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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Bailey, Michael D. "Religious Poverty, Mendicancy, and Reform in the Late Middle Ages." Church History 72, no. 3 (September 2003): 457–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700100319.

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The idea and the ideal of religious poverty exerted a powerful force throughout the Middle Ages. “Take no gold, or silver, or copper in your belts, no bag for your journey, or two tunics, or sandals, or a staff,” Christ had commanded his apostles. He had sternly warned, “it is easier for a camel to go through the eye of a needle, than for someone who is rich to enter into the kingdom of God.” And he had instructed one of the faithful, who had asked what he needed to do to live the most holy sort of life, “if you wish to be perfect, go, sell your possessions and give your money to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven.” Beginning with these biblical injunctions, voluntary poverty, the casting off of wealth and worldly goods for the sake of Christ, dominated much of medieval religious thought. The desire for a more perfect poverty impelled devout men and women to new heights of piety, while disgust with the material wealth of the church fueled reform movements and more radical heresies alike. Often, as so clearly illustrated by the case of the Spiritual Franciscans andfraticelliin the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the lines separating devout believer from condemned heretic shifted and even reversed themselves entirely depending on how one understood the religious call to poverty. Moreover, the Christian ideal of poverty interacted powerfully with and helped to shape many major economic, social, and cultural trends in medieval Europe. As Lester Little demonstrated over two decades ago, for example, developing ideals of religious poverty were deeply intermeshed with the revitalizing European economy of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries and did much to shape the emerging urban spirituality of that period.

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2

Crãciun, Maria, and Bernard Hamilton. "The Christian World of the Middle Ages." Sixteenth Century Journal 35, no. 3 (October 1, 2004): 928. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477114.

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3

Murray, Jacqueline, and Clarissa W. Atkinson. "The Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages." American Historical Review 98, no. 3 (June 1993): 846. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167579.

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4

Kaelber, Lutz. "Weavers into Heretics? The Social Organization of Early-Thirteenth-Century Catharism in Comparative Perspective." Social Science History 21, no. 1 (1997): 111–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017661.

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How did a person become a heretic in the Middle Ages? Then, once the person was affiliated with a heretical group, how was the affiliation sustained? What social processes and mechanisms were involved that forged bonds among heretics strong enough, in some cases, for them to choose death rather than return to the bosom of the Church? Two competing accounts of what attracted people to medieval heresies have marked the extremes in historical explanations (Russell 1963): one is a materialist account elucidated by Marxist historians; the other one focuses on ideal factors, as proposed by the eminent historian Herbert Grundmann.

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5

Kirschenbaum, Aaron. "Jewish and Christian Theories of Usury in the Middle Ages." Jewish Quarterly Review 75, no. 3 (January 1985): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454076.

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6

VIOLANTE, Susana B. "Fe y dialéctica. Una problemática en Otloh de San Emeramo." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 14 (October 1, 2007): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v14i.6241.

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This work analyzes the text De suis tentationibus, of Otloh of St. Emmeram (1010- 1070). A monk that shows us how the love for reading and knowledge ends up committing his life and the life of many men when using the Liberal Arts mainly the dialectic. It also allows us to see how a parallel construcción, the one that mantains separated Philosophy from Revelation, is established. We are interested in recovering some thinkers of the Hight Middle Ages, who have elaborated arguments that may have changed to some extent the history of the prejudices, punishments, heresies and blazes.

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7

Nederman, C. "Living Together, Living Apart: Rethinking Jewish-Christian Relations in the Middle Ages." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 507 (April 1, 2009): 397–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep009.

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8

Frassetto, Michael. "Augustine's Doctrine of Witness and Attitudes toward the Jews in the Eleventh Century." Church History and Religious Culture 87, no. 3 (2007): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124107x232435.

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AbstractThroughout the Middle Ages Augustine of Hippo's doctrine of witness shaped theological attitudes toward the Jews and moderated Christian behavior toward them. Despite the importance of this doctrine, Christian authors sometimes turned away from the doctrine to create a new theological image of the Jew that justified contemporary violence against them. The writings of Ademar of Chabannes (989-1034) demonstrate the temporary abandonment of Augustine's doctrine during a time of heightened apocalypticism and attacks on the Jews. Ademar's writings thus reveal an important moment in the history of relations between Christians and Jews in the Middle Ages.

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9

Otten, Willemien. "Christianity’s Content: (Neo)Platonism in the Middle Ages, Its Theoretical and Theological Appeal." NUMEN 63, no. 2-3 (March 9, 2016): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341422.

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The development of medieval Christian thought reveals from its inception in foundational authors like Augustine and Boethius an inherent engagement with Neoplatonism. To their influence that of Pseudo-Dionysius was soon added, as the first speculative medieval author, the Carolingian thinker Johannes Scottus Eriugena (810–877ce), used all three seminal authors in his magisterial demonstration of the workings of procession and return. Rather than a stable ongoing trajectory, however, the development of medieval Christian (Neo)Platonism saw moments of flourishing alternate with moments of philosophical stagnation. The revival of theTimaeusand Platonic cosmogony in the twelfth century marks the achievement of the so-called Chartrian authors, even as theTimaeusnever acquired the authority of the biblical book of Genesis. Despite the dominance of scholastic and Aristotelian discourse in the thirteenth century, (Neo)Platonism continued to play an enduring role. The Franciscan Bonaventure follows the Victorine tradition in combining Augustinian and Dionysian themes, but Platonic influence underlies the pattern of procession and return — reflective of the Christian arc of creation and salvation — that frames the thought of Thomas Aquinas. Echoing the interrelation of macro- and microcosmos, the major themes of medieval Christian Platonic thought are, on the one hand, cosmos and creation and, on the other, soul and self. The Dominican friar Meister Eckhart and the beguine Marguerite Porete, finally, both Platonically inspired late-medieval Christian authors keen on accomplishing the return, whether the aim is to bring out its deep, abyss-like “ground” (Eckhart) or to give up reason altogether and surrender to the free state of “living without a why” (Marguerite), reveal the intellectual audacity involved in upending traditional theological modes of discourse.

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Barinova, Svetlana Gennad'evna. "Scholasticism as a Systematic European Philosophy of the Middle Ages." Социодинамика, no. 7 (July 2022): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7144.2022.7.38412.

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The article examines the contribution of the greatest encyclopedic mind of antiquity - Aristotle to the formation of scholasticism. The direct and indirect influence of Aristotelian ideas can be traced during the long period of the formation of scholasticism. The emergence of non–Christian Aristotelianism – Averroism - was an important moment in the history of philosophy. An adherent of authentic Aristotelianism - Averroes, translated the works of Aristotle and interpreted them through the concepts of Arabic philosophy. The topic of the influence of authentic scholasticism on patristic theology is touched upon. The traditional understanding of scholasticism as a combination of Christian theology with the philosophy of Aristotle is noted. Scholasticism, being a religious philosophy, applies philosophical concepts and techniques to the Christian-church doctrine, the early experience of which is contained in patristics. Scholasticism, as a religious philosophy, needed the development of theological thought and its development took place along with the development of theology. Studying the great ancient thinkers – Plato and Aristotle, the development of scholasticism has moved forward especially noticeably, which is reflected in the formation of scholastic metaphysics. The penetration of Aristotelianism in the XIII century into Christian philosophy marked the heyday of scholasticism. The scholastics turned their eyes to the ancient thinkers in order to establish Christian truth. Aristotle was presented to them as a universal thinker with a broad outlook, who achieved knowledge by the aspirations of reason. The similarity of Aristotle's organic worldview and the Christian understanding of the spirit and life turned out to be suitable for representatives of scholasticism, who noticed the similarity of Aristotle's teaching about the existence of God with the teaching of Holy Scripture.

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Carrington, Laurel, and István Bejczy. "Erasmus and the Middle Ages: The Historical Consciousness of a Christian Humanist." Sixteenth Century Journal 34, no. 3 (October 1, 2003): 820. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20061557.

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12

Lowe, Dunstan. "Suspending Disbelief: Magnetic and Miraculous Levitation from Antiquity to the Middle Ages." Classical Antiquity 35, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 247–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2016.35.2.247.

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Static levitation is a form of marvel with metaphysical implications whose long history has not previously been charted. First, Pliny the Elder reports an architect’s plan to suspend an iron statue using magnetism, and the later compiler Ampelius mentions a similar-sounding wonder in Syria. When the Serapeum at Alexandria was destroyed, and for many centuries afterwards, chroniclers wrote that an iron Helios had hung magnetically inside. In the Middle Ages, reports of such false miracles multiplied, appearing in Muslim accounts of Christian and Hindu idolatry, as well as Christian descriptions of the tomb of Muhammad. A Christian levitation miracle involving saints’ relics also emerged. Yet magnetic suspension could be represented as miraculous in itself, representing lost higher knowledge, as in the latest and easternmost tradition concerning Konark’s ruined temple. The levitating monument, first found in classical antiquity, has undergone many cultural and epistemological changes in its long and varied history.

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13

Palmer, James T. "The Otherness of Non-Christians in the Early Middle Ages." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 33–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050099.

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Non-Christian ‘others’ were crucial to the definition of early medieval Christendom. Many groups certainly found it important to generate a sense of belonging through shared practice, history and ideals. But the history of Christianity was a story of conflict, which from the very beginning saw a community of believers struggling against Jews and ‘pagan’ Romans. At the end, too, Christ warned there would be ‘false prophets’ and tribulations, and John of Patmos saw the ravages of Gog and Magog against the faithful. When many early medieval Christians looked at ‘religious others’, they saw not so much ‘members of religions’, as they did people defined by typologies and narratives designed to express the nature and trajectory of Christendom itself. This has been a recurring theme in scholarship which has sought to understand Christian views of pagans, Muslims and Jews in the period, but the effect and purpose of such rhetoric is not always fully appreciated.

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14

Stone, Linda. "The Cambridge History of Judaism, Volume 6: The Middle Ages: The Christian World." Journal of Jewish Studies 71, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 451–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3474/jjs-2020.

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15

Kennedy, John. "The pre-Christian religions of the north, research and reception, vol. 1: From the middle ages to c. 1830 [Book Review]." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 16, no. 1 (2020): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2020.1.12.

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Review(s) of: The Pre-Christian Religions of the North, Research and Reception, vol. 1: From the Middle Ages to c. 1830, by Clunies Ross, Margaret (ed.), (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018) hardcover, xxxiv + 637 pages, 37 b and w + 24 colour illustrations, RRP euro130; ISBN: 9782503568799.

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16

Abulafia, Anna Sapir. "Intricate Interfaith Networks in the Middle Ages: Quotidian Jewish–Christian Contacts." Journal of Jewish Studies 69, no. 1 (April 1, 2018): 198–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3363/jjs-2018.

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17

Oschema, Klaus. "No ‘Emperor of Europe’." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 2 (September 25, 2017): 411–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945817718649.

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Recent research on the use of the notion of Europe during the Middle Ages has confirmed that the name of the continent only rarely acquired a political meaning, if at all, in this period. What is particularly surprising is the observation that several authors in the Latin world used expressions such as regnum Europae or regna Europae, especially in the Carolingian period, without elaboration. Hence, although Charlemagne has been praised as ‘father of Europe’ by one contemporary author, the idea of an ‘Emperor of Europe’ was never developed, with the exception of two brief notices in early medieval Irish annalistic compilations. Even during the High Middle Ages, when the name of the continent came to be more widely used in different contexts, only a small set of figures, historical as well as fictitious, were ascribed with the aspiration or quality of ruling all of Europe. Towards the end of the Middle Ages, however, the notion of an ‘Emperor of Europe’ became more common in a particular context: Christian authors accused non-Christian rulers of Asian origin (Mongols, Turks) of seeking to subdue the entire continent. Latin authors, in turn, started to perceive Europe as being the home of Christendom. This article demonstrates how those Christian authors accept a pluralistic order for their own continent (on a political level), and contrasts this with the quest for hegemonic rule that becomes a motive of polemic, which they ascribe to non-Christian rulers. Although their arguments do not lead to the explicit presentation of Europe as the ‘continent of freedom’, they do recognise and value the existence of a multitude of political entities which they contrast with a hegemonic and homogenous political role of ‘Asian tyrants’. In a broader perspective, these findings open insights into late medieval political thought that go beyond what we can learn from contemporary ‘political discussion’ in a more limited sense.

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18

Ruys, Juanita Feros. "An Alternative History of Medieval Empathy: The Scholastics and compassio." Emotions: History, Culture, Society 2, no. 2 (November 15, 2018): 192–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2208522x-02010019.

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AbstractThis essay contributes to the alternative history of empathy by complicating the current state of scholarship placing the birthplace of modern Western empathy in the European Middle Ages. In counterpoint, the essay argues that there endured throughout the Middle Ages a suspicion of empathy as a feeling state and a prompt to right action. This position was inherited from the ancient Stoics and was particularly expressed by the medieval philosopher-theologians known as the Scholastics. In making this case, the essay focuses on the Medieval Latin term compassio and takes as its material the writings of Bonaventure, scholastic exegesis of the Christian foundation myths of the fall of humans and the evil angels, and scholastic analyses of almsgiving.

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19

Adorisio, Chiara. "The Debate Between Salomon Munk and Heinrich Ritter on Medieval Jewish and Arabic History of Philosophy." European Journal of Jewish Studies 6, no. 1 (2012): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247112x637605.

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Abstract In the middle of the nineteenth century, the German historian of philosophy Heinrich Ritter and the Jewish scholar and Orientalist Salomon Munk had a debate on the history of Jewish Philosophy. This debate is an example of how Salomon Munk’s work functioned to point up the reciprocal influences between Jewish, Arab and Christian Thought in the Middle Ages. Munk, who was a scholar within the Wissenschaft des Judentums, a Jewish movement that promoted the scientific study of Judaism, criticized Ritter’s History of Philosophy. In fact, Munk noticed that in his work, Ritter mentioned only a few references to Jewish thinkers like Maimonides. Ritter’s response was that Christian historians of philosophy knew too little about this subject in order to give a qualified judgment. Nevertheless, later on, in the second edition of his History of Philosophy, Ritter added many important details on Al-Gazali, Ibn-Badja and Ibn-Roschd after the reading of Munk’s articles. Ritter also shaped an entirely new paragraph on the history of Jewish philosophy in the Middle Ages using above all Munk’s seminal studies on Avicebron’s Fons Vitae.

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20

Johns, J. "Review: The Making of Christian Malta: From the Early Middle Ages to 1530 * Anthony Luttrell: The Making of Christian Malta: From the Early Middle Ages to 1530." Journal of Islamic Studies 15, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 84–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/15.1.84.

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21

Bynum, Caroline Walker. "The Body of Christ in the Later Middle Ages: A Reply to Leo Steinberg." Renaissance Quarterly 39, no. 3 (1986): 399–439. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862038.

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Most of us who inhabit the western, post-Christian world are so accustomed to pictures of the Madonna and child or of the Holy Family that we hardly notice the details. When we encounter such images in museums, on posters, or on Christmas cards, we tend to respond sentimentally if at all. We note whether the baby looks like a baby or not. We are pleased if the figures appear happy and affectionate. Perhaps we even feel gratitude for the somewhat banal support of an institution—the human family—that seems worn a little thin in the modern world. But we are not shocked. Recognizing that the Incarnation is a central Christian tenet, we feel no surprise that Christian artists throughout the western tradition should have painted God as a male baby.

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22

Jordan, William Chester. "Christian excommunication of the Jews in the middle ages: A restatement of the issues." Jewish History 1, no. 1 (March 1986): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01782499.

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23

Wiley, Norbert. "History of the Self: From Primates to Present." Sociological Perspectives 37, no. 4 (December 1994): 527–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389278.

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The article begins with a semiotic theory of how human selves emerged from the primates. It then follows the history of the self from classical Greece, throught the Christian Middle Ages, to early industrialization (as seen by Durkheim) and later industrialization (as seen by Weber). The story is largely an implicit struggle between self and society for what might be called the steering power, or “cybernetic control,” of life.

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24

Byron, Mark. "The Early Middle Ages of Samuel Beckett." Journal of Beckett Studies 25, no. 1 (April 2016): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jobs.2016.0154.

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Beckett's investigations in the history of philosophy are well represented in his notebooks of the late 1920s and early 1930s, which provide a close record of his reading in ancient, medieval, and modern philosophy, as well as in history, literature, and psychology. Numerous scholars – Daniella Caselli, Anthony Uhlmann, Dirk Van Hulle, Matthew Feldman, and David Addyman among others – have carefully delineated the relationship between Beckett's note-taking and his deployment of philosophical sources in his literary texts. Whilst the focus quite rightly tends to fall on Beckett's absorption of Presocratic, Aristotelian, Cartesian, and post-Cartesian philosophy, there are important strands of early medieval philosophy that find expression in his literary work. The philosophy notes housed in the library of Trinity College, Dublin, provide insights into Beckett's reading in medieval philosophy, drawing almost exclusively from Wilhelm Windelband's History of Philosophy. The epoch spanning from Augustine to Abelard saw central concepts in theology and metaphysics develop in sophistication, such as matters of divine identity and non-identity, the metaphysics of light, and the nature of sin. The influence of the Eastern Church Fathers (Gregory of Nyssa, Basil of Caesarea, Maximus the Confessor) on Western metaphysics finds expression in the figuration of light and its relation to knowing and unknowing. This eastern theological inflection is evident in the ‘Dream’ Notebook, where Beckett's notes demonstrate his careful reading of William Inge's Christian Mysticism. These influences are expressed most prominently in various themes and allusions in his early novels Dream of Fair to Middling Women, Murphy, and Watt. The formal experiments and narrative self-consciousness of these early novels also respond to the early medieval transformation of textual form, where the precarious post-classical fruits of learning were preserved in new modes of encyclopaedism, commentary, and annotation. Beckett's overt display of learning in his early novels was arguably a kind of intellectual and textual preservation. But the contest of ideas in his work subsequently became less one of intellectual history and more that of immanent thinking in the process of composition itself.

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Lumsden, Douglas W. "“Touch No Unclean Thing”: Apocalyptic Expressions of Ascetic Spirituality in the Early Middle Ages." Church History 66, no. 2 (June 1997): 240–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170656.

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The earliest Latin commentaries on the Apocalypse of John interpret this strange and powerful text as a revelation of the Christian community's drama as it fulfills the conditions leading to its glorious triumph in the final chapter of God's temporal plan. According to early Latin exegetes, one event—the opening of the seven seals, described in Apocalypse 6:1 through 8:1—represents a microcosm of the whole, revealing the entire purpose for the church's historical development. Throughout the first millennium of Christian history, biblical authorities analyzing the account of the seven seals for its underlying message concluded that God causes history to unfold and mature in order to allow the assembly of the elect to separate itself from its false brethren within the church. Processed and purified by history, the elect will exist in a state of readiness for their ascension into eternity.

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Serlin, David. "Virgin Territories." Radical History Review 2022, no. 142 (January 1, 2022): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9397101.

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Abstract In this wide-ranging conversation, David Serlin (University of California, San Diego) and Roland Betancourt (University of California, Irvine) discuss questions of sexual consent and sexual violence in the visual culture of early Christian art as inspired by Betancourt’s recent book, Byzantine Intersectionality: Sexuality, Gender, and Race in the Middle Ages (2020). Drawing on rare manuscripts and other objects of worship from institutional archives, Betancourt analyzes and contextualizes numerous Byzantine visual texts featuring often confounding representations of sexual acts or gendered behavior that later Christian interpreters would treat as conventional or settled. For Betancourt, early Christian authors and artists were far more open to troubling and experimenting with depictions of sexual and gendered narratives than many medievalists (and, importantly, non-medievalists) have been trained to see.

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Green, Monica H. "Conversing with the minority: relations among Christian, Jewish, and Muslim women in the high middle ages." Journal of Medieval History 34, no. 2 (June 2008): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmedhist.2008.03.004.

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28

Edbury, Peter. ":The Crusades and the Christian World of the East: Rough Tolerance.(The Middle Ages Series.)." American Historical Review 114, no. 1 (February 2009): 252–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.1.252.

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29

Bilde, Per. "Main trends in modern Josephus research." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 8, no. 2 (September 1, 1987): 73–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69418.

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Josephus was a Jewish historian during the 1st century in the Roman Empire. In the Christian church, Josephus received recognition as a crypto-Christian Nicodemus character, a kind of Jewish church father similar to Philo, or a kind of fifth evangelist. In late antiquity and the Middle Ages of Europe he was respected and esteemed as a great author and historian. For example, a man like Hieronymus would describe him as the Jewish Livius. During this period, admiration of him was nearly uncritical, and the work of scholars consisted primarily in carrying on the tradition by constantly creating new editions and translations. The first slight signs of critical attitude appeared at the end of the Middle Ages, when one gradually began to take note of and comment on Josephus’ deviations from the text of the Old Testament in his rendering of biblical history.

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Edmonds, Fiona. "Making Christian Landscapes in Atlantic Europe: conversion and consolidation in the Early Middle Ages." Landscape History 42, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01433768.2021.1928892.

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31

Polcaro, V. F., and A. Martocchia. "Guidelines for a Social History of Astronomy." Culture and Cosmos 16, no. 1 and 2 (October 2012): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0215.

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An analysis of the basic cultural, historical and social elements which allowed the re-discovery and transfer of astronomical knowledge from the earlier Middle Ages up to the birth of modern astronomy, is presented in the new book Storia sociale dell’Astronomia. The book describes the main factors which played a role in suppressing or re-awakening interest in astronomical observations and events down the centuries. Among such elements we include: the loss of Greek-language-based knowledge as a vector of scientific knowledge; Christian and Islamic conceptions of Astrology; religious practices connected with observations; the birth of universities; the Protestant paradigm and humanism; the evolution of the social figure of the scientist in the West, from monks to aristocrats, and from Renaissance lords to bourgeois entrepreneurs. We focus attention on the social phenomena which caused the development of Astronomy as a science from the Middle Ages to the Copernican revolution, and claim that the ruling class’s attitude towards science is not only a matter for historical studies, but has much to do with the modern impoverishment and stagnation of Astronomy.

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32

Ferreiro, Alberto. "Simon Magus, Nicolas of Antioch, and Muhammad." Church History 72, no. 1 (March 2003): 53–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700096967.

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Scholars of the Middle Ages have established that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, there was an intellectual shift in the Christian polemic against Islam. Whereas in earlier centuries heresiologists defined Islam as pagan, in the high Middle Ages the prevailing opinion emerged that it was instead a heresy. Medieval writers, who drew upon a rich theological tradition dating to the patristic era, sustained and expanded this new perspective. Many of the patristic theological refutations against heretics proved once again useful as groups such as the Waldensians, Albigensians, and others made serious challenges against the dominant orthodoxy. Even though Islam had already been a formidable presence in the Mediterranean—especially since the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in the early eighth century—in the high Middle Ages the continued expansion of Islam, including its defeat of the Crusaders, was perceived to be an increased threat to Christendom. A corollary development was the greater interest in Islam—mainly to discredit or refute it—by some leading western Christian theologians. One thing is certain: medieval writers were intent on demonstrating the heretical nature of Islamic doctrines and the perversity of Islamic morality. Medieval polemicists, however, resorted to a standard theological weapon to assault Islam, typology. Through typology medieval writers were capable of constructing alleged historical and doctrinal links between Muhammad and two of the most notorious “types” of heresy from early Christianity: Simon Magus and Nicolas of Antioch.

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Dudek, Jarosław. "The Christianisation of the eastern European Steppe peoples." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 16, no. 1 (2020): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2020.1.9.

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This paper examines the difficulties experienced in bringing Christianity to the peoples of eastern Europe in the early Middle Ages and beyond. In focus are the problems and processes of converting the Eurasian nomads who appeared in the steppes of eastern Europe. The research reveals that the success of missionary activity from various Christian denominations (often associated with trade activities) depended upon the receptiveness of the leaders of nomadic communities. A number of examples from various communities are provided.

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Bailey, Anne E. "Miracle Children: Medieval Hagiography and Childhood Imperfection." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 47, no. 3 (November 2016): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01012.

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Approaches from social history, medical anthropology, and the history of the emotions can aid in the understanding of sick and physically impaired children as they appeared in the miracle stories of medieval England. An analysis of the medical and religious meanings attached to bodily defects in the Middle Ages discovers that hagiographers harnessed the emotions evoked by childhood illness to create a distinctly Christian concept of childhood imperfection.

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Vauchez, André. "Between Virginity and Spiritual Espousals: Models of Feminine Sainthood in the Christian West in the Middle Ages." Medieval History Journal 2, no. 2 (October 1999): 349–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097194589900200206.

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36

Shaham, Ron. "Christian and Jewish Waqf in Palestine during the late Ottoman period." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, no. 3 (October 1991): 460–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00000823.

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This article deals with Palestinian Christians and Jews who availed themselves of the Muslim pious endowment institution (waqf, pi. awqāf) during the late Ottoman period. In Judaism and Christianity we find pious endowment institutions: the Jewish ‘Hekdesh’ and the Christian ‘Piae Causae’. In both religions there exists an ancient tradition of endowments for purposes which are quite similar to those of the waqf. In spite of this, Christians and Jews in Muslim territories availed themselves of the waqf from the Middle Ages until the end of the Ottoman state. This is an example of the use by minorities of the majority's legal system.

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Karras, Ruth Mazo. "The Aerial Battle in the Toledot Yeshu and Sodomy in the Late Middle Ages." Medieval Encounters 19, no. 5 (2013): 493–533. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342150.

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Abstract Thomas Ebendorfer’s fifteenth-century Latin translation of a Hebrew Toledot Yeshu text is the earliest extant Latin version to include a full narrative from the birth of Jesus to the events following the crucifixion, and predates existing Hebrew versions. After reviewing the place of Ebendorfer’s work in the textual tradition of the Toledot, the article examines carefully the work’s account of the aerial battle between Jesus and Judas, in comparison to other versions. Ebendorfer includes the detail of sexual intercourse between the two, which is absent in many later versions. In the context of a discussion of Christian and Jewish attitudes toward male–male sexual activity in the Middle Ages, the article concludes that while this detail was in Ebendorfer’s exemplar, he could have elaborated on it in a way that indicates this was a particularly Christian concern.

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Chinca, Mark, and Christopher Young. "Uses of the Past in Twelfth-Century Germany: The Case of the Middle High German Kaiserchronik." Central European History 49, no. 1 (March 2016): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000030.

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AbstractDespite its broad transmission and its influence on vernacular chronicle writing in the German Middle Ages, the Kaiserchronik has not received the attention from historians that it deserves. This article describes some of the ideological, historical, and literary contexts that shaped the original composition of the chronicle in the middle of the twelfth century: Christian salvation history, the revival of interest in the Roman past, the consolidation of a vernacular literature of knowledge, and the emergence of a practice of writing history as “serious entertainment” by authors such as Geoffrey of Monmouth and Godfrey of Viterbo. Placed in these multiple contexts, which have a European as well as a specifically German dimension, the Kaiserchronik emerges as an important document of the uses of the past in fostering a sense of German identity among secular and ecclesiastical elites in the high Middle Ages.

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Sarah Lamm. "Living Together, Living Apart: Rethinking Jewish-Christian Relations in the Middle Ages (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 27, no. 4 (2009): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.0.0384.

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Shoemaker, Stephen J. "“Let us Go and Burn Her Body”: The Image of the Jews in the Early Dormition Traditions." Church History 68, no. 4 (December 1999): 775–823. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170205.

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In his recent book,Mary through the Centuries, Jaroslav Pelikan notes that “one of the most profound and persistent roles of the Virgin Mary in history has been her function as a bridge builder to other traditions, other cultures, and other religions.” This is particularly true of the late ancient Near East, where Mary's significance frequently reached across various cultural and religious boundaries. But it is equally true that Mary often served to define boundaries between traditions, cultures, and religions. As Klaus Schreiner explains in his similarly recent book,Maria: Jungfrau, Mutter, Herrsherin, “Brücken, die Juden und Christen miteinander hätten verbinden können, schlug Maria im Mittelalter nicht… Maria trennte, grenzte aus.” In the rather substantial chapter that follows, Schreiner presents perhaps the best overview of Mary's role as a focus of Jewish/Christian conflict in late antiquity and the Middle Ages. Scholars have long recognized the role played by the Virgin and her cult in the exclusion of Jews from Christian society during the Western Middle Ages, Marian piety being, along with eucharistic devotion, the most anti-Jewish aspect of medieval piety. Throughout the medieval period, and likewise continuing into the Renaissance and Reformation, the Virgin Mary figured prominently in Christian anti-Jewish literature, where the (alleged) Jewish disparagement of Virgin Mary “weighed heavier than thefts of the host, ritual murders, and … ell poisoning.”

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Flint, Valerie I. J., and G. F. Grant. "Magic and divination in the middle ages: Texts and techniques in the Islamic and Christian worlds." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 34, no. 4 (1998): 408–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199823)34:4<408::aid-jhbs19>3.0.co;2-i.

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Moritz, Joshua M. "The Role of Theology in the History and Philosophy of Science." Brill Research Perspectives in Theology 1, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 1–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683493-12340002.

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AbstractAfter a bibliographic introduction highlighting various research trends in science and religion, this essay explores how the current academic and conceptual landscape of theology and science has been shaped by the history of science, even as theology has informed the philosophical foundations of science. The first part assesses the historical interactions of science and the Christian faith (looking at the cases of human dissection in the Middle Ages and the Galileo affair) in order to challenge the common notion that science and religion have always been at war. Part two investigates the nature of the interaction between science and Christian theology by exploring the role that metaphysical presuppositions and theological concepts have played—and continue to play—within the scientific process.

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McGrath, Alister E. "Christian Spirituality: High Middle Ages and Reformation. Jill Raitt , Bernard McGinn , John Meyendorff." Speculum 63, no. 4 (October 1988): 988–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2853588.

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Mirzoeva, Sabina. "Systems applied for divorce in Islam and Christianity." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 01 (January 1, 2021): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202101statyi12.

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The article is devoted to the divorce systems of Christianity and Islamic Laws in the Middle Ages. It is mentioned in the article that the age of marriage has direct effect on possibility of divorce. In general, different approaches of the two wide-spread monotheistic religions to the notion of marriage are handled and terms, reasons and cases of divorce in the Christian and Islamic belief systems are subject to research in the article.

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Schmoeckel, Mathias. "V. Leges fundamentales: Gesetze, die gleicher sind als andere? Vom Inhalt zum Begriff." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Kanonistische Abteilung 107, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgk-2021-0005.

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Abstract Leges fundamentals: Laws Higher than Others? Their Development from the Concept to the Term. This article investigates the tradition of laws with a higher, central authority, which can be found in the Christian tradition from the Middle Ages to the 16th century, when the Calvinist party finally coined the term “loi fondamentale”. The contrast to other national discussions shows the different starting points and contents of a notion, which rapidly became a common European heritage and merged with the equally new concept of “constitution”.

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Berger, David. "Mission to the Jews and Jewish-Christian Contacts in the Polemical Literature of the High Middle Ages." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869132.

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Gärtner, Thomas. "Die Musen Im Dienste Christi: Strategien Der Rechtfertigung Christlicher Dichtung in Der Lateinischen Spätantike." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 4 (2004): 424–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072042596228.

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AbstractThe present article examines the arguments by which early Christian poets in Late Antiquity justify their attempt to combine Christian content and pagan poetical form. It focuses on the poetologically significant parts of their works, especially the proems. Whereas the earliest poets, i.e.Proba, Prudentius and Orientius, justify Christian poetry by its effects on the poet's personality and in the context of the poet's life, Juvencus prefigures another type of argument which is fully developed in Sedulius' Carmen paschale, according to which Christian poetry is justified by its material and formal qualities. This new type of argument has enormous reception in the Middle Ages and is especially adapted by Hrotsvith of Gandersheim who combines content and form as two coordinates of a more differentiated system.

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GILLEARD, CHRIS. "Old age in the Dark Ages: the status of old age during the early Middle Ages." Ageing and Society 29, no. 7 (September 18, 2009): 1065–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x09008630.

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ABSTRACTThis paper reviews the position of old age in the societies of post-Roman Europe, from the fifth to the 10th centuries. Drawing on both primary and secondary literary and material sources of the period, I suggest that living beyond the age of 60 years was an uncommon experience throughout the early Middle Ages. Not only was achieving old age a minority experience, it seems to have been particularly concentrated among the senior clergy. This, together with the growing importance of the Christian Church as the institution that stabilised post-Roman society, the decline of urban living and its attendant culture of leisure and literacy, and the transformation of kinship into a symbolic ‘family under God’ contributed to a more favourable status for old age, or at least one that was particularly favourable for older men. This was based not so much upon the accumulation with age of wealth and privilege, but upon the moral worth of old age as a stage of life. The early Middle Ages, the so-called ‘Dark Ages’, was in this respect a relatively distinctive period in the history of old age. With all around instability and the future uncertain and often threatening, survival into old age was a rare but frequently revered attainment.

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Koren, Sharon. "Kabbalistic Physiology: Isaac the Blind, Nahmanides, and Moses de Leon on Menstruation." AJS Review 28, no. 2 (November 2004): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009404000194.

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Science and faith were inextricably intertwined in the Latin Middle Ages. Clerics would attend to both spiritual and physical needs because the need to care for the body coincided with the need to care for the soul. Until the rise of universities in the twelfth century, monasteries were the centers of scientific knowledge. And, even after the professionalization of medicine in the thirteenth century, Christian physicians continued to look to the Bible, in addition to their license, as the source of their authority. Indeed, many Christian physicians who received medical degrees went on to pursue higher degrees in theology. It is therefore not surprising that several Christian theologians used medical theories in the service of theology.

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Valabregue, Sandra. "Philosophy, Heresy, and Kabbalah's Counter-Theology." Harvard Theological Review 109, no. 2 (April 2016): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816016000043.

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The role philosophy played in the rise of new Jewish esoteric traditions in the Middle Ages has always been a critical question for kabbalah scholarship. Many scholars have contributed to our understanding of kabbalah's relationship to Greek, Christian, and Jewish philosophy, Neoplatonic and Neo-Aristotelian traditions alike. In this article I wish to contribute to this vast scholarly discussion by enlightening some aspects of theosophical kabbalah's innovation in light of its dialogue with philosophical ideas. This dialogue is complex, and the extent of kabbalah's interaction with philosophy is difficult to evaluate. My assumption in the following is that such a dialogue is best apprehended where conflict can be detected. Consequently I will study different cases of theological conflict between theosophical and philosophical conceptions—cases of heresy, where a theological tension can be identified. These tensions will help us to evaluate the nature of the theosophical innovation in question. The framework of this article rests on the assumption that theosophical kabbalah shares with different philosophical traditions some important theological structures but also that it maintains important conceptual differences. In order to evaluate the theological tensions involved I will analyze different cases of theological heresies, both philosophical and theosophical. I hope with this analysis to clarify theosophical kabbalah in light of its theological renewal, a renewal that was not merely the result of the acceptance of or resistance to philosophical ideas but also of the emerging of what I propose to call counter-theology.

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