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Journal articles on the topic 'Christian literary theory'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Jajdelski, W. "Towards a Christian Literary Theory." Literature and Theology 17, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 343–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/17.3.343.

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2

Hill, Susan E. "Book Review: Towards a Christian Literary Theory." Christianity & Literature 53, no. 3 (June 2004): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833310405300310.

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3

Dooley, Reinhold J. "Book Review: Contemporary Literary Theory: A Christian Appraisal." Christianity & Literature 41, no. 3 (June 1992): 339–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833319204100311.

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4

Cho, Kyoungduk. "Christian Literary Theory in Christian thought - Focusing on in the 195-60s -." Korean Language and Literature in International Context 79 (December 31, 2018): 333–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31147/iall.79.13.

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5

Dodd, Elizabeth S. "Sandra Percy, Literature, Literary Theory and Literary Criticism: A History from a Christian Perspective." Theology 118, no. 2 (February 23, 2015): 142–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x14559501s.

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6

Kern, Stephen. "Modernist Ambivalence about Christianity." Renascence 73, no. 1 (2021): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence20217315.

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Kern argues that the responses of Friedrich Nietzsche, James Joyce, André Gide, D. H. Lawrence, and Martin Heidegger to Christianity made up a Weberian ideal type. Accordingly: They all were raised as Christians but lost their faith when they began university studies. They all criticized the impact that they believed the anti-sexual Christian morality, with its emphasis on sin, had had, or threatened to have, on their love life. For that reason they were militantly anti-Christian but also ambivalent about Christianity. They worked to replace the loss of Christian unity with non-Christian unifying projects in literature and philosophy. Virginia Woolf, who was raised as an atheist, conformed to many of these elements of the ideal type but added another in criticizing the fragmenting patriarchal society that supported the dominant patriarchal Church of England. She envisioned new man-womanly and woman-manly types who could cultivate their understanding and love for one another in less polarizing and more humanizing ways.
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7

Panegyres, Konstantine. "Christian and Non-Christian Agricultural Deities." Mnemosyne 70, no. 1 (January 20, 2017): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342123.

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This article explores a continuity in the use of agricultural deities in rural areas by Christians and non-Christians. Beginning with a discussion of a passage from Arnobius’Adversus nationes, it argues that the same traditions and spells emerge in the agricultural sphere in both non-Christian and Christian times, even though the deities described in the traditions and spells changed. It does so by comparatively analysing different agricultural spells and traditions, with particular attention given to specific examples ranging frombctoad. Ultimately, the article suggests how and why those involved in agriculture so readily worked their non-Christian customs, traditions, and spells into Christianity.
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8

Kim, Sharon. "Introduction to Theory and Theology in Chinese Literary Studies." Christianity & Literature 68, no. 1 (November 15, 2018): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0148333118789173.

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Based in the context of Marxist China, Chinese intellectuals with no church background or affiliation have yet shown a keen interest in reading and applying the insights of western Christian theology. In Chinese literary studies, such scholars, who are secular in orientation, integrate both theory and theology in their work. This Sino-theological scholarship is virtually unknown in literary studies in the USA. Yet as demonstrated in the work of Yang Huilin and Liu Xiaofeng, among others, it contributes to a globalized understanding of literary studies. It also challenges current understandings of secularism, adding a new dimension to post-secular theory.
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9

Jacobs, Ine. "Old statues, new meanings. Literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence for Christian reidentification of statuary." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 789–836. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0035.

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AbstractThis article examines literary, epigraphic and archaeological evidence for the Christian reidentification of statuary and reliefs as biblical scenes and protagonists, saints and angels. It argues that Christian identifications were promulgated, amongst others by local bishops, to make sense of imagery of which the original identity had been lost and/or was no longer meaningful. Three conditions for a new identification are discussed: the absence of an epigraphic label, geographical and/or chronological distance separating the statue from its original context of display, and the presence of a specific attribute or characteristic that could become the prompt for reidentification. In their manipulation and modernization of older statuary, Christians showed a much greater appreciation of the statuary medium than generally assumed.
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10

Werkman, H. "Christelijke literatuur in Nederland aan het einde van de 20e eeuw." Literator 17, no. 1 (April 30, 1996): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v17i1.570.

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Christian literature in the Netherlands at the end of the 20th century Christian literature implicitly or explicitly incorporates the idea of hope in Christ. Literature has an inherent ethical element and this element can also bear a Christian character. Following upon the ergocentric literary approach of the sixties more room has recently been given to “moralizing the literary domain as a corrective of the aestheticising of literature” (J.J.A. Mooij). Despite this trend Christian literature has not flourished in secularized Dutch society. Internally, Christian literature is endangered by Christian readers expecting a one-dimensional message; externally Christian literature as such is not recognized sufficiently by literary critics having no ties with or knowledge of Christianity. The existence of Christian literature in the Netherlands is, however, evident at the end of the 20th century. Although narrative prose inspired by the Christian message has not produced remarkably many novels, the novels of Mance ter Andere have definitely attracted attention. Christian poetry, however, is flourishing (Inge Lievaart, Guillaume van der Graft, Koos Geerds). In this essay it is contended that Christian literary critics have the advantage of being able to interpret and fathom biblical elements in literature, thus adding an ethical dimension to the evaluation of literature.
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11

Terras, Victor. "A Christian Revolution in Russian Literary Criticism." Slavic and East European Journal 46, no. 4 (2002): 769. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3219913.

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12

Bradford, Clare. "Muslim–Christian Relations and the Third Crusade: Medievalist Imaginings." International Research in Children's Literature 2, no. 2 (December 2009): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1755619809000684.

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This article takes as its starting-point the responsiveness of children's literature to socio-political events, considering how contemporary anxieties about relationships between Muslim and Christian individuals and cultures inform three historical novels set in the period of the Third Crusade (1189–92): Karleen Bradford's Lionheart's Scribe (1999), K. M. Grant's Blood Red Horse (2004), and Elizabeth Laird's Crusade (2008). In these novels, encounters between young Christian and Muslim protagonists are represented through language and representational modes which owe a good deal to the habits of thought and expression which typify orientalist discourses in Western fiction. In effect, the novels produce two versions of medievalism: a Muslim medieval world which is irretrievably pre-modern, locked into rigid practices and beliefs against which individuals are powerless; and a Christian medieval world which offers individuals the possibility of progressing to an enhanced state of personal fulfilment. The article argues that the narratives of all three novels incorporate particularly telling moments when Christian protagonists return to England, regretfully leaving Muslim friends. The impossibility of enduring friendships between Muslims and Christians is based on the novels’ assumptions about the incommensurability of cultures and religions; specifically, that there exists an unbridgeable gulf between Islam and Christianity.
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13

Tobin, Michael. "The Christian Core." Renascence 41, no. 1 (1988): 91–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence1988/1989411/210.

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14

Easterbrook, Neil. "Texas Christian University." Critique: Studies in Contemporary Fiction 36, no. 3 (March 1995): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00111619.1995.9935251.

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15

Palmer, Ada. "Humanist Lives of Classical Philosophers and the Idea of Renaissance Secularization: Virtue, Rhetoric, and the Orthodox Sources of Unbelief." Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 3 (2017): 935–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/693881.

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AbstractHumanists seeking to defend the classics in Christian-dominated Europe often reframed ancient philosophers as virtuous proto-Christians. This is particularly visible in the biographical paratexts written for printed editions of ancient philosophers such as Pythagoras, Epictetus, and Democritus, whose humanist editors’ Christianizing claims grew stronger over time. Pious humanists intended and expected the classics to strengthen and reaffirm Christian orthodoxy, but humanists’ own claims that pre-Christian sages, by the light of reason alone, had deduced the central truths of theology and surpassed Christians in the exercise of virtue inadvertently undermined the necessity of scripture and paved the way for later deism.
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16

Reidy, James. "Newman and Christian Humanism." Renascence 44, no. 4 (1992): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence19924447.

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17

McVeigh, Dan. "Is Harry Potter Christian?" Renascence 54, no. 3 (2002): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence200254319.

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18

Lewalski, Barbara K., John T. Shawcross, and William B. Hunter. "Forum: Milton's Christian Doctrine." Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 32, no. 1 (1992): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/450945.

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19

Murphy, John J., and Robert Glenn Wright. "The Social Christian Novel." American Literature 61, no. 4 (December 1989): 702. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2927017.

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20

Daphnis, Editors. "Johann-Christian-Gunther-Symposion." Daphnis 23, no. 2-3 (January 3, 1994): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-0230203028.

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21

Naughton, J. T., and Michael Edwards. "Towards a Christian Poetics." World Literature Today 59, no. 4 (1985): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40142192.

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22

Bishop, Justin, and L. Nancy. "Word about Recent Book: II. Historical-Theological Studies: Towards a Christian Literary Theory." Review & Expositor 105, no. 2 (May 2008): 344–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730810500220.

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23

Hede, Jesper. "Jews and Muslims in Dante’s Vision." European Review 16, no. 1 (February 2008): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000112.

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Dante’s attitude towards Jews and Muslims in the Divine Comedy has been a controversial issue in literary studies of the medieval period. This article outlines the most central questions in this regard and argues that the treatment of the issue has often been misleading due to exaggeration and overstatement. Dante has been seen, respectively, as a summarizer of medieval culture and mentalities, as a medieval intellectual who was more open for non-Christian influences than his fellow Christians, and as a highly prejudiced conservative. In considering the constituents of Dante’s worldview, the article that follows argues that Dante should rather be seen as a medieval Christian whose cultural horizon was limited, whose political theory of world government was narrowly focused on a specific problem within European Christendom, and whose vision of redemption, although complex and original in various respects, could not but embrace all human beings as either righteous or corrupted Christians.
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24

Kwok, Wai Luen. "Seeking Justice in the Midst of War: The Experience of War for Chinese Christians as Revealed in The True Light Review, 1937–1941." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 3 (December 2018): 234–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0229.

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This paper aims to offer a critique of the traditional just war theory and pacifist claims through analysing how Chinese Christians as civilians sought a sense of justice in the midst of war through the medium of a Christian periodical. During 1937 to 1941, The True Light Review was edited and published in the isolated Shanghai International Settlement. Through a dialogue with the debate of the Niebuhr brothers on just war, I argue that the literary discourses in The True Light Review are a kind of ‘realistic ethic’ used to seek an understanding of justice in the midst of war and violence. They show us that, from a world Christianity perspective, the traditional just war and pacifism dichotomy has its limitation. They lead us to propose a new understanding of Christian justice in war.
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25

Mylius, Johan de. "Religious Views in Hans Christian Andersen's Works ? and their Literary Implications." Orbis Litterarum 62, no. 1 (February 2007): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0730.2007.00880.x.

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26

Stokes, Claudia. "The Mother Church: Mary Baker Eddy and the Practice of Sentimentalism." New England Quarterly 81, no. 3 (September 2008): 438–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2008.81.3.438.

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“The Mother Church” analyzes the influence of literary sentimentalism on the writings and doctrine of Mary Baker Eddy, the founder of Christian Science. Having attempted a career as a sentimental poet in her early life, Eddy imported sentimental notions of motherhood and parent-child separation into Christian Science belief and iconography.
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27

Block, E. "BRIAN FRIEL'S FAITH HEALER AS POST-CHRISTIAN, CHRISTIAN DRAMA." Literature and Theology 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2000): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/litthe/14.2.189.

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28

Loader, William. "Christian Frevel." Journal for the Study of Judaism 45, no. 1 (February 11, 2014): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340035.

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29

Kelly, Christopher. "Christian Mysteries." Classical Review 49, no. 2 (October 1999): 449–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.2.449.

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30

Whitmarsh, Tim. "CHRISTIAN SCRIBES." Classical Review 52, no. 1 (March 2002): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/52.1.87.

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31

Arjava, Antti. "Christian Families." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni165.

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32

Copiz, Pietro. "The Drama of Christian Vocation." Renascence 41, no. 1 (1988): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence1988/1989411/29.

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33

Hewitt, Avis. "Hasidic Hallowing and Christian Consecration." Renascence 50, no. 1 (1998): 97–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence1997/1998501/226.

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34

Sinclair, Peter M. "Graham Greene and Christian Despair." Renascence 63, no. 2 (2011): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence201163270.

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35

van Wyk, Anita. "Christian Women Are Not Afraid." Agenda, no. 20 (1994): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4065880.

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36

Norbrook, David. "Euripides, Milton, and Christian Doctrine." Milton Quarterly 29, no. 2 (May 1995): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1094-348x.1995.tb00575.x.

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37

McKelvy, W. R. "BUT IS HE A CHRISTIAN?" Essays in Criticism 59, no. 2 (April 1, 2009): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/escrit/cgp005.

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38

Marling, Raili, and William Marling. "Reparative Reading and Christian Anarchism." Lit: Literature Interpretation Theory 32, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 99–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10436928.2021.1901200.

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39

Dunn, James D. G., Ron Cameron, and Merrill P. Miller. "Redescribing Christian Origins." Journal of Biblical Literature 124, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 760. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30041072.

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40

Atzmon, Arnon. "Midrashic Traditions, Literary Editing, and Polemics in Midrash Tehillim 22: Between Judaism and Christianity." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511288.

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Abstract In this article I demonstrate how a careful reading of the text of Midrash Tehillim 22 reveals a clear distinction between its different developmental layers. While we do find the identification of particular verses with Esther in the early stages of the midrash’s development, there is no reason to assume that this identification was rooted in an anti-Christian polemic. On the other hand, in the later layers of the midrash, we find clear echoes of the systematic creation of a continuous exegesis that focuses on identifying the entire Psalm with Esther. The background for this trend was a polemical confrontation with the Christian interpretation which viewed the Psalm as a prefiguration for Jesus’s crucifixion. The midrash also serves as a Jewish counter to the Christian liturgy created in the wake of the Christological reading.
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41

Panegyres, Konstantine. "THE RHETORIC OF RELIGIOUS CONFLICT IN ARNOBIUS’ADVERSVS NATIONES." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (April 22, 2019): 402–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000272.

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In this paper I discuss the ways in which the early Christian writer Arnobius of Sicca used rhetoric to shape religious identity inAduersus nationes. I raise questions about the reliability of his rhetorical work as a historical source for understanding conflict between Christians and pagans. The paper is intended as an addition to the growing literature in the following current areas of study: (i) the role of local religion and identity in the Roman Empire; (ii) the presence of pagan elements in Christian religious practices; (iii) the question of how to approach rhetorical works as historical evidence.
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42

Howard, George, and Pamela Michelle Eisenbaum. "The Jewish Heroes of Christian History: Hebrews 11 in Literary Context." Journal of Biblical Literature 117, no. 4 (1998): 754. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3266658.

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43

Lössl, Josef. "HIERONYMUS UND EPIPHANIUS VON SALAMIS ÜBER DAS JUDENTUM IHRER ZEIT." Journal for the Study of Judaism 33, no. 4 (2002): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700630260385149.

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AbstractCompared to other Christian authors of the late 4th, early 5th century A.D. Jerome and Epiphanius of Salamis frequently write about Jews and Judaism. And they do so in a historical and biographical context which they largely share. Their frequent use of anti-Jewish polemics, however, has earned them a certain notoriety. But, as is argued in this paper, while their attitude in this respect is, of course, deplorable, it may be less a sign of their ignorance of, and distance from, than their proximity to, the Judaism of their time. Both, Jerome and Epiphanius, draw from very early Christian sources, sources still close to their Jewish roots. They define orthodoxy and heresy in terms of religious practices, very similar to Rabbinic Judaism, they are obsessed with scriptural detail, they reject the veneration of images, and they are interested in the languages and cultures of the Bible, far more than any other of their Christian contemporaries, or, indeed, Christians of any age. Considering their influential role in the history of Christian theology it may be worth looking at some of these aspects in detail, and see how they could have contributed not so much to the exclusion as to the preservation of the Jewish heritage in Christianity.
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44

Steimann, Ilona. "Jewish Scribes and Christian Patrons: The Hebraica Collection of Johann Jakob Fugger." Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 4 (2017): 1235–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/695344.

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AbstractAcquiring Hebrew books was a common practice among Christian humanists. More surprising, perhaps, is that a large group of Hebrew manuscripts was produced for a Christian library. A Jewish scribal workshop organized by Johann Jakob Fugger (1516–75) in Venice—here analyzed for the first time—is one of the rarest examples of this phenomenon that emerged out of Renaissance book culture. To understand Fugger’s extensive bibliophilic enterprise, this essay examines the circulation and dissemination of Hebrew texts from the Jewish bookshelf among Christians, the relationships between Christian patrons and Jewish scribes, and the role of manuscripts as agents of print and as objects of collecting.
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45

Block,, Ed. "Gadamer, Christian Tradition, and the Critic." Renascence 41, no. 4 (1989): 211–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/renascence198941420.

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46

Hunter, William B. "The Provenance of the Christian Doctrine." Studies in English Literature, 1500-1900 32, no. 1 (1992): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/450944.

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47

Ferguson, SallyAnn H. "Christian Violence and the Slave Narrative." American Literature 68, no. 2 (June 1996): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2928299.

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48

Fourcaut, Laurent. "Les Enfances Chino de Christian Prigent." Littératures, no. 75 (September 1, 2016): 209–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/litteratures.776.

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49

Rigby, Kate. "Ancient Christian Ecopoetics: cosmologies, saints, things." Green Letters 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 422–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14688417.2019.1694747.

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50

Seelbach, Ulrich. "EIN HOCHZEITSGEDICHT CHRISTIAN HOFFMANNS VON HOFFMANNSWALDAU." Daphnis 17, no. 2 (March 30, 1988): 353–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90000437.

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