratemes, structural elements of Russian folktales are referred to. Then, ten recurrent narratemes are identified in twenty-two Poirot novels and their functionality is established. The need of further research on this topic is articulated. It is likely that more narratemes be recognised and localised and thus they broaden our knowledge about the componential aspects of Christie’s work. Keywords: Agatha Christie, Poirot, detective novel, narrateme, plot, suspense "
38
Grove, Richard C., Ayla Rubenstein, and Heather K. Terrell. "Distrust persists after subverting atheist stereotypes." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, no. 7 (September 26, 2019): 1103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430219874103.
Full textAbstract:
Antiatheist prejudice appears to be common. This prejudice may stem from distrust. However, the factors influencing distrust are not fully understood. The current research identified common stereotypes about atheists, tested the intuitiveness of those stereotypes, and determined whether distrust toward atheists depends more on the label “atheist” or the attributes atheists are thought to possess. Study 1 ( N = 100) and Study 2 ( N = 149) identified several attributes thought to be most characteristic of atheists and least characteristic of Christians (or vice versa). Study 3 ( N = 219) demonstrated that atheists and Christians are intuitively associated with the respective traits identified in Studies 1 and 2. Study 4 ( N = 274) and Study 5 ( N = 259) used fake social media profiles to manipulate target religious identification (atheist, Christian, or unspecified) and attributes (stereotypically atheist or stereotypically Christian) to determine the effect on trust ratings. Overall, the results of these studies indicate that atheists and Christians are explicitly and implicitly associated with different attributes and that, even when atheists possess stereotypically Christian attributes, Christians trust atheists significantly less than other Christians. These findings suggest that antiatheist prejudice is relatively insensitive to individual differences of the target.
39
Van den Brink, G. "Reizende problemen in de wetenschap: orthodox christendom in de trein der traagheid?" Theologia Reformata 61, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 350–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5be58d306760f.
Full textAbstract:
This article (“Traveling Problems in Science: Is Orthodox Christianity Lagging Behind?”) examines the eventual reception of scientific advances by even the most orthodox Christian groups, after more liberal Christians have accommodated to such advances at earlier stages. That is, do orthodox Christians lag behind in their scientific understanding? Focusing on the late reception of heliocentrism, atomism and evolutionary theory among orthodox Christian groups, this article describes a typical pattern of gradual acceptance. In view of historic Christianity’s cutting-edge culture shaping power, this article suggests how Christians might address scientific advances as they develop rather than following them from a distance.
40
Palmer, Ada. "Humanist Lives of Classical Philosophers and the Idea of Renaissance Secularization: Virtue, Rhetoric, and the Orthodox Sources of Unbelief." Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 3 (2017): 935–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/693881.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractHumanists seeking to defend the classics in Christian-dominated Europe often reframed ancient philosophers as virtuous proto-Christians. This is particularly visible in the biographical paratexts written for printed editions of ancient philosophers such as Pythagoras, Epictetus, and Democritus, whose humanist editors’ Christianizing claims grew stronger over time. Pious humanists intended and expected the classics to strengthen and reaffirm Christian orthodoxy, but humanists’ own claims that pre-Christian sages, by the light of reason alone, had deduced the central truths of theology and surpassed Christians in the exercise of virtue inadvertently undermined the necessity of scripture and paved the way for later deism.
41
Panegyres, Konstantine. "Christian and Non-Christian Agricultural Deities." Mnemosyne 70, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342123.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores a continuity in the use of agricultural deities in rural areas by Christians and non-Christians. Beginning with a discussion of a passage from Arnobius’Adversus nationes, it argues that the same traditions and spells emerge in the agricultural sphere in both non-Christian and Christian times, even though the deities described in the traditions and spells changed. It does so by comparatively analysing different agricultural spells and traditions, with particular attention given to specific examples ranging frombctoad. Ultimately, the article suggests how and why those involved in agriculture so readily worked their non-Christian customs, traditions, and spells into Christianity.
