Relevant bibliographies by topics / Christianity and politics

Academic literature on the topic 'Christianity and politics'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Christianity and politics"

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Gwennap, Todd Timothy. "Christianity and Politics." Political Theology 13, no. 6 (January 2012): 765–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v13i6.765.

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Marshall, Ruth. "Christianity, Anthropology, Politics." Current Anthropology 55, S10 (December 2014): S344—S356. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/677737.

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Cichocki, Marek A., and Paweł Janowski. "The One Who Restrains." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 11 (January 30, 2009): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2009.11.01.

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Can we assume, then, that more than the doctrine of faith, it was this lived experience which placed the Christians ever anew before this difficult question: Of what use are history and politics to Christianity? Can we not make do without them? Tertullian’s famous question – “What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem? What concord is there between the Academy and the Church?” – began a centuries-old dispute about the relation between theology and philosophy, between faith and reason, which became a principle axis of tension between Christianity and the Hellenistic legacy. But Tertullian’s question can also be understood as pertaining to the problem of Christianity’s relation to history and politics: What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem, the Agora with the Temple, the polis with the Church? Thus the tension between Christianity and the classical world takes on yet another dimension. It is the conflict of faith and eternity with history and politics, of the faithful pilgrim member of the People of God with the loyal citizen of a political community. Christianity attempted to resolve this conflict by reformulating the fundamental concepts of classical politics and philosophy, but the main doubts still remained, and led to new tensions and currents within Christianity itself.
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Słowikowski, Andrzej. "The Dialectic of Christian Politics." Forum Philosophicum 28, no. 2 (December 28, 2023): 355–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2023.2802.20.

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This article suggests that the problem of Christianity’s involvement in the world of politics may be described as taking the form of a dialectic of Christian politics. This means that while the transcendent essence of Christianity is apolitical, the presence of the Christian message in the immanent world always brings with it political consequences and makes Christendom a part of political life. The dialectic is presented with reference to the thought of two key contemporary Christian thinkers: Søren Kierkegaard (1813-1855) and Jacques Maritain (1882-1973). Both recognized the dialectical tension inherent in Christianity, but each found a different solution to this problem: whereas Kierkegaard denies Christianity any possibility of political involvement, Maritain concludes that such involvement is necessary for proper Christian existence in the world. The goal of this article is to uncover, on the basis of their considerations, a third, positive solution to the dialectic of Christian politics—a model that would demonstrate how the elements of the Christian ideal (transcendence) could be transferred to the temporal world (immanence), morally improving the latter without becoming falsified in it.
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Francisco, Jose Mario C. "Challenges of Dutertismo for Philippine Christianity." International Journal of Asian Christianity 4, no. 1 (March 9, 2021): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-04010008.

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Abstract This paper concentrates on populism’s functional relationship with religion during times of crisis and how religion is instrumentalized for populist causes. Critical analysis of Philippine populism under President Rodrigo Duterte highlights often-overlooked nuances regarding populism as both disruption and reinforcement of traditional politics and its inherent institutional and religious dimensions. Though Dutertismo disrupts Manila-centric power, it reinforces traditional politics rooted in the Philippine political and cultural ethos. Moreover, because of populism’s institutional and religious dimensions, Dutertismo’s challenges to Philippine Christianity involve both its social and evangelizing missions. As institutions, Christian churches are called to a social mission that helps dismantle traditional politics. Their response involves disentangling their institutions and communities from traditional political networks and providing all Christians with political education towards the good of all, especially those oppressed by traditional politics. Dutertismo’s implicit religious perspective challenges Christianity’s evangelizing mission. Insufficiently discussed in many studies, this underlying Manichean perspective common to populists attracts many through an account of and a strategy against social suffering through the war between the good “we” versus the evil “others.” Christianity then must listen more attentively to the yearnings of the suffering people and accompany them more faithfully in the struggle for social transformation. These responses prepare Philippine Christianity to commemorate in 2021 its five-century presence.
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Pattison, George. "Editorial: Christianity in Politics." Modern Believing 35, no. 3 (July 1994): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.35.3.2.

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Reitan, Eric. "Christianity and Partisan Politics." Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 2, no. 4 (1999): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.1999.0013.

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Mtetwa, Archieford Kurauone. "The Cross and Land Politics in Zimbabwe: The Forgotten Side of the Church." Advances in Social Science and Culture 4, no. 4 (September 4, 2022): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/assc.v4n4p1.

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Since 1500, Christianity is the major and official religion in Zimbabwe while African Traditional Religion remains the popular religion among Zimbabweans. Such a scenario is comparable to the ancient Israelite religion; Yahweism (monotheism) being the official religion while Polytheism being the popular religion amongst the Israelites. Christianity as a religion did not bring with it land to Zimbabwe. This study will explore the position of Christianity in relation to land and land politics in Zimbabwe. Christianity is a foreign religious ideology to Zimbabwe. The advent of Christianity does not mean that Zimbabweans were short of religion. African Traditional Religion (ATR) is the indigenous religion to Africans including Zimbabweans. Christianity is of great interest in this study because it is embraced by the majority of Zimbabweans (Ruzivo, 2008, p. 28). The arrival of Christianity dates back to the 14th century. It was introduced to Zimbabwe by the missionaries. The article highlights and chronicles the less emphasized issue of religion and land politics in Zimbabwe. In this case, the religion in question is Christianity and land politics or politics of land in Zimbabwe.
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Meynell, Hugo. "Christianity, Politics and Shadia Drury." Lonergan Review 4, no. 1 (2013): 116–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/lonerganreview2013416.

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Haldane, John J. "Christianity and Politics: Another View." Scottish Journal of Theology 40, no. 2 (May 1987): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600017567.

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AbstractThe essay explores the relationship between Christian faith, ethical thought and political action. It examines two views of the matter. First, the autonomy thesis, advanced by writers such as Edward Norman in his Reith Lectures and elsewhere, which claims that Christianity in general is independent of political concerns, and that Church leaders in particular have no business engaging in political debate, or using their teaching authority to commend or condemn the actions of governments. Second, the commitment thesis, here derived from writings of Kenneth Leech, which maintains that fidelity to the biblical revelation involves an explicit commitment to Christian humanism, and thereby to practical opposition to capitalism and support for radical socialism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Christianity and politics"

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Anstoetter, Donald T. "Christianity and the modern state in the philosophy of Pierre Manent." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2008. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p029-0736.

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Stephanous, Andrea Zaki. "Religion and politics in the Middle East : political Christianity in the Islamic context." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2002. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504224.

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Erhueh, Anthony O. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF CHRISTIANITY TO POLITICS IN NIGERIA A HISTORICO-THEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1335.

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Karamura, Grace Patrick. "The interplay of Christianity, ethnicity and politics in Ankole, Uganda, 1953-1993." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1998. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/530/.

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Christianity was a powerful factor in the re-ordering of the ethno-political events in Ankole. Since its inception at the end of the 19th Century (1877 & 1879, Protestants and Catholics respectively), the Churches, both Protestant and Catholic have played a leading role in the new chapter of Western civilisation. Since then, the churches have been able to impact on people because of their pioneering advantage in social services like schools, hospitals and agriculture. Because of such advantage, by the mid 1950s, the churches were not only powerful forces in shaping the flow of events in their respective areas, but they were also entangled by various forces which have since been difficult to disentangle from. Ethnicity, religion and politics, forces that were not so pronounced before, became prominent after the introduction of Christianity and especially after the products of missionary schools graduated. Hence, since the 1950s, religious and ethnic polarisation have dictated the kind of politics in Ankole and Uganda generally with the disastrous consequences of religio-political divisionism. Underlying these forces is the ethnic factor which has hibernated between religion and politics. Thus, whereas it has been possible for the churches to grow in numbers in such a short time (within a century), the same growth factors have not been an advantage in dispelling ethnic and religious disparity. This is the main thesis of this research, that ethnicity more than religion or politics has been the contending factor in Ankole politics. This thesis is not simply a chronological study of Christianity in Ankole but looks at other wider social issues like the Banyarwanda refugees, the Ankole monarchy and Islam, and how these factors have impacted on the Ankole church.
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Entwistle, Philip Owen. "The dragon and the lamb : Christianity and political engagement in China." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e6b9286c-c7bf-43ff-8c1e-34fcb78bbe30.

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This thesis examines political engagement amongst young urban Chinese Protestants. Based on 100 interviews in Beijing and Shenzhen, 50 with Protestants, and 50 with non-Protestants, it focuses on three areas: national narratives (what individuals think about China, its current situation and its future direction), political opinions, and social and political activity. I firstly argue that Protestants generally adhere to a relatively ‘critical’ national narrative, one that is more divergent from the Party-state’s nationalist discourse than that of their demographic peers. I then argue that in causal terms, it is primarily individuals who hold these critical values who are most drawn to Christianity, rather than developing the values as a result of their faith. Secondly, Protestants do not just hold more negative opinions of China's political regime, but that the criteria by which they judge it are different. In contrast to their demographic peers, Protestants do not base their judgements of the regime on its performance at delivering on everyday political issues. Thirdly, Protestantism catalyses the development of a sense of agency in its adherents: a sense of moral responsibility towards China and a desire to bring change through transformative activism. However, factors in China's cultural, historical, social and political context serve to steer Protestants' activism away from engagement with secular society and inward towards the church community. I conclude by arguing that Protestantism poses two challenges to China's Party-state: Firstly, it is symptomatic of an underlying sense of social and political malaise, of scepticism towards the primacy of economic enrichment and towards the Party-state’s attempt to legitimise its rule based upon this. Secondly, Protestantism catalyses the emergence of a critical, morally agentic individualism that anchors its worldview in a discourse outside the control of the Party-state. Adapting to these social shifts presents a major future challenge for the CCP.
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Santos, da Costa Priscila. ""Re-designing the nation" : politics and Christianity in Papua New Guinea's national parliament." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14580.

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My thesis addresses how Christianity can constitute itself as a creative force and a form of governance across different scales. I carried out 12 months of fieldwork between 2013 and 2015 in Papua New Guinea's National Parliament (Port Moresby). My interlocutors were bureaucrats, liberal professionals and pastors who formed a group known as the Unity Team. The Unity Team, spearheaded by the Speaker of the 9th Parliament, Hon. Theodor Zurenuoc, were responsible for controversial initiatives, such as the destruction and dismantling of traditional carvings from Parliament in 2013, which they considered ungodly and evil, and the placement of a donated KJV Bible in the chamber of Parliament in 2015. My interlocutors regard Christianity as central to eliciting modern subjects and institutions. They consider Christianity to be a universal form of discernment, contrasted to particularistic forms of knowing and relating which are thought to create corruption and low institutional performance. I show how the Unity Team regarded Christianity as more than a way of doing away with satanic forces and building a Christian self. They expected Christianity to be a frame of reference informing work ethics, infusing citizenship and, finally, productive of a public and national realm. By exploring Christianity ethnographically, I offer a contribution to Anthropological discussions concerning politics, bureaucracy, citizenship, and nation-making.
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Van, Dyke Robert Todd. "Discerning the powerful reign Paul's political theology in Philippians /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.

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Scratcherd, George. "Ecclesiastical politics and the role of women in African-American Christianity, 1860-1900." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:120f3d76-27e5-4adf-ba8b-6feaaff1e5a7.

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This thesis seeks to offer new perspectives on the role of women in African-American Christian denominations in the United States in the period between the Civil War and the turn of the twentieth century. It situates the changes in the roles available to black women in their churches in the context of ecclesiastical politics. By offering explanations of the growth of black denominations in the South after the Civil War and the political alignments in the leadership of the churches, it seeks to offer more powerful explanations of differences in the treatment of women in distict denominations. It explores the distinct worship practices of African-American Christianity and reflects on their relationship to denominational structure and character, and gender issues. Education was central to the participation of women in African-American Christianity in the late nineteenth century, so the thesis discusses the growth of black colleges under the auspices of the black churches. Finally it also explores the complex relationship between domestic ideology, the politics of respectability, and female participation in the black churches.
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Talone, Joseph P. "An apology for Christian political involvement." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1990. http://www.tren.com.

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Watkyns, Brian Richard William. "The relationship between religion and rights in the writings of John Locke." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15829.

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Bibliography: pages 168-181.
Since 1945 the emphasis on rights has been an ever-increasing phenomenon while the influence of the church plays an ever-diminishing role in today's society. The irony of the situation is that rights have their source in religion. It is Locke who is credited with having put the question of rights into the mainstream of political thinking and it was Locke's faith in God that enabled him to put forward the political doctrine that will be considered in this thesis. The theme of this study is the reconciliation of traditional Christianity with humanist political theory's emphasis on rights in Locke's Political Philosophy which I have termed Theopolity. It traces Locke's thoughts, starting with his view on the creation of man which ultimately gives rise to natural and human rights. These rights, when violated by Government, legitimately result in revolution. Locke has three areas of thought, which when combined, give rise to his political doctrine. These areas are Epistemology, Theology, and Politics. He believed that after creation man was in the State of Nature. This state of Nature was controlled by the law of Nature which gave rise to, and preserved, Natural Rights. To ensure the protection of these Rights the individual entered into a Social Contract and so created a political society. Once society had been established, a Government was formed to ensure the protection of the individual by means of civil laws. These laws extended Natural Rights and these extended rights are known as Human Rights. This study concludes that John Locke's political thought is the most cogent political doctrine that can be adopted by rational individuals who share a strong sense of justice and morality in a Democratic Christian Society. It shows that Locke's pursuit of truth led to his basic, common-sense politics which was the embodiment of the true state of man in a society where the individual's God-given rights are respected.
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Books on the topic "Christianity and politics"

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Montefiore, Hugh. Christianity and Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20456-4.

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Chiles, Dennis. Christianity and politics. [London]: CTS Publications, 1989.

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Christianity and politics. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1990.

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English, Donald. Christianity and politics. (Belfast): Queen's University of Belfast, 1993.

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Sue, Hulett Louisa, ed. Christianity and modern politics. Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1993.

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Patterson, Eric, ed. Christianity and Power Politics Today. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610538.

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Anthony, O'Mahony, and Kirwan Michael, eds. World Christianity: Politics, theology, dialogues. London: Melisende, 2004.

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Gousmett, Chris. Christianity and politics: A reformational perspective. Potchefstroom: Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir Christelike Hoër Onderwys, 1999.

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John, Hume. Christianity and politics in Northern Ireland. Belfast: SDLP, 1993.

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Christianity and politics in Doe's Liberia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Christianity and politics"

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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Christianity and Politics." In The Politics of Religion, 13–24. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781317542575-2.

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Thompson, William. "Charismatic Politics: The Social and Political Impact of Renewal." In Charismatic Christianity, 160–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26024-9_9.

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Montefiore, Hugh. "Theology and Politics." In Christianity and Politics, 17–32. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20456-4_2.

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Montefiore, Hugh. "Environmental Politics and Christianity." In Christianity and Politics, 52–64. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20456-4_4.

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Gregson, John. "Marxism and Christianity." In Marxism, Ethics and Politics, 11–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-03371-2_2.

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Migliori, Chiara M. "Whiteness, Christianity, and Politics." In Palgrave Studies in Religion, Politics, and Policy, 49–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-96550-1_3.

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Montefiore, Hugh. "Church and State." In Christianity and Politics, 1–16. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20456-4_1.

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Montefiore, Hugh. "The Theology of Party Politics." In Christianity and Politics, 33–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20456-4_3.

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Montefiore, Hugh. "The British Churches and Politics Today." In Christianity and Politics, 65–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20456-4_5.

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Gifford, Paul. "Christianity Co-Opted." In Religion and Politics in Kenya, 201–21. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230100510_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Christianity and politics"

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Markova, Elizaveta Aleksandrovna. "Interactions of christianity and politics: socio-historical analysis." In Церковь, государство и общество: исторические, политико-правовые и идеологические аспекты взаимодействия. Межрегиональная общественная организация "Межрегиональная ассоциация теоретиков государства и права", 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.25839/r6268-6289-0901-r.

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Rohrbach, Wolfgang. "CHURCH SERVICES - OPPORTUNITIES AND CHALLENGES OF ECUMENISM." In International scientific conference challenges and open issues of service law. Vol. 2. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xxmajsko2.147r.

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The progressive secularization of Europe has become an undeniable social fact in recent decades. The separation of state and church, religion and politics, is now widely regarded as the fundamental achievement of modern times. At the same time, however, Europe follows a tradition of Christianity that is over 1,500 years old. At the meeting of the Central Committee of the World Council of Churches (February 9-15, 2022), it was emphasized, among other things: "European churches are struggling with the influence of a secularized society on their lives and witness." Individual churches cannot solve complex problems, but together there would be more opportunities than challenges. In Montenegro, about half of the population (with higher education) sees a promising future for their country in ecumenical and cosmopolitan thinking and action. Another part of the population of Montenegro still sees nationalist structures and their political representatives as salvation and maximum independence for their country. However, in a populist way, the fact that, especially small countries, need external partnerships is ignored. It seems that the politicians in question are more concerned about their position, about which Caesar said in ancient times: "It is better to be first in a Gallic village than second in Rome". To explain ecumenism in more detail, let's use an analogy - imagine that all Christian churches are housed in one multi-story building. Each church occupies one floor. What good is it for a church on the 20th floor, for example, to only reinforce the walls and floors in its premises for stabilization, if the foundation of the entire house, including the supporting pillars (which connect several floors in the lower and upper parts) would be unstable. Many church decision-makers today see ecumenism as an opportunity for preservation, salvation and future-oriented influence on the "house" of Christian cultural heritage. It should be noted that, although an increasing part of the European population stopped participating in traditional religious practice (at least, regularly), the level of private religious beliefs remained relatively high.
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Rykova, M. M. "The Problem of Death in Western Christianity." In Scientific dialogue: Questions of philosophy, sociology, history, political science. ЦНК МОАН, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/spc-01-05-2019-02.

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Johanna, Petra, Dr Irmawati, and Josetta Maria Remila Tuapattinaja. "Emotion Regulation on Wives Victims of Domestic Violence in Christianity Undergoing the Forgiveness Phases." In 2nd International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-17.2018.13.

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Marsola, Guilherme Henrique, and Liliana Grubel Nogueira. "The Merchant and the Church in the Middle Ages." In II INTERNATIONAL SEVEN MULTIDISCIPLINARY CONGRESS. Seven Congress, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/homeinternationalanais-071.

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Abstract Two realities are intertwined in the context of the Middle Ages: affirmation of the idea of Christianity and the Commercial Revolution. From the middle of the 11th century, the European West presents a process of fragmentation of political power with the rise of the feudal regime, in which local landowners have a higher power than the monarchic authorities (FRANCO JR, 2001), creating a vacuum of political unity and making the Church the only strong and centralized institution in the midst of fragmentation (FOSSIER, POLLY and VAUCHEZ, 2001It is in this context that Christianity takes command of medieval society and begins to dictate rules and conduct for various activities, seeking to link the principles of Jesus with earthly life (PERNOUD, 1997). Concurrently with the strengthening of the power of the Church, the merchants started to be notorious figures in the European West of the XIII century (LE GOFF, 1991), leading the phenomenon of Commercial Revolution, that is, new ways of practicing trade, such as the creation of trading companies, professionalization of the sedentary merchants, emergence of money, bills of exchange, navigation insurance and accounting techniques (LOPEZ, 1986). The emergence of merchants caught the attention of Church intellectuals (NOGUEIRA, 2019) and the new commercial agents were the target of a Christian moralization. The aim of this paper is to present two attempts to regulate commerce in the European West: the first described in the Decree of Gratian – elaborated in the 12th century by the monk and jurist Gratian - and the second in Question 77 of Thomas Aquinas' Summa Theologica.
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Kalinina, Elena. "THE ROMAN LAW AND THE CHRISTIANITY AS FUNDAMENTAL COMPONENTS OF THE WEST EUROPEAN LEGAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND THE BASIS OF THE WEST EUROPEAN CIVILIZATION IDENTITY." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s5.120.

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Stojanović, Marina. "BOGOSLOVSKA POLEMIKA OKO RECEPCIJE LIONSKE UNIJE U ISTOČNOJ CRKVI U DOBA PALEOLOGA – ARGUMENTI PATRISTIČKOG PREDANjA." In Kralj Milutin i doba Paleologa: istorija, književnost, kulturno nasleđe. Publishing House of the Eparchy of Šumadija of the Serbian Orthodox Church - "Kalenić", 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/6008-065-5.271s.

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Having in mind the central question of the unity of the Church, as a basis for a meta-historical eschatological being, but also the historical harmony of the spiritual, cultural and social existence of individuals and people, this paper discusses the theological context of the attempt to unite Eastern and Western Christianity at the Council of Lyon in 1272-1274 in the time of Emperor Michael VIII Palaeologos. In addition to the political factors in accepting the proposal of the Lyon Union, the deeper, and more predominant, reasons for the negative reception of this council by the Orthodox Byzantium will be mentioned and analyzed here. In that context, attention will be paid to the theological notion of tradition, as well as to the preservation of basic patristic notions and ideas in the historical environment of late Byzantium.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. "PREACHERS OF DIALOGUE: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERFAITH THEOLOGY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bjxv1018.

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While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.
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9

Capes, David B. "TOLERANCE IN THE THEOLOGY AND THOUGHT OF A. J. CONYERS AND FETHULLAH GÜLEN (EXTENDED ABSTRACT)." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/fbvr3629.

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In his book The Long Truce (Spence Publishing, 2001) the late A. J. Conyers argues that tolerance, as practiced in western democracies, is not a public virtue; it is a political strat- egy employed to establish power and guarantee profits. Tolerance, of course, seemed to be a reasonable response to the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but tolerance based upon indifference to all values except political power and materialism relegated ultimate questions of meaning to private life. Conyers offers another model for tolerance based upon values and resources already resident in pre-Reformation Christianity. In this paper, we consider Conyer’s case against the modern, secular form of tolerance and its current practice. We examine his attempt to reclaim the practice of Christian tolerance based upon humility, hospitality and the “powerful fact” of the incarnation. Furthermore, we bring the late Conyers into dialog with Fethullah Gülen, a Muslim scholar, prolific writer and the source of inspiration for a transnational civil society movement. We explore how both Conyers and Gülen interpret their scriptures in order to fashion a theology and politi- cal ideology conducive to peaceful co-existence. Finally, because Gülen’s identity has been formed within the Sufi tradition, we reflect on the spiritual resources within Sufi spirituality that make dialog and toleration key values for him. Conyers locates various values, practices and convictions in the Christian message that pave the way for authentic toleration. These include humility, trust, reconciliation, the interrelat- edness of all things, the paradox of power--that is, that strength is found in weakness and greatness in service—hope, the inherent goodness of creation, and interfaith dialog. Conyers refers to this latter practice as developing “the listening heart” and “the open soul.” In his writings and oral addresses, Gülen prefers the term hoshgoru (literally, “good view”) to “tolerance.” Conceptually, the former term indicates actions of the heart and the mind that include empathy, inquisitiveness, reflection, consideration of the dialog partner’s context, and respect for their positions. The term “tolerance” does not capture the notion of hoshgoru. Elsewhere, Gülen finds even the concept of hoshgoru insufficient, and employs terms with more depth in interfaith relations, such as respect and an appreciation of the positions of your dialog partner. The resources Gülen references in the context of dialog and empathic acceptance include the Qur’an, the prophetic tradition, especially lives of the companions of the Prophet, the works of great Muslim scholars and Sufi masters, and finally, the history of Islamic civilization. Among his Qur’anic references, Gülen alludes to verses that tell the believers to represent hu- mility, peace and security, trustworthiness, compassion and forgiveness (The Qur’an, 25:63, 25:72, 28:55, 45:14, 17:84), to avoid armed conflicts and prefer peace (4:128), to maintain cordial relationships with the “people of the book,” and to avoid argumentation (29:46). But perhaps the most important references of Gülen with respect to interfaith relations are his readings of those verses that allow Muslims to fight others. Gülen positions these verses in historical context to point out one by one that their applicability is conditioned upon active hostility. In other words, in Gülen’s view, nowhere in the Qur’an does God allow fighting based on differences of faith. An important factor for Gülen’s embracing views of empathic acceptance and respect is his view of the inherent value of the human. Gülen’s message is essentially that every human person exists as a piece of art created by the Compassionate God, reflecting aspects of His compassion. He highlights love as the raison d’etre of the universe. “Love is the very reason of existence, and the most important bond among beings,” Gülen comments. A failure to approach fellow humans with love, therefore, implies a deficiency in our love of God and of those who are beloved to God. The lack of love for fellow human beings implies a lack of respect for this monumental work of art by God. Ultimately, to remain indifferent to the conditions and suffering of fellow human beings implies indifference to God himself. While advocating love of human beings as a pillar of human relations, Gülen maintains a balance. He distinguishes between the love of fellow human beings and our attitude toward some of their qualities or actions. Our love for a human being who inflicts suffering upon others does not mean that we remain silent toward his violent actions. On the contrary, our very love for that human being as a human being, as well as our love of those who suffer, necessitate that we participate actively in the elimination of suffering. In the end we argue that strong resonances are found in the notion of authentic toleration based on humility advocated by Conyers and the notion of hoshgoru in the writings of Gülen.
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Reports on the topic "Christianity and politics"

1

Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Nicholas Morieson. Civilizational Populism Around the World. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), July 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0012.

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This article addresses an issue of growing political importance: the global rise of civilizational populism. From Western Europe to India and Pakistan, and from Indonesia to the Americas, populists are increasingly linking national belonging with civilizational identity—and at times to the belief that the world is divided into religion-based civilizations, some of which are doomed to clash with one another. As part of this process, Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity have all been commandeered by populist parties and movements, each adept at using the power of religion—in different ways and drawing on different aspects of religion—to define the boundary of concepts such as people, nation, and civilization.
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