Academic literature on the topic 'Christian literature, Syriac (Palestinian)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Christian literature, Syriac (Palestinian)"

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Kessler, Christa. "Obsequies of My Lady Mary (II): A Fragmentary Syriac Palimpsest Manuscript from Deir al-Suryan (BL, Add 14.665, no. 2)." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 19 (October 17, 2022): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v19i.15254.

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This Syriac palimpsest manuscript with four remaining folios bound with others into one volume runs under the shelf mark Add 14.665, no. 2 in the British Library. It displays a well-executed 5th century Estrangela. William Wright in his Contributions to the Apocryphal Literature of 1865 offered only readings of some scanty passages. The text has been neglected ever since. Preserved in it are sections of an early witness for the Obsequies of My Lady Mary in Syriac (S1) covering the final part of the second book, the beginning of book three, and central sections of book five with the apocryphal History of Peter and Paul according to the Ethiopic five-book cycle. The textual diversity is at times considerable in comparison to the other early transmissions in Greek and Christian Palestinian Aramaic, and the much later Ethiopic one. It has been the first Syriac source to attest the central term for the palm tradition ܬܘܠܣܐ ‘palm-shoot’. The new and additional readings intend to fill some lacunae in the only partially preserved transmission of the early Syriac translation of the Dormition of Mary from Upper Mesopotamia.
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Monferrer-Sala, Juan Pedro. "An Early Fragmentary Christian Palestinian Rendition of the Gospels into Arabic from Mār Sābā (MS Vat. Ar. 13, 9th c.)." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 69–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-20130105.

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Our aim in the present paper is to show that the translator of the oldest portions of the Gospels preserved in MS Vat. Ar. 13 used at least two texts, Greek and Syriac. Our analysis is based exclusively in the fragment represented by Matthew 11:1–19. According to our analysis of the translation strategies adopted by the Melkite translator the Greek text was used as the base text for the translation into Arabic. At the same time, the Syriac text/s was/were consulted for revising the previous translation made from Greek, a task which may have taken place during the very translation process. As we shall attempt to show in the present paper the revision made through Syriac text/s, together with the exegesis added by the translator, influenced the final Arabic version in some concrete parts of the texts.
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BHAYRO, SIAM. "Judeo-Syriac in late antiquity and the Middle Ages." Journal of Jewish Studies 75, no. 1 (April 3, 2024): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jjs.2024.75.1.41.

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In 2012 the term ‘Judeo-Syriac’ was coined independently by two scholars to refer to Syriac written in Jewish Aramaic/Hebrew script, in texts from late antiquity, on the one hand, and in medieval texts, on the other. In this article the differences between these two types of Judeo-Syriac are established, particularly in respect of their sociolinguistic contexts. The earlier context involves the Jews of Edessa and its environs, for whom Syriac was their mother tongue, and who, as evidenced by the Peshitta Old Testament, normally used Syriac script; their use of Jewish script in funerary inscriptions was exceptional. The later context involves Jewish scholars, for whom Syriac was not their mother tongue, engaging with Syriac Christian scholarship, initially through direct contact with Christian scholars. The textual products of such collaborations resulted in Judeo-Syriac texts that continued to be copied by Jewish scholars who had little knowledge of Syriac in Syriac script.
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Posegay, Nick. "An Early Arabic Translation of Exodus 15 from a Palestinian Melkite Psalter in the Cairo Genizah." Collectanea Christiana Orientalia 21 (May 30, 2024): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/cco.v21i.16681.

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This article presents an Arabic translation of Exodus 15 from the Cairo Genizah, preserved in two fragments of a Christian lectionary (MSS CUL T-S NS 305.198 and T-S NS 305.210). The style of the lectionary's Arabic script suggests that it was copied by a well-trained scribe in the late 9th or early 10th century. Such a date makes it the oldest Christian Arabic Bible translation yet found in the Genizah. Linguistic analysis further indicates that its translator had access to the Peshitta and either the Syro-Hexapla or Septuagint of Exodus 15 during their work. Most likely, this translator was a ninth-century Melkite Christian who spoke both Syriac and Arabic.
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Mcconaughy, Daniel L. "The Text of Acts in MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 24, no. 1 (October 1, 2021): 453–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2021-240115.

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Abstract This paper extends Andreas Juckel’s important 2009 article, “Research on the Old Syriac Heritage of the Peshitta Gospels: A Collation of MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30” (Hugoye 12.1, 41-115). The research herein is based on collating the text of Acts contained in this noteworthy Syriac Biblical manuscript against the standard Peshitta text and forty-two other Peshitta manuscripts and more than one hundred fifty Syriac patristic sources. The collations show that the text of Acts in BNS30 has approximately 230 non-orthographic variant readings, of which 117 are unique variants not found in other Peshitta, Harklean or Christian Palestinian Aramaic MSS of Acts. There are approximately 51 agreements with the Harklean version. This paper shows that the statistical textual profile of Acts in MS Bibl. Nationale Syr. 30 is consistent with Juckel’s findings regarding the Gospel text of this manuscript. It also provides analyses of selected readings and a complete collation of the manuscript.
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Joosten, Jan. "The Text of Matthew 13. 21a and Parallels in the Syriac Tradition." New Testament Studies 37, no. 1 (January 1991): 153–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500015393.

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Christian Orientalists have always been fascinated by the fact that the Greek text of the canonical Gospels is in some way secondary to a Semitic tradition. Indeed, even if we accept that all four Gospels were written in Greek, we must allow, somewhere in the chain of tradition from the teaching of Jesus to the Gospel-writers, for a transition from Aramaic to Greek. Consequently, a fruitful exegetical approach to the Gospel text has been the attempt to go beyond the Greek text-form to the more original Aramaic wording and to understand this wording in its proper setting in Palestinian Judaism of the 1st century AD. Several methods have been applied within this approach. G. Dalman championed the retroversion of significant New Testament terms into Palestinian Jewish Aramaic (and Hebrew), and investigated the use of the retroverted terms in Jewish texts of the first centuries. J. Wellhausen, and others, searched for anomalies in the Greek Gospel-text which might be explained as mistaken translations of Aramaic expressions. The history of research on this question up to 1946 is discussed and evaluated by M. Black in his Aramaic Approach to the Gospels.
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Pahlitzsch, Johannes. "Some Remarks on the Use of Garšūnī and Other Allographic Writing Systems by the Melkites." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 7, no. 2-3 (July 10, 2019): 278–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00702004.

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Abstract The aim of this paper is to address the question to what extent and for what reasons the Melkites, especially of Southern Syria and Egypt, resorted to allographic writing systems, of which garšūnī, the writing of Arabic with Syriac letters, was only one mode. Indeed, various languages such as Greek, Arabic, Syriac and Christian Palestinian Aramaic (CPA) coexisted in the Melkite community, which is characterized by its linguistic diversity. Melkite garšūnī texts can be dated to between the 11th and the late 13th centuries. While the Melkites were not the first to use garšūnī, this mode of writing was in this period far more widespread among them than in the other oriental Christian communities and not limited to notes and colophons, also including liturgical texts and probably a poem on the Mamluk conquest of Tripoli. Other allographic writing systems were also used by the Melkites, such as writing Arabic in Greek characters, Greek in CPA script or Greek in Syriac script. Consequently a rich, very versatile corpus of allographic writing modes was employed by the Melkites between the 9th and 13th centuries for different kinds of texts. Thus the idea that the use of a specific allographic mode can be attributed to the desire to express a sense of group identity or to the reverence for a specific sacred language seems not generally applicable for the Melkites. At different times and places various Melkite groups had different preferences, because there was no single Melkite prestige language. Therefore it is necessary to establish for each case the respective reasons for the application of a certain allographic writing system.
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Barbati, Chiara. "Ink as a Functional Marker in the Study of the Syriac and Christian Sogdian Manuscript Fragments in the Turfan Collection (Berlin) and in the Krotkov Collection (St. Petersburg)." Manuscripta Orientalia. International Journal for Oriental Manuscript Research 26, no. 2 (December 2020): 12–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31250/1238-5018-2020-26-2-12-31.

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The Syriac and Christian Sogdian manuscript fragments in the Turfan Collection (Berlin) and in the Krotkov Collection (St. Petersburg) were written in black ink and, much less frequently, in brown ink. The use of red ink is very limited and not yet studied in detail. By linking the analysis of all the elements that are due or related to the scribal discourse in Christian Medieval Central Asia with a well‑established codicological tradition, this contribution is meant to outline the purposes of the use of different ink in the Syriac and Christian Sogdian manuscript fragments discovered in the early 20th century in Xinjiang (China). A broader perspective that takes into account other Eastern Christian manuscript traditions is also included.
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Brock, Sebastian. "Ktabe Mpassqe: Dismembered and Reconstituted Syriac and Christian Palestinian Aramaic Manuscripts: Some Examples, Ancient and Modern." Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2012): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/hug-2012-150103.

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Weinberg, Joanna. "The Concept of the Victim in Midrashic Literature." European Judaism 49, no. 2 (September 1, 2016): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2016.490214.

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AbstractThe creative authors of the Midrashim treated the topic of ‘the persecuted’ or ‘the victim’ in a constellation of fascinating homilies on the lectionary portion for Passover. This short article will examine how the theme of persecution is elaborated in various midrashic texts, and point to similarities between rabbinic exegesis and Jewish Hellenistic and Christian Syriac discussions of the same theme.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Christian literature, Syriac (Palestinian)"

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Zakarian, David. "The representation of women in early Christian literature : Armenian texts of the fifth century." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8853f6e0-060d-4366-89ab-945584bf2029.

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In recent decades there has been a growing scholarly interest in the representation of women in early Christian texts, with the works of Greek and Latin authors being the primary focus. This dissertation makes an important contribution to the existing scholarship by examining the representation of Armenian women in the fifth-century Christian narratives, which have been instrumental in forging the Christian identity and worldview of the Armenian people. The texts that are discussed here were written exclusively by clerics whose way of thinking was considerably influenced by the religious teachings of the Greek and Syriac Church Fathers. However, as far as the representation of women is concerned, the Greek Fathers' largely misogynistic discourse did not have discernible effect on the Armenian authors. On the contrary, the approach developed in early Christian Armenian literature was congruous with the more liberal way of thinking of the Syriac clerics, with a marked tendency towards empowering women ideologically and providing them with prominent roles in the male-centred society. I argue that such a representation of women was primarily prompted by the ideology of the pre-Christian religion of the Armenians. This research discusses the main historical and cultural factors that prompted a positive depiction of women, and highlights the rhetorical and moralising strategies that the authors deployed to construct an "ideal woman". It further explores the representation of women's agency, experience, discourse, and identity. In particular, women's pivotal role in Armenia's conversion to Christianity and female asceticism in fourth-fifth century Armenia are extensively investigated. It is also argued that women's status in the extended family determined the social spaces they could enter and the extent of power they could exercise. It appears that Iranian matrimonial practice, including polygyny and consanguineous marriages, was common among the Armenian elite, whereas the lower classes mainly practised marriage by bride purchase or abduction. Special attention is devoted to the institution of queenship in Arsacid Armenia and the position of the queen within the framework of power relationships. Finally, this study examines the instances of violence towards women during wars and how the female body was exploited to achieve desirable political goals.
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Rigolio, Alberto. "Beyond schools and monasteries : literate education in Late Roman Syria (350-450 AD)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:85ff7460-1425-418e-8718-652473a371e6.

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The subject of the present work is the provision of higher literate education in late Roman Syria (c. 350 - c. 450). The difference that Christianity made to literate education has always been in danger of being explained with the introduction and the development of a new kind of instruction provided in monasteries. A rigid dichotomy between secular schools and Christian monasteries, however, finds limited validation in our sources for literate education. While early Christian literature often presented monasteries as providers of education, documentary evidence offers a more blurred picture. On the one hand, studentsʼ papyri show the penetration of Christianity into schools, and, on the other, secular instructional texts have been found in the excavations of early monasteries in Egypt. This thesis presents a neglected corpus of Christian instructional texts that call into question an oppositional understanding of scholastic and monastic education in the Syrian region during late Antiquity. The corpus consists of the Syriac translations of six literary pieces by (or attributed to) Plutarch, Lucian, and Themistius that bring together features of rhetorical education with an interest in Christian asceticism (ch. 2). While the contents and the transmission of the Syriac translations reveal the link to Christianity and Christian ascetic practice (ch. 3), the textual form and the choice of the texts unearths the underlying connection to traditional literate education (ch. 4). These documents, which will be put in relation to instructional literature composed in Greek, Latin, and Syriac in the same period, challenge the existence of a neat line dividing scholastic and monastic education in the Syrian region during late Antiquity. A fresh analysis that is not constrained by a preconceived model of monastic instruction better accounts for the involvement of early Christian leaders in higher education and prompts a new investigation of their conduct on the social scene. Their agency now appears much closer to that of their non-Christian counterparts, sophists in primis, and raises the broader question of the extent to which they owed their considerable success to the implementation of strategies ultimately derived from the world of professional paideia.
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Keim, Katharina Esther. "Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer : structure, coherence, intertextuality, and historical context." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/pirqei-derabbi-eliezer-structure-coherence-intertextuality-and-historical-context(5a243982-b0b3-4209-9cba-1b58cfb40210).html.

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The present dissertation offers a literary profile of the enigmatic Gaonic era work known as Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer (PRE). This profile is based on an approach informed by the methodology theorized in the Manchester-Durham Typology of Anonymous and Pseudepigraphic Jewish Literature, c.200 BCE to c.700 CE, Project (TAPJLA). It is offered as a necessary prolegomenon to further research on contextualising PRE in relation to earlier Jewish tradition (both rabbinic and non-rabbinic), in relation to Jewish literature of the Gaonic period, and in relation to the historical development of Judaism in the early centuries of Islam. Chapter 1 sets out the research question, surveys, and critiques existing work on PRE, and outlines the methodology. Chapter 2 provides necessary background to the study of PRE, setting out the evidence with regard to its manuscripts and editions, its recensional and redactional history, its reception, and its language, content, dating, and provenance. Chapters 3 and 4 are the core of the dissertation and contain the literary profile of PRE. Chapter 3 offers an essentially synchronic text-linguistic description of the work under the following headings: Perspective; PRE as Narrative; PRE as Commentary; PRE as Thematic Discourse; and Coherence. Chapter 4 offers an essentially diachronic discussion of PRE’s intertexts, that is to say, other texts with which it has, or is alleged to have, a relationship. The texts selected for discussion are: the Hebrew Bible, Rabbinic Literature (both the classic rabbinic “canon” and “late midrash”), the Targum, the Pseudepigrapha, Piyyut, and certain Christian and Islamic traditions. Chapter 5 offers conclusions in the form of a discussion of the implications of the literary profile presented in chapters 3-4 for the methodology of the TAPJLA Project, for the problem of the genre of PRE, and for the question of PRE’s literary and historical context. The substantial Appendix is integral to the argument. It sets out much of the raw data on which the argument is based. I have removed this data to an appendix so as not to impede the flow of the discussion in the main text. The Appendix also contains my entry for the TAPJLA database, to help illuminate the discussion of my methodology, and a copy of my published article on the cosmology of PRE, to provide further support for my analysis of this theme in PRE.
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Bonfiglio, Emilio. "John Chrysostom's discourses on his first exile : Prolegomena to a Critical Edition of the Sermo antequam iret in exsilium and of the Sermo cum iret in exsilium." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:df828fcd-dc2a-47b9-8bb1-c957c9199fb1.

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The Sermo antequam iret in exilium and the Sermo cum iret in exsilium are two homilies allegedly pronounced by John Chrysostom in Constantinople at the end of summer 403, some time between the verdict of the Synod of the Oak and the day he left the city for his first exile. The aim of the thesis is to demonstrate that a new critical edition of these texts is needed before any study of their literary and historical value can be conducted. Chapter one sketches the historical background to which the text of the homilies refers and a concise survey about previous scholarship on the homilies on the first exile, from the time of Montfaucon’s edition until our days. The problem of the authenticity occupies the last part of the chapter. Chapter two investigates the history of the texts and takes into account both the direct and indirect traditions. It discusses the existence of double recensions hitherto unknown and provides the prefatory material for the new critical edition of recensio α of Sermo antequam iret in exilium and of the Sermo cum iret in exsilium. Chapter three comprises the Greek editions of the two homilies, as well as a provisional edition of the Latin version of the Sermo antequam iret in exilium. Chapter four is divided into two parts, each presenting a philological commentary on the text of the new editions. Systematic analysis of all the most important variant readings is offered. The final chapter summarizes the new findings and assesses the validity of previous criteria used for discerning the authenticity of the homilies on the exile.
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Books on the topic "Christian literature, Syriac (Palestinian)"

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Ruzer, Serge. Syriac idiosyncrasies: Theology and hermeneutics in early Syriac literature. Leiden: Brill, 2010.

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Cureton, William. Spicilegium syriacum: Containing remains of Bardesan, Meliton, Ambrose, and Mara bar Serapion. London: Rivingtons, 1989.

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A, Kitchen Robert, ed. The Syriac Book of steps: Syriac text and English translation. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009.

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Kitchen, Robert A., and M. F. G. Parmentier. The Syriac Book of steps 3: Syriac text and English translation. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009.

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Kessel, Grigory. A bibliography of Syriac ascetic and mystical literature. Leuven: Peeters, 2011.

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Beggiani, Seely J. Introduction to Eastern Christian spirituality: The Syriac tradition. [Scranton, Pa.]: University of Scranton Press, 1991.

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Christa, Müller-Kessler, and Sokoloff Michael, eds. The Christian Palestinian Aramaic New Testament Version from the early period. Groningen: STYX Publications, 1998.

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Farina, Margherita. Les auteurs syriaques et leur langue. Paris: Geuthner, 2018.

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A, Kitchen Robert, ed. The Syriac Book of steps: Syriac text and English translation. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2009.

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Abu-Husayn, Abdul-Rahim, Haya Al Thani, Mario Kozah, and Saif Shaheen Al-Murikhi. The Syriac writers of Qatar in the seventh century. Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Christian literature, Syriac (Palestinian)"

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Desreumaux, Alain. "Ephraim in Christian Palestinian Aramaic." In Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies (Volume 1), edited by George Kiraz, 221–26. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463214067-013.

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Brock, Sebastian. "Ktabe Mpassqe: Dismembered and Reconstituted Syriac and Christian Palestinian Aramaic Manuscripts: Some Examples, Ancient and Modern." In Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies (volume 15), edited by George Kiraz, 7–20. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463235482-002.

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Perczel, István. "GARSHUNI MALAYALAM: A WITNESS TO AN EARLY STAGE OF INDIAN CHRISTIAN LITERATURE." In Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies (volume 17), edited by George Kiraz, 263–324. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463236878-014.

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Pregill, Michael E. "The Syrian–Palestinian Milieu in Late Antiquity." In The Golden Calf between Bible and Qur'an, 207–62. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852421.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on a unique corpus of early Christian literature in Syriac that reflects a synthesis of older patristic views of the Calf episode with specific themes that seem to have circulated widely in the Eastern Christian milieu, shared in common between communities of Jewish and Christian exegetes in this period. While continuing the tradition of anti-Jewish arguments predicated on the abiding impact of Israel’s sin with the Calf, authors such as Ephrem, Aphrahat, and Jacob of Serugh also developed a unique view of Aaron that dictated a more apologetic position regarding his culpability; this precisely paralleled the development of similar views of Aaron in Jewish tradition. This material provides us with a lens through which to examine the phenomenon of exegetical approaches that are held in common by different communities, yet deployed for opposite purposes. The chapter concludes by considering a possible historical context to Syrian Christian polemic against Jews based on the Calf narrative: the revival of priestly leadership, or at least interest in the priesthood and its role, among contemporary Jewish communities, especially in late antique Palestine.
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Kannengiesser, Charles. "Syriac Christian Literature." In Handbook of Patristic Exegesis, 1377–446. BRILL, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004531536_008.

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"IV. The Syro-Palestinian Version of the Old and New Testament." In Syriac Literature, edited by Olivier Holmey, 37–42. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463234102-005.

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Brock, Sebastian P. "The earliest Syriac literature." In The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature, 161–71. Cambridge University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521460835.016.

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"Key to transliteration of Christian Palestinian Aramaic and Syriac." In Galilaea and Northern Regions: 5876-6924, xlviii. De Gruyter, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110715774-006.

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Brock, Sebastian P. "Ephrem and the Syriac Tradition." In The Cambridge History of Early Christian Literature, 362–72. Cambridge University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521460835.034.

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Minov, Sergey. "Syriac." In A Guide to Early Jewish Texts and Traditions in Christian Transmission, 95–138. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190863074.003.0007.

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The corpus of Jewish literature of the Second Temple period is represented in the Syriac tradition by biblical pseudepigrapha (especially of apocalyptic genre) and Josephus. The extant Syriac manuscripts containing these documents belong to the period spanning the sixth to the twentieth centuries. Like the majority of not originally Syriac writings, many texts in the corpus under discussion have been translated from Greek. Some of these texts have been preserved uniquely in Syriac, while others have parallel versions in other languages of Christian Orient. Some texts must be faithful renderings of ancient originals. Other texts in their present form are products of late antique or medieval reworking in Greek or Syriac. Differentiating between ancient and medieval, as well as between Jewish and Christian, materials is not always easy.
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Conference papers on the topic "Christian literature, Syriac (Palestinian)"

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Yoskovich, Avraham. "Meshamdutho and Meshumad le-Teavon: Motivation of Evil Doers in Syriac-Aramaic and Hebrew Terminological-Conceptual Traditions." In GLOCAL Conference on Mediterranean and European Linguistic Anthropology Linguistic Anthropology 2022. The GLOCAL Unit, SOAS University of London, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.47298/comela22.1-7.

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Language can mirror relationships throughout and between communities, while it enables connections and separation simultaneously. Jewish and Christian communities had a close but complicated relationship in the late antique-early Islamic period in Babylon (the fertile crescent). That relationship included similar dialects of Aramaic: Jewish Babylonian Aramaic and Christian Syriac Aramaic. My study describes changes and developments in the status of an apostate (Heb. Meshumad) in the Jewish literature of late antiquity, by examining terminological variations. In this presentation, I wish to present the Syriac developments and to compare the two, in order to better conceptualize the mutual process in one terminological and conceptual case. One such case is the defining of the apostate, not only by his apparent wrong doing, but also by seeking his motivation to act. According to that model, if an evil act originated from his desire or lewdness, he should be judged in a more containing manner than if it had originated by rage or theological purpose. This was phrased in Hebrew by the words Meshumad le-Teavon ‘apostate out of desire.’ The second word le-Teavon (for (his) desire), is a predicate added to the basic ancient term Meshumad, ‘apostate.’ This model and new phrasing are connected mainly with Rava, who was a prominent sage who lived in 4th century CE in Mehoza, close to Ctesiphon, the capitol of the Persian Sassanian dynasty. The Syriac word Shmad is well attested, and more so since the early testimonies of Syriac literature, in different forms, connected to the semantic field of curse, ban, and excommunication. Only in sources from the 5-6th centuries CE do we find a new form of that root Meshamdotho, which suggests ‘lewdness,’ ‘to be wanton.’ The new form changes the focus of the root from describing the wrongdoing and its social implication to describing the manner of doing, maybe even to the motive for his or her behavior. My presentation will raise the question of the connection between those almost parallel changes. Are they related to one another? In what way? What is similar and what are the differences? Can we explain the reason for raising a new paradigm in communal defining the apostates and wrong doers? I will examine some sources, Jewish and Christian, that relate to those terms and ideas.
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