42
Haede, Wolfgang. "The Historical Background of the Highly Critical Perception of Christians by the Turkish Society." Mission Studies 31, no. 2 (July 14, 2014): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341333.
Full textAbstract:
In Turkey, considered a secular and democratic role model for other countries with a Muslim majority, both state and society perceive Christians very critically. There are historical experiences and ideas that contribute to this surprising finding. In the Qur’an, the Holy Book of Muslims, Christians who do not accept the claim of Muhammad to be God’s prophet, are perceived as rebellious liars. Christians in early Islamic society were widely tolerated, but had a status as second-class-citizens. The Ottoman Empire as the front state against the Christian world and the savior of Sunni Islam widely tolerated Christians; thedhimmistatus of Christians as second-class-citizens however was continued in themillet-system. As the power of the Ottomans decreased and Western ideas of nationalism began to influence the Empire during the nineteenth century, the Muslim majority began a search for identity. Secessions of Christian peoples and interference by “Christian” foreign nations triggered more severe clashes between the remaining Christian population and the state. The wide-ranging activities of Western missionaries in the Ottoman Empire were perceived as a part of Western colonialism. During the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic, the leaders of the Young Turk movement were motivated by their desperate battle to save a rest of the Empire as a homeland for the Muslim population. The perception of Christians as the enemy of the new Republic was more firmly established. Though Mustafa Kemal Atatürk gave a revolutionary modern and secular character to Turkey, there was an intentional Turkification of society. A study of Turkish newspapers confirms that these perceptions are widely valid until today. Missiology has to help develop an appropriate response of Christians to the situation inside and outside of Turkey.
43
Donaldson, Terence L. "“Gentile Christianity” as a Category in the Study of Christian Origins." Harvard Theological Review 106, no. 4 (October 2013): 433–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816013000230.
Full textAbstract:
At least since the time of Ferdinand Christian Baur in the mid-nineteenth century, the concepts of “Jewish Christianity” and “Gentile Christianity,” together with related binary pairs (Jewish Christian / Gentile Christian, Jews / Gentiles), have functioned as basic categories in the critical investigation of Christian origins. Adopting the voice of his hero Paul, Baur speaks of “my Gospel of Gentile Christianity, as opposed to Jewish Christianity,” the English terms renderingHeidenchristentumsandJudenchristentums, respectively. Speaking of Paul's success in establishing “a Gentile Christianity,” Baur says that “the greater the strides were which the Gospel made among the Gentiles, the greater was the importance which the Gentile Christians assumed over the Jewish Christians.” Such increase in importance notwithstanding, the “Jewish-Christian party opposed to [Paul],” he says, remained “powerful,” and the “conflict between the Pauline and Jewish Christianity” continued to mark the early history of the movement. The place of this conflict in Baur's reconstruction of Christian origins is well known, and his characteristic terminology is readily recognized.
44
Gradeva, Rossitsa. "Orthodox Christians in the Kadı Courts: The Practice of the Sofia Sheriat Court, Seventeenth Century." Islamic Law and Society 4, no. 1 (1997): 37–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568519972599932.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe attitude of Balkan Christians to Ottoman rule has been subject to various, often contradictory, assessments. In this essay I examine one aspect of this subject, namely, the Christian attitude toward the sheriat court as a judicial institution, as reflected in kadı sicils from Sofia and other Balkan cities and in documents issued by Orthodox Christian ecclesiastical authorities from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Examination of these sources reveals that Christians frequently chose the sheriat judge over that of the church courts. In most cases this behaviour can be explained by the desire of the Christian litigants to seek out the court that would provide the most favourable solution to the dispute. The participation of Christians in sheriat court proceedings strengthens the impression that they did not avoid the sheriat court in practice, despite the hostility manifested by Christian religious authorities toward such behaviour. Indeed, the sources point to relatively smooth relations between the two communities in the Ottoman Balkan provinces in the period immediately preceding the national awakening of Balkan peoples.
45
Moe, David Thang. "Christianity as a Majority Religion of the Ethnic Minorities in Myanmar: Exploring Triple Dialogue in the Currents of World Christianity." Expository Times 131, no. 2 (May 17, 2019): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524619847930.
Full textAbstract:
It is common to say that Christianity is a minority religion in Asia. Yet this article argues that Christianity is a majority religion of the ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia in general and Myanmar in particular and that one dimension of dialogue is not adequate in an age of world Christianity. Using a ‘triple dialogue’ as a methodology, the article explores three of the most salient issues of Myanmar ethnic minorities in the currents of world Christianity. First, the article revisits a cross-cultural relationship between foreign missionaries and locals in a colonial period and how Western mission impacts on Christians’ relationship with people of other faiths. Second, it explores the current issues of interreligious relationship between Christians and Buddhists and how Christian-Buddhist interaction plays a role in developing Christianity as a Myanmar local religion in a postcolonial mission period. Finally, it examines an intercultural hospitality between the ethnic Christian migrants and Western Christians and a ‘glocal’ relationship between migrants and their homeland Christians in a post-Western Christian period.
46
Setianto, Yusak, and Ferry Mahulette. "RUWATAN ORANG JAWA KRISTEN: TINJAUAN ETIS TERHADAP PELAKSANAAN RUWATAN OLEH ORANG JAWA KRISTEN." Matheo : Jurnal Teologi/Kependetaan 10, no. 1 (July 24, 2020): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.47562/matheo.v10i1.104.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract
Ruwatan is a form of ceremony in Javanese society that aims to free people from bad luck and the disasters that will befall on them. Some Javanese Christians who still perform the Ruwatan ceremony. The Ruwatan ceremony itself was rejected by the church and priests, especially the Javanese Christian Church/ Gereja Kristen Jawa (GKJ). This article itself aims to understand the Ruwatan model by Javanese Christians and to review it in a christian ethics related to the implementation of Ruwatan by Javanese Christian. The method used is a qualitative method with a field observation approach. The speakers were Javanese Christians who participated in Ruwatan, cultural practitioner, and priests of GKJ. We found the fact that there are two models of Ruwatan done by Javanese Christians. We give the terms with Javanese Christians A and B. Javanese Christians A do Ruwatan as in general, namely the style of Yogyakarta and Surakarta. While the Javanese Christian B performs Ruwatan that has been contextualized in the form of bidston/ pandonga worship. The Church and GKJ Priests themselves support the Ruwatan model carried out by Javanese Christian B which presents Jesus as the Human Guardian. In conclusion after being reviewed in christian Ethics, the Ruwatan carried out by Javanese Christian A cannot be justified in terms of both the motive and the action. Contrary, the Javanese Christianity B can be accepted and implemented because it is not in conflict with the Bible.
Keywords: ruwatan; javanese christians; bidston/ pakempalan pandonga; javanese christian church; christian ethics
Abstrak
Ruwatan merupakan suatu bentuk upacara di masyarakat Jawa yang bertujuan untuk membebaskan manusia dari nasib buruk maupun malapetaka yang akan menimpa dirinya. Tidak sedikit orang Jawa Kristen yang masih melakukan upacara Ruwatan. Upacara Ruwatan sendiri ditolak pelaksanaannya oleh gereja dan pendeta, khususnya Gereja Kristen Jawa (GKJ). Artikel ini sendiri bertujuan untuk memahami model Ruwatan yang dilakukan orang Jawa Kristen serta meninjauan nya secara etika Kristen terkait pelaksaan Ruwatan oleh orang Jawa Kristen. Metode yang digunakan ialah metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan observasi lapangan. Narasumbernya merupakan Orang Jawa Kristen peserta Ruwatan, budayawan, serta pendeta GKJ. Peneliti menemukan fakta bahwa terdapat dua model Ruwatan yang dilakukan oleh orang Jawa Kristen. peneliti memberi istilah dengan Orang Jawa Kristen A dan B. Orang Jawa Kristen A melakukan Ruwatan seperti pada umumnya yaitu bergaya Yogyakarta dan Surakarta. Sedangkan orang Jawa Kristen B melakukan Ruwatan yang telah dikontekstualisasikan dalam bentuk ibadah bidston/ pakempalan pandonga. Gereja dan Pendeta GKJ sendiri mendukung model Ruwatan yang dilakukan oleh orang Jawa Kristen B yang mana menghadirkan Yesus sebagai Juru Ruwat Manusia. Kesimpulannya setelah ditinjau secara etika Kristen, maka Ruwatan yang dilakukan oleh orang Jawa Kristen A tidak dapat dibenarkan baik secara motif dan tindakan pelaksanaannya. Sebaliknya, Ruwatan orang Jawa Kristen B dapat diterima dan dilaksanakan karena tidak bertentangan dengan Alkitab.
Kata Kunci: ruwatan; orang jawa kristen; bidston/ pakempalan pandonga; gereja kristen jawa; etika kristen
47
Barnes, M. Elizabeth, Samantha A. Maas, Julie A. Roberts, and Sara E. Brownell. "Christianity as a Concealable Stigmatized Identity (CSI) among Biology Graduate Students." CBE—Life Sciences Education 20, no. 1 (March 2021): ar9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1187/cbe.20-09-0213.
Full textAbstract:
In interviews with Christian graduate students in biology using the concealable stigmatized identities framework, it was found that Christian graduate students perceive, anticipate, and experience stigma against Christians in the biology community.
48
Benne, Robert. "God’s Holy Ordinance." Philosophy and Canon Law, no. 6 (December 18, 2020): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/pacl.2020.06.01.
Full textAbstract:
In this article, I argue that the church must build up its theology of marriage in a more disciplined manner because the culture no longer sustains the Christian notion. In making a substantive argument I rely on the Lutheran “two ways that God reigns” approach in which we share “places of responsibility” with all humans, but in which the Christian virtues of faith, love, and hope transform those places into genuine Christian callings. I then contend strongly for the continued rejection of same-sex marriage among orthodox Christians. I conclude with what I hope is a compassionate pastoral approach—gracious tolerance—toward homosexual Christians.
49
Fajfric, Boris. "The origin of Yule time in Serbian tradition." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 147 (2014): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1447251f.
Full textAbstract:
Every year, Serbian people celebrate Christmas Eve and Christmas Day in a solemn manner enclosing various traditions. All these traditions originate from ancient Slavs, who were pagans. Each element and ritual has its own symbolism and significance. They are mainly related to Slavic gods, dead ancestors and some mythical creatures. When the Slavs received Christianity, their customs adopted a new meaning. The church canceled some customs because of their magical properties, but it also preserved others and made them an important part of Christian traditions. Thus Yule and some customs before Christmas Day gained a Christian meaning, so that Serbs could get acquainted with the celebration of Christ?s birth.
50
Pascal, Eva M. "Missionaries as bridge builders in Buddhist kingdoms: Amity amid radical difference." Missiology: An International Review 47, no. 1 (January 2019): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091829618814836.
Full textAbstract:
Buddhism and Christianity are major world religions that both make universal and often competing claims about the nature of the world and ultimate reality. These claims are difficult to reconcile and often go to the core of Buddhist and Christian worldviews. This article looks at the age of encounter in the early modern period for ways Christians and Buddhists forged friendship through common spiritual commitments and action. Beyond seeking theological and philosophical exchange, convergences along spirituality and practice proved important vehicles for friendship. With the examples of Christian–Buddhist friendship from historical case studies, this article explores the ways contemporary Christian expressions of spiritual practice and advocacy allows Christians to connect with Buddhists. Early modern encounters have important lessons for furthering Christian–Buddhist friendship that may also be applied to other religious traditions.