Relevant bibliographies by topics / Christianity Judaism / Journal articles
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Christianity Judaism.

Journal articles on the topic 'Christianity Judaism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Christianity Judaism.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Silva, Valmor Da, and Severino Celestino da Silva. "The Messiah in Judaism and Christianity." Caminhos 15, no. 2 (December 19, 2017): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v15i2.6035.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract: the article presents the different conceptions of Messiah in Judaism and in Christianity. Although present in other cultures and religions, the concept of messianism is defined in the Jewish religion, influenced mainly by contexts of crisis. Even if it is a fundamental concept, it is not always convergent. In the Hebrew Bible several messianisms were developed, with proposals of Messiah king, priest and prophet. The figure of David was fundamental in defining various types of messianism, but it was in the post-exile period or in the second temple that messianic ideas developed. At the beginning of the Christian era, the effervescence of messianic proposals sharpened popular expectations. Candidates for messiahs referred to the models of tradition, especially Moses as liberator, Aaron as priest, David as king and Judas Maccabee as military and politician. Christianity resumes texts and ideas about the Messiah, but changes the interpretation, concentrating it on the person of Jesus of Nazareth, called the Christ, the Anointed or the Messiah. Although Jesus embodies various traits of Jewish messianism, he privileges the image of the poor, servant, suffering, peacemaker, merciful and supportive Messiah in the struggle for justice. Despite the different understandings, Messianism must be a cause of common effort between Jews and Christians for peace and justice in the world. O Messias no Judaísmo e no Cristianismo Resumo: o artigo apresenta diferentes concepções de Messias no Judaísmo e no Cristianismo. Embora presente em outras culturas e religiões, o conceito de messianismo se define na religião judaica, influenciado sobretudo pelos contextos de crise. Mesmo se tratando de um conceito fundamental, ele nem sempre é convergente. Na Bíblia Hebraica, se desenvolveram vários messianismos, com propostas de Messias rei, sacerdote e profeta. A figura de Davi foi fundamental para definir diversos tipos de messianismo, mas foi no período do pós-exílio ou do segundo templo que as ideias messiânicas se desenvolveram. No início da era cristã, a efervescência de propostas messiânicas aguçava as expectativas populares. Candidatos a messias traziam como referência os modelos da tradição, principalmente Moisés como libertador, Aarão como sacerdote, Davi como rei e Judas Macabeu como político e militar. O Cristianismo retoma textos e ideias sobre o Messias, mas muda a interpretação, concentrando-a na pessoa de Jesus de Nazaré, chamado o Cristo, o Ungido ou o Messias. Embora Jesus encarne traços diversos do messianismo judaico, ele privilegia a imagem do Messias pobre, servo, sofredor, pacificador, misericordioso e solidário na luta pela justiça. Apesar das diferentes compreensões, o messianismo deve ser motivo de esforço comum entre judeus e cristãos, em vista da paz e da justiça no mundo.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

ARION, Alexandru-Corneliu. "MYSTICAL UNION IN JUDAISM, CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM." International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 3, no. 4 (May 25, 2019): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.2019.3.4.93-112.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Cohen, Norman J. "Judaism and Christianity." Thought 67, no. 4 (1992): 409–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/thought19926746.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Kuczyński, Janusz. "Judaism — Christianity — Marxism." Dialectics and Humanism 16, no. 1 (1989): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/dialecticshumanism198916121.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

van Winden, J. C. M., Harold W. Attridge, and Gohei Hata. "Eusebius, Christianity and Judaism." Vigiliae Christianae 47, no. 1 (March 1993): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584348.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Paul, G. M., Louis H. Feldman, and Gohei Hata. "Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity." Phoenix 44, no. 1 (1990): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088571.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Vermes, Geza. "Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity." Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 1 (April 1, 1990): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1525/jjs-1990.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Goodblatt, David, Louis H. Feldman, and Gohei Hata. "Josephus, Judaism, and Christianity." Journal of the American Oriental Society 109, no. 4 (October 1989): 677. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604105.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Magid, Shaul. "Loving Judaism through Christianity." Common Knowledge 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 88–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7899599.

Full text
Abstract:
This contribution to the Common Knowledge symposium on xenophilia examines the life choices of two Jews who loved Christianity. Elijah Zvi Soloveitchik, born into an ultra-Orthodox, nineteenth-century rabbinic dynasty in Lithuania, spent much of his life writing a Hebrew commentary on the Gospels in order to document and argue for the symmetry or symbiosis that he perceived between Judaism and Christianity. Oswald Rufeisen, from a twentieth-century secular Zionist background in Poland, converted to Catholicism during World War II, became a monk, and attempted to immigrate to Israel as a Jew in 1958. Rufeisen, while permitted to move to Israel to join a Carmelite monastery in Haifa, was denied the right to immediate citizenship of Israel which the Law of Return guarantees to all bona fide Jews. And this particular Soloveitchik has largely been forgotten, given the limits of Jewish interest in the New Testament and of Christian attention to rabbinic literature. This article explores the complex and vexing questions that the careers of these two men raise about the elusive distinctions between Judaism and Christianity, on the one hand, and, on the other, between the Jewish religion and Jewish national identity.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Davies, Philip R. "Judaism When Christianity Began." Theology 107, no. 836 (March 2004): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0410700208.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
11

Arkush, Allan. "Voltaire on Judaism and Christianity." AJS Review 18, no. 2 (November 1993): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400004906.

Full text
Abstract:
Voltaire's voluminous writings on religion contain, as is well known, a large number of attacks on the Jewish people and Judaism. Historians have offered a variety of explanations for this sustained animosity on the part of a great rationalist and proponent of religious toleration toward a people and a religion which continued, in his own day, to be victimized by unjust persecution. While much remains in dispute, there does seem to be general agreement that Voltaire attacked Judaism at least in part because its most sacred texts constituted the foundation of Christianity, the religion he wished to destroy.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
12

Davies, Jon. "Book Reviews : Christianity and Judaism." Expository Times 105, no. 10 (July 1994): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469410501037.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
13

Lindsay, David M. "Book Review: Judaism and Christianity." Theology 95, no. 766 (July 1992): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9209500433.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
14

Kohn, Rachael L. E. "Hebrew Christianity and Messianic Judaism." Religion Today 3, no. 3 (October 1986): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537908608580603.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
15

Mendelson, Alan. "Early Christianity and Hellenistic Judaism." History: Reviews of New Books 26, no. 1 (October 1997): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.10525322.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
16

LIEU, JUDITH. "‘Impregnable Ramparts and Walls Of Iron’: Boundary and Identity in Early ‘Judaism’ and ‘Christianity’." New Testament Studies 48, no. 3 (July 2002): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850200019x.

Full text
Abstract:
The metaphor of a boundary as that which separates ‘us’ from ‘the other’ is central in modern discussion of identity as constructed, yet it is also recognized that such boundaries both articulate power and are permeable. The model is readily applicable to the Greco-Roman world where kinship, history, language, customs, and the gods supposedly separated ‘us’ from barbarians, but also enabled interaction; Jews and Christians engaged in the same strategies. At the textual level it is the different ways in which boundaries are constructed, particularly using diet and sexuality, that invite attention. This may offer a way of addressing questions of unity and diversity, of Judaism versus Judaisms, and of how ‘Christianity’ emerges as separate from ‘Judaism’.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
17

Almbladh, Karin. "Christianity and Judaism under Islam in Medieval Iraq: Da'ûd al-Muqammas and Sa'd b. Mansûr Ibn Kammûna." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 26, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2008): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69615.

Full text
Abstract:
In the present paper two attitudes towards Christianity among Jews in Medieval Iraq are discussed, viz. Da'ûd al-Muqammas (second half of the 9th century) and Sa'd b. Mansûr Ibn Kammûna (second half of the 13th century). Da'ûd al-Muqammas was writing in a period when Christianity may have been an attractive alternative for intellectual Jews. His major work still available, 'Ishrûn Maqâla, "Twenty chapters", is an anti-Christian tract demonstrating the continuing validity of Judaism. Addressing a Gentile readership in his Tanqîh al-abhâth li'l-milal al-thalâth, "The examination of the inquiries into the three faiths", Sa'd b. Mansûr Ibn Kammûna upholds the validity of Judaism and Christianity against the claims of Islam in a period when Islam had been reduced to the same status as Judaism and Christianity in the early Mongol rule of Iraq.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
18

Furtsev, Dmitrij O. "Normalization of Consumption of Alcoholic Drinks in the Abrahamic Religions." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2019): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2019.2.98-103.

Full text
Abstract:
The article presents a comparative review of the attitude to wine drinking of followers of Abrahamic religions. The article reveals the traditions and norms of alcohol consumption in Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Wine as a product was of great cultural and economic importance for the peoples in which Abrahamic religions were formed. The article takes as its basis the attitude to wine, since it, as one of the most ancient alcoholic beverages, was familiar to the followers of Judaism, Christianity and Islam from the beginning of the formation of their formation. In Judaism and Christianity, wine was used in both everyday and religious practice, with different attitudes in these two areas of life. However, Judaism, already in antiquity, tried to remove the practice of drinking alcohol from sacred space, and eventually established a certain framework of permitted alcohol consumption. Christians made the wine, symbolically representing the blood of Christ, one of the elements holding the Christian community together. At the same time, Christianity in the early period did not approve the abuse of wine. Subsequently, in Christianity, as well as in Judaism, norms of alcohol consumption are created. The attitude towards the wine drinking in Islam was completely different. At the very beginning of the existence of Islam, strict prohibitions were imposed on the consumption of wine, and particularly prohibitions were imposed on the performance of rituals while intoxicated. Modern Abrahamic religions continue and develop in the tradition of regulating the use of alcoholic beverages.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
19

Urban, Kristen. "Judaism, Christianity & Islam In Dialogue." Journal for Peace and Justice Studies 29, no. 1 (2019): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/peacejustice20192915.

Full text
Abstract:
While most studies on the Abrahamic religions focus on the community of believers, this paper explores aspects of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam that foster “peace within” for the individual believer. It brings all three traditions into conversation with one another and is grounded in the understanding that the believer must find inner peace before s/he can make peace with the larger world. Given that Jews, Christians, and Muslims share a common spiritual ancestor Abraham, this study draws upon their theological narratives of the Creation Story, which highlights understandings of God and His relationship with humankind. For the believer, this relationship aids in the validation of others and fosters self-discovery in ways that lead to empowerment, helping the believer to find that small space in her wide-awake world where she can act.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
20

Soyer, Francois. "Medieval Heresies: Christianity, Judaism, and Islam." Journal of Jewish Studies 68, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3319/jjs-2017.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
21

Teugels, Lieve. "Biblical Interpretation in Judaism and Christianity." Journal for the Study of Judaism 39, no. 3 (2008): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x313102.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
22

Matsunaga, K. "K. Tsuchido : Early Christianity and Judaism." THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, no. 38 (1999): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.1999.67.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
23

Lieu, Judith. "Book Review: Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism." Theology 97, no. 776 (March 1994): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9409700210.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
24

Hilton, Michael. "Book Review: Christianity and Rabbinic Judaism." Theology 97, no. 776 (March 1994): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9409700211.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
25

Barabanov, Yevgeni. "The relationship between Judaism and Christianity∗." Religion, State and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 19–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499508431674.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
26

Webster, Jane. "Biblical Interpretation in Judaism and Christianity." Biblical Interpretation 18, no. 4-5 (2010): 473–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/092725609x12531036271487.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
27

Rothstein, Daniel. "The Hostile Brothers: Judaism and Christianity." Psychological Perspectives 54, no. 4 (October 2011): 488–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00332925.2011.622656.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
28

Price, Robert. "CHRISTIANITY, DIASPORA JUDAISM, AND ROMAN CRISIS." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 5, no. 3 (2002): 316–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700700260430988.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
29

Radford Ruether, Rosemary. "Judaism and Christianity in Earth's Insights." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 1, no. 2 (1997): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853597x00083.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractIn Earth's Insights, Baird Callicott argues that Hebrew scripture, because of its more communal and this-worldly standpoint, is more amenable to environmental ethics than the New Testament. I enumerate other insights from this tradition, portraying a three-way relation in which nature has its own autonomy, as well as reciprocal interrelation with the human and with God.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
30

Ruether, Rosemary Radford. "Judaism and Christianity in Earth's Insights." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 1, no. 1 (1997): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853597x00308.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractIn Earth's Insights, Baird Callicott argues that Hebrew scripture, because of its more communal and this-worldly standpoint, is more amenable to environmental ethics than the New Testament. I enumerate other insights from this tradition, portraying a three-way relation in which nature has its own autonomy, as well as reciprocal interrelation with the human and with God.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
31

Luneva, Anna. "Transformation of Early Christian Ideas about Judaism (Based on the Analysis of Christian Polemic Literature of the II-III c. and its Historical and Cultural Context)." Tirosh. Jewish, Slavic & Oriental Studies 18 (2018): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3380.2018.18.1.2.

Full text
Abstract:
II–III c. gave the world what is now called “Judaism” and “Christianity”. Two religions, which are now perceived as original and separate from each other, at that time had many intersection points. Christianity had not yet rid itself of its Jewish past, and in the Jewish environment there were many people who accepted Jesus’ messianism and converted to a new faith. However, more gentiles people in the II c. come to the Christian community, while the Jewish are closing themselves from the outside world. Christian literature directed against the Jews (Adversus Judaeos) contributed to this. Although studying the treatises created in this period from in different provinces of the Roman Empire, we can see how much more refined and reasoned these works become. However, it is evident that, in the process of the development of the Adversus Judaeos texts Christian authors rarely invest their own knowledge of Judaism, but only draw us the image of the Jew of that time, borrowing arguments from the writings of their predecessors. In this article we will trace the transformation of the image of the Jews and the emergence of the concept of “Judaism” in the Christian environment on the basis of three polemic works — Justin’s “Dialogue with Trypho” (mid-2nd c.), “On the Passover” by Melito (160–170) and Tertullian’s “Against the Jews” (2nd half of 3rd c). At the same time, the analysis of the historical and cultural context of the places there the treatises were created, shows that the extent to which the image of Judaism was perceived in the Christian anti-Judaic treatises was influenced by the position of these two communities in ancient society. Furthermore, the notion “Judaism” emerges in the Christian environment, which Christian authors counter posed to “Christianity”, creating a counterculture, through which they indicated the distinctive features of their religion, showed its advantage.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
32

Tong, M. Adryael. "Protecting Difference: Protectionist Strategies and the Parting of the Ways." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 32, no. 4-5 (June 1, 2020): 364–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341480.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract This article takes an interdisciplinary look at protectionist doxa at the intersection of two distinct fields: early Christian studies and rabbinics. I argue that both fields maintain a protectionist doxa of difference; that is, a doxa that early Christianity and rabbinic Judaism are fundamentally different from each other. This difference, which supports the constitution of each field as separate from the other, nevertheless has a secondary effect of shaping our approach to our objects of study—early Christianity and rabbinic Judaism. Specifically, this doxa of difference occludes the ways in which early Christianity and rabbinic Judaism can be similar. I focus specifically on the current “polysemy” debate within rabbinics and show how this doxa has functioned to obstruct comparative approaches across disciplines rather than facilitate them.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
33

Lee, Bernon. "Grace Aguilar’s double-vision to a feminized religiosity through the Torah’s laws on inheritance and vows." Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 43, no. 4 (May 28, 2019): 539–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309089218772578.

Full text
Abstract:
Grace Aguilar’s interpretation of the Torah’s laws on female inheritance and a daughter’s vows in her 19th-century biography of biblical women The Women of Israel sits between a proselytizing Anglo-Protestant rhetoric and an androcentric Judaism. This article traces the contours of her feminized, contemplative brand of Judaism through her reading of these laws. The article finds her arguments against the main currents of Judaism of the period to be of a social-religious strain familiar to, yet contending with, the ‘tolerant’ Christianity of Victoria’s England. In staking her space between traditions, Aguilar adopts (and adapts) the terminology of Christian parlance and the Christianized domestic ideology the terms facilitate. The result is a subversive, if ambivalent, work of biblical interpretation that seconds a hegemonic cultural vision for domestic accord in substituting Judaism for its religious heart. Aguilar’s recovered ‘authentic’ Judaism, then, emerges as Christianity’s worthy twin that stands its ground against misogyny.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
34

Maskell, Caleb J. D. "“Modern Christianity Is Ancient Judaism”: Rabbi Gustav Gottheil and the Jewish-American Religious Future, 1873–1903." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 23, no. 2 (2013): 139–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2013.23.2.139.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractGustav Gottheil was a person of great influence in the development of American Reform Judaism, but his story has been largely forgotten. From 1873 to 1903, he was rabbi at Temple Emanu-El, the largest and wealthiest Reform Congregation on the Upper East Side of Manhattan. A prolific author and public teacher, he was “a striking and dominating figure … in American Judaism at large.” He was also controversial, criticized by some for his perceived openness to the ideals, institutions, and elites of American liberal Christianity. One editorialist wrote that he was “frequently accused of … ogling with Christianity, of servilely fawning upon it.” Another suggested that, when the history of American Reform Judaism was written, “ill-disposed critics [would] deny Gottheil his legitimate place,” judging that he was “dragging the congregation into … un-Jewish paths” based on his warm relations with urban Christian elites.This essay is a study of the complex dynamics of Gustav Gottheil’s relationship to American Christianity. It argues that Gottheil believed America was in profound religious transition. In spite of the fact that American culture was dominated by Christian normativity, liberal Christians who were giving up their Trinitarian dogmas were actuallybecomingReform Jews—“Modern Christianity,” he said in 1885, “is ancient Judaism.” This trajectory left him in no doubt that Reform Judaism was the “only possible religion of the American future.”Throughout his ministry, Gottheil sought to advance the process of the conversion of American Christianity to Judaism. He entered into extensive dialogue and friendship with scores of liberal Christian leaders—the “ogling” and “fawning” for which he was criticized. His strategy was rarely to debate but, rather, to inhabit their vocabulary. He spoke the religious language of the normatively Christian American culture, affirming the cultural impulses of the Christian nationalist vision while creatively renarrating them on Jewish foundations.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
35

Magid, Shaul. "Defining Christianity and Judaism from the Perspective of Religious Anarchy." Journal of Jewish Thought & Philosophy 25, no. 1 (May 23, 2017): 36–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1477285x-12341276.

Full text
Abstract:
This essay explores Martin Buber’s rendering of Jesus and the Ba‘al Shem Tov as two exemplars of religious anarchism that create a lens through which to see the symmetry between Judaism and Christianity. The essay argues that Buber’s use of Jesus to construct his view of the Ba‘al Shem Tov enables us to revisit the “parting of the ways” between Judaism and Christianity through the category of the religious anarchist.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
36

Neusner, Jacob. "The Absoluteness of Christianity and the Uniqueness of Judaism." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 43, no. 1 (January 1989): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096438904300103.

Full text
Abstract:
The notion that appeal to the Judaism contemporary with the writing of the New Testament documents will help solve exegetical problems has characteristically taken the form of an appeal to a Judaism that never existed; the practice should be abandoned.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
37

Carneiro, Marcelo Da Silva. "Da Diáspora à Palestina: novas concepções sobre a localização dos evangelhos sinóticos." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 8, no. 11 (March 5, 2015): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v8i11.186.

Full text
Abstract:
Resumo: Este artigo pretende mostrar as mudanças teóricas sobre a localização dos evangelhos sinóticos. O objetivo é demonstrar como a localização dos evangelhos sinóticos foi por muito tempo fundamentada na Tradição, e não em análise contextual. Desde os Pais da Igreja os evangelhos sinóticos foram situados em diferentes pontos do império romano, em geral fora da região siro-palestinense. Novas tendências, no entanto, tem demonstrado que Marcos, Mateus e Lucas pertencem a um gênero literário vinculado ao mundo judaico da Palestina, e seus evangelhos refletem essa proximidade cultural. A partir disso é possível chegar a duas conclusões principais: por um lado, os evangelhos sinóticos surgiram para responder a demandas de comunidades judaico-cristãs que estavam em situação de crise e usaram a memória sobre Jesus para dar fundamento às suas respostas. Por outro lado, as novas tendências indicam a proximidade entre o cristianismo primitivo e o judaísmo, como expressão da pluralidade deste. Palavras-chave: Cristianismo Primitivo. Teoria Literária. Evangelhos Sinóticos. Tradição Oral. Abstract: This paper wants show the theoretical changes about the Synoptic Gospels locus. The object is show that the Synoptic Gospels locus are based just in Tradition, and not in contextual analysis. Since the Later Fathers, the Synoptic Gospels were located in different Roman Empire places, generally off Syros-Palestinian area. New tendencies, however, show that Mark, Matthew and Luke belongs a literary genre bound to the Palestinian Judaic world, and their Gospels reflect this cultural proximity. From this, it is possible conclude two principal points: one, the Synoptic Gospels emerged to respond to Judaic-Christian community demands, in crisis and used the memories about Jesus for give ground to their answers. Two, the new tendencies link the proximity between the Primitive Christianity and Judaism, as their plurality expression. Keywords: Early Christianity. Literary Theory. Synoptic Gospels. Oral Tradition.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
38

Стојаноска- Иванова, Татјана. "Moral Aspects of Judaism, Christianity and Islam." Годишен зборник на Филозофскиот факултет/The Annual of the Faculty of Philosophy in Skopje 71 (2018): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37510/godzbo1871259si.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
39

Stojanoska Ivanova, Tatjana. "Moral Aspects of Judaism, Christianity and Islam." Годишен зборник на Филозофскиот факултет/The Annual of the Faculty of Philosophy in Skopje 71 (2018): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37510/godzbo1871265si.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
40

Pyne, Elizabeth. "Men and Masculinities in Christianity and Judaism." Theology & Sexuality 17, no. 2 (May 2011): 210–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/tse.v17i2.210.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
41

Bohak, Gideon. "Judaism and Christianity in First-Century Rome." Journal of Jewish Studies 50, no. 2 (October 1, 1999): 327. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2217/jjs-1999.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
42

Deines, Roland. "The Messiah in Early Judaism and Christianity." Journal of Jewish Studies 60, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2894/jjs-2009.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
43

Xeravits, Géza. "The Messiah in Early Judaism and Christianity." Journal for the Study of Judaism 40, no. 3 (2009): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006309x443945.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
44

Lundgren, Svante. "The Children of Abraham: Judaism, Christianity, Islam." Journal for the Study of Judaism 39, no. 1 (2008): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x258140.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
45

Sutton, Jonathan. "Fr Sergi Bulgakov on Christianity and Judaism." Religion, State and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1992): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499208431531.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
46

Gilliard, Frank D. "Eusebius, Christianity, and Judaism (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 2, no. 4 (1994): 471–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0218.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
47

McDade, John. "Catholic Christianity and Judaism since Vatican II." New Blackfriars 88, no. 1016 (July 2007): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.2006.00129.x.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
48

Mosshammer, Alden A. "Eusebius, Christianity and Judaism (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 13, no. 1 (1994): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1994.0113.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
49

Seidler, Meir. "Eliah Benamozegh, Franz Rosenzweig and Their Blueprint of a Jewish Theology of Christianity." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 2 (April 2018): 242–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781601800007x.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractIn Jewish philosophy, be it medieval or modern, a comprehensive Jewish theological discourse about Christianity is conspicuously absent. There are, however, two prominent exceptions to this rule in modern Jewish philosophy: The Italian Sephardic Orthodox Rabbi Eliah Benamozegh (1823–1900) and the German-Jewish philosopher Franz Rosenzweig (1886–1929). In both men's thought, Christianity plays a pivotal (and largely positive) role, so much so that their Jewish philosophies would not be the same without Christianity, which has no precedent in Jewish thought. Though Rosenzweig was not aware of his Sephardic predecessor, there are some striking parallels in the two thinker's Jewish theologies of Christianity that have far-reaching interreligious implications. These parallels concern as well the basic paradigm for a positive evaluation of Christianity—the paradigm of the fire (particularist Judaism) and its rays (universal Christianity)—as well as the central flaw both of them attribute to Christianity: a built-in disequilibrium that threatens the success of its legitimate mission. These parallels are all the more striking as two thinkers arrived at their conclusions independently and by different paths: the one (Benamozegh) took recourse to Kabbalah, the other (Rosenzweig) to proto-existentialist philosophy. A comparative study of these two protagonists’ Jewish theologies of Christianity seems thus imperative.An “interreligious epilogue” at the end of the article exposes the contemporary need for a reassessment of the relationship between Judaism and Christianity from a Jewish perspective—especially in light of the deep theological revision that characterizes the approach of the Catholic Church towards Jews and Judaism following “Nostra Aetate”—but at the same time delineates the theological limits of the current Christian-Jewish interreligious endeavor. In this light, the pioneering theology of Christianity in the works of Rosenzweig and Benamozegh might yield some relevant insights.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
50

Campbell, William. "Perceptions of Compatibility Between Christianity and Judaism in Pauline Interpretation." Biblical Interpretation 13, no. 3 (2005): 298–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568515054388137.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractContemporary interpretation of Paul is heir to a tradition of Paulinism in which Paul's gospel is almost universally viewed as being in opposition to Judaism. Even the advent of the New Perspective on Paul has not yet succeeded in convincing the majority of scholars that there is no basic incompatibility between Paul and Judaism. One reason for a negative response to the New Perspective is that the acceptance of this viewpoint seems (necessarily) to imply that the great Reformers were somewhat deficient in their understanding of Paul. Their own basic principle of 'reformed and always being reformed' demands, however, a critique of all traditions, including this one. Moreover, inasmuch as modern Pauline scholarship is dependent upon the 19th century invention of the theory of legalism as a pejorative description of Jewish religion, there is a resultant failure to view the Judaism that nurtured Paul, and in which he was continuously in dialogue, other than apologetically or polemically. This is because Christian Pauline interpretation tends to involve a concern for self-understanding and identity that necessarily differentiates the modern agenda from that of Paul, since this concern springs from Enlightenment categories and is therefore foreign to the Apostle. It is the contention of this essay that Paul's letters demonstrate that he was no sectarian, vilifying Judaism for the promotion of a new religion. Since Paul's identity, even after his vision of Christ, remained distinctly Jewish, scholars cannot justifiably use Judaism as a negative foil for Christian self-understanding. Christian faith as such demands neither the denigration of Judaism nor the subversion of Pauline theology into a subjective search for identity.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the bibliographies on the topic 'Christianity Judaism' for other source types:
Dissertations / Theses Books
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography