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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Gellera, Giovanni. "Pride Aside: James Dundas as a Stoic Christian." Journal of Scottish Philosophy 17, no. 2 (June 2019): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jsp.2019.0234.

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In the manuscript Idea philosophiae moralis (1679), James Dundas (c.1620−1679), first Lord Arniston, a Presbyterian, a judge and a philosopher, makes extensive use of Stoic themes and authors. About one third of the manuscript is a close reading of Seneca. Dundas judges Stoicism from the perspective of Calvinism: the decisive complaint is that the Stoics are ‘prideful’ when they consider happiness to be within the grasp of fallen human reason. However, pride aside, Dundas is willing to recover some Stoic insights for his Calvinist faith. In what ways? The promise of the practical rewards of Stoicism (control of the passions, tranquillity of the mind, strength of character) drives Dundas's interest in arguing that Stoicism can play a crucial psychological and moral contribution to a Christian's life. The investigation of Stoicism in the Idea philosophiae moralis sheds new light on the backdrop of the Scottish Enlightenment's relationship with Stoicism, commonly characterised as ‘Christian Stoicism’, as well as on the variety of the early modern Christian-Stoic syntheses, such as the Religio Stoici (1663) by George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, a friend of Dundas's.

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2

Smolak, Kurt. "Homo sum – amicus sum, sive de Terentio Christiano Hrotsvithae Gandeshemensis." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 31, no. 1 (October 12, 2021): 249–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2021.xxxi.1.18.

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The most famous line from Terence, homo sum etc. (Heautontimoroumenos 77), has been interpreted in different ways under different circumstances by authors ranging from Cicero and Seneca in antiquity and Erasmus at the beginning of the modern age to figures of the 19th and 20th centuries, such as Friedrich Nietzsche, George Bataille, and Thomas Mann. Augustine of Hippo was the first to refer to Terence within a broader Christian context, and in the 12th century John of Salisbury equated the presumed philanthropic attitude of the Roman comedian and imitator of Menander with charity, the ultimate Christian virtue. Whereas most of the testimonia to the reception of Heautontimoroumenos 77 have already been identified and in part analyzed, a refined indirect ῾quotation᾿ of the line in question has been neglected: In a sort of réécriture of the initial scene of Terence’s drama, Roswita (Hrotsvit) of Gandersheim (10th century), in her hagiographic comedy ῾Abraham᾿, interpreted the even then proverbial sentence by introducing for the attitude of ῾humanity towards one’s neighbour᾿ both the Aristotelian definition of friendship (῾one soul in two bodies᾿) and a reference to the ideal of a Christian society with ‘one heart and one soul᾿ (Acts 4, 32). Thus the Terentian humanum is bothparaphrased by and identified with both an other classical and a Christian concept of mutual human affection.

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3

Backus, Irena. "Renaissance Attitudes to New Testament Apocryphal Writings: Jacques Lèfevre d'Étaples and His Epigones." Renaissance Quarterly 51, no. 4 (1998): 1169–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901964.

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AbstractThe standard medieval view of New Testament Apocrypha was that they were Christian writings (related to matters treated in the canonical books of the Bible), which had to be treated with caution and often dismissed as heretical. A list of the Apocrypha figured in the [Pseudo-]Gelasian Decree. In the Renaissance, for authors such as Lèfevre d'Etaples, Nicholas Gerbel and many others, the term assumed a multiplicity of meanings, both positive and negative. This article shows that although no attempts were made in the early 16th century to bring N. T. Apocrypha together into a corpus, the editors' ambivalent and complex attitude to texts such as the Laodiceans or Paul's Correspondence with Seneca led to their definitive marginalisation and encouraged their subsequent publication (by Fabricius and others) as corpora of dubious writings.

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4

Knotts, Matthew William. "God and Self in Confessiones IV and Beyond: Therapeia, Self-Presence, and Ontological Contingency in Augustine, Seneca, and Heidegger." Vox Patrum 82 (June 15, 2022): 113–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.12725.

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This article investigates Augustine’s reflection on the death of his friend in Confessiones IV. A critical treatment of this passage discloses the three key themes which will form the main substance of the analysis: self-presence, the contingency of being, and divine absence. Integrating philosophical and theological methodologies with an historical-critical treatment of Augustine’s work, this article relates Augustine’s insights to his foregoing classical context and his reception in posterity, with particular attention to Lucius Annaeus Seneca (ca. 4 BCE-65 CE) and Martin Heidegger (1889-1976). This investigation shows that these three figures are connected by an appreciation of how self-presence and ontological instability are constant facets of human life, though easily neglected. Each advocates a curriculum of philosophical training, whereby one learns to pacify the mind by an awareness of the true nature of mundane reality. This research contributes to the renewed appreciation of how the therapeutic aspects of classical philosophy influenced early Christian authors; illuminates a key episode in Augustine’s life en route to his conversion to Christianity; and raises questions about the “apophatic” dimensions of Augustine’s theology and anthropology.

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5

Nehring, Przemysław. "The Authority of Seneca in the Early Christian Argumentation." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 27, no. 3 (December 15, 2017): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2017.xxvii.3.10.

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6

Janzsó, Miklós. "„Vivere omnes beate volunt...”." Belvedere Meridionale 31, no. 1 (2019): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2019.1.5.

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In this paper I tried to demonstrate parallels between the works of Seneca the Younger, and the so-called Tabula Cebetis. This short dialogue from the first century AD contains moral teachings about reaching true happiness. Contemporary authors like Lucian, Dio Chrysostom and Plutarch are the closest parallels in using allegories and phrases, but the ethical teaching of Seneca is the most comparable with the whole teaching of the Tabula Cebetis. I tried to highlight some phrases which can prove the similarity of the thoughts of both authors. The works of Seneca may also provide a clue to reveal the author of this anonymous work.

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7

ROSAND, ELLEN. "Il ritorno a Seneca." Cambridge Opera Journal 21, no. 2 (July 2009): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586710000042.

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Twenty years of Cambridge Opera Journal: in view of the journal's place in the discipline, the occasion seemed worth marking. When Roger Parker and Arthur Groos founded Cambridge Opera Journal in 1989, it offered the first forum to the musical community for serious opera criticism that took into account changing orientations in literary studies and seriously engaged with ideology, reception history, and representations of race, class and gender. Subsequent editors – Mary Hunter, Mary Ann Smart, and Emanuele Senici – continued to foster this wide intellectual perspective and to engage with an extraordinary variety of methodologies. For the current issue, we gave carte blanche to authors who contributed in the first two years of publication to reflect on their past work, or on opera studies, or on the journal, either informally as an opinion piece or through new scholarship – and so to measure time by developments in the discipline itself.

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8

Swoboda, Antoni. "Wskazania wychowawcze w ujęciu Lucjusza Anneusza Seneki (4 a. Chr. - 65) i w pismach apologetycznych św. Augustyna (354-430)." Verbum Vitae 21 (January 14, 2012): 205–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1536.

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The article consists of four parts. The first part presents the educational process evaluated by Seneca and Augustine. Then their opinion about the educational environment is examined. The third part explains the educational aims such as religious, moral and intellectual upbringing developed in the writings of Seneca and Augustine. At the end the educational methods of both authors are depicted.

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9

Haake, Claudia Bettina. "A Duty to Protect and Respect: Seneca Opposition to Incorporation during the Removal Period." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 44, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.44.4.haake.

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When pressured to remove after the 1830 Indian Removal Act, some from among the Seneca appealed to the federal government to prevent displacement. In these letters and petitions, their authors periodically invoked the notion of protection, an instrument of cross-cultural diplomatic encounters of the previous century. Seneca authors sought to defend their tribe against settler takeover by invoking two different kinds of protection, external and internal. They further drew upon a civil right, petitioning, although originally it had been a method of exclusion from full political rights, and rejected the legal incorporation forced upon American Indians through the “domestic dependent nations” ruling.

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10

Braund, Susanna. "TABLEAUX AND SPECTACLES: APPRECIATION OF SENECAN TRAGEDY BY EUROPEAN DRAMATISTS OF THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES." Ramus 46, no. 1-2 (December 2017): 135–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2017.7.

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Did Sophocles or Seneca exercise a greater influence on Renaissance drama? While the twenty-first century public might assume the Greek dramatist, in recent decades literary scholars have come to appreciate that the model of tragedy for the Renaissance was the plays of the Roman Seneca rather than those of the Athenian tragedians. In his important essay on Seneca and Shakespeare written in 1932, T.S. Eliot wrote that Senecan sensibility was ‘the most completely absorbed and transmogrified, because it was already the most diffused’ in Shakespeare's world. Tony Boyle, one of the leading rehabilitators of Seneca in recent years, has rightly said, building on the work of Robert Miola and Gordon Braden in particular, that ‘Seneca encodes Renaissance theatre’ from the time that Albertino Mussato wrote his neo-Latin tragedy Ecerinis in 1315 on into the seventeenth century. The present essay offers a complement and supplement to previous scholarship arguing that Seneca enjoyed a status at least equal to that of the Athenian tragedians for European dramatists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. My method will be to examine two plays, one in French and one in English, where the authors have combined dramatic elements taken from Seneca with elements taken from Sophocles. My examples are Robert Garnier's play, staged and published in 1580, entitled Antigone ou La Piété (Antigone or Piety), and the highly popular play by John Dryden and Nathaniel Lee entitled Oedipus, A Tragedy, staged in 1678 and published the following year.

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11

Grislis, Egil. "The Influence of the Renaissance on Richard Hooker." Perichoresis 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2014-0006.

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ABSTRACT Like many writers after the Renaissance, Hooker was influenced by a number of classical and Neo-Platonic texts, especially by Cicero, Seneca, Hermes Trimegistus, and Pseudo-Dionysius. Hooker’s regular allusions to these thinkers help illuminate his own work but also his place within the broader European context and the history of ideas. This paper addresses in turn the reception of Cicero and Seneca in the early Church through the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Hooker’s use of Ciceronian and Senecan ideas, and finally Hooker’s use of Neo-Platonic texts attributed to Hermes Trismegistus and Dionysius the Areopagite. Hooker will be shown to distinguish himself as a sophisticated and learned interpreter who balances distinctive motifs such as Scripture and tradition, faith, reason, experience, and ecclesiology with a complex appeal to pagan and Christian sources and ideas.

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12

Hansen, Benjamin. "Preaching to Seneca: Christ as Stoic Sapiens in Divinae Institutiones IV." Harvard Theological Review 111, no. 4 (October 2018): 541–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000263.

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AbstractLactantius’s Divine Institutes is a conversation with many partners. His affinity for Stoic thought in general, and Seneca in particular, is especially pronounced. Throughout the Institutes we find a delicate back-and-forth between Lactantius’s claim of a novel philosophy centered on the Christian Gospel and his attraction to—and dependence on—the pagan philosophy he hoped to supplant. This interplay is distinctly relevant to Lactantius’s portrayal of the figure of Jesus in Institutes IV. In this paper, I argue that Lactantius shapes his story of the nature and work of Jesus in part to give an answer to a primary Stoic question: where is the sapiens? Indeed, the figure of the sapiens, the “Stoic sage,” had presented something of a problem for the Stoa: Stoic cosmology demanded he exist while Stoic history had failed to find him. By Seneca’s time, a resigned acceptance of the absence of such figures of incarnate wisdom was commonplace; the figure of the sapiens had begun to fade away into the realm of theory, separated from imperfect human practice. In redressing this concern, Lactantius portrays his Christ: the true sage and exemplum, wisdom and virtue incarnate. In short, to Seneca’s resignation, Lactantius offers a rebuke and a corrective by a clever re-shaping of both Christian and Stoic expectation.

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13

Tieleman, Teun. "De filosofie van Cicero en Seneca (CE-pensum Latijn 2018)." Lampas 50, no. 2 (January 1, 2017): 190–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2017.2.006.tiel.

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Summary In this article I note a change of approach among historians of ancient philosophy with regard to the Roman philosophers Cicero and Seneca. Today they are not just studied as sources for earlier thinkers but as independent authors who pursue an agenda of their own within their Roman context. After a few observations on the viability of the notion of ‘Roman philosophy’. I discuss a number of recent publications that may provide useful background information in reading the texts by Cicero and Seneca concerned with the happy life that have been selected for the national examination in 2018.

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14

Bersano, Anna. "Authors’ reply to Bugiani O: More focus on SENECA with CAA." Neurological Sciences 42, no. 6 (February 1, 2021): 2589–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10072-021-05092-7.

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15

Havrda, Matyáš. "Two Projects of Christian Ethics: Clement, Paed. I 1 and Strom. II 2, 4-6." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341379.

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Abstract The prologue of Clement’s Pedagogue is re-examined against the backdrop of the divisions of ethics in Philo of Larissa, Eudorus, and Seneca. Apart from shedding light on the prologue as a project of practical ethics, new observations about Seneca’s terminology are made and a hitherto unnoticed parallel in Strabo adduced. Turning to Stromateis II 2, 4-6, the paper argues that it plays the role of an introduction to theoretical ethics, which covers the rest of the extant Stromateis, being designed for the sake of prospective teachers of Christian doctrine.

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16

Mancini, Willian, and Fábio Faversani. "Laudationes et Iniuriae: debate sobre um aspecto da construção da imagem do governante em Sêneca." Nuntius Antiquus 6 (December 31, 2010): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.6..28-40.

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The article aims to understand specific aspects of the relations between emperors and aristocrats, especially regarding the role of clemency in the making of these relationships. The authors analyse this issue in the context of the principates of Claudius and Nero in three works of Seneca (De consolatione ad Polybium, Apolococintosis, De clementia).

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17

Mackey, James P. "Who are the Authors of Christian Morality?" Irish Theological Quarterly 62, no. 4 (December 1996): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114009606200404.

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18

Luckensmeyer, David, and Bronwen Neil. "Reading First Thessalonians as a Consolatory Letter in Light of Seneca and Ancient Handbooks on Letter-Writing." New Testament Studies 62, no. 1 (November 20, 2015): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688515000351.

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In his first letter to the Thessalonians, Paul addressed the occasion of deaths among Christians with stock arguments of the consolatory genre, without using the typical epistolary structure associated with consolation in ancient handbooks of letter-writing. It is demonstrated that three of Seneca the Younger's letters also employed stock arguments of consolation, but did not follow the usual structure for a letter of consolation. Using Seneca's letters as a test case for what constituted pagan ideas of consolation, we highlight some compelling reasons for reading First Thessalonians as a letter of consolation, a reading that offers some new insights into the passage on the right Christian attitude towards death in 1 Thess 4.13–5.11.

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19

Martínez Romero, Tomàs. "Una versión medieval del epistolario Séneca-San Pablo (con acompañamiento de Tácito)." Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 138, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 65–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrp-2022-0002.

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Abstract The study of the contents of the manuscript Rep. I 30B of Leipzig University Library, a codex catalogued in the 19th century but almost ignored, provides new evidence of known translations into Spanish and of others hitherto unknown. In the first case we find Seneca’s Epistulae morales ad Lucilium translated or commissioned for translation by Fernán Pérez de Guzmán, several chapters of Tacitus’s Annales and the Oratio Demosthenis according to the text by Pere Torroella. In the second, a new version (the second) of the false epistolary between Seneca and Saint Paul, a work that allowed Saint Jerome to introduce the Cordovan philosopher in his list of De viris illustribus and an plot that even made some medieval authors think about the conversion of the old Seneca to Christianity. In order to reach these conclusions, a careful textual analysis is performed. An edition of this second translation of the apocryphal epistolary is included at the end of the article.

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20

Demina, Svetlana S. "The Causes of the Civil War (49–45 BC) in the Thoughts of Roman Authors (1st Century BC – 1st Century AD)." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Historical Studies 7, no. 2 (26) (October 8, 2020): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2312-1300.2020.7(2).7-13.

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This article investigates the thoughts of Roman authors about the causes of the civil war (49-45 BC). Caesar, Cicero and Velleius Paterculus consider the passions and the immorality of the persons as the causes of this war. According to Seneca and Lucan, the political ambitions of Caesar, Pompey, their supporters, as well as the passions of the whole society caused the civil war. But Lucan paid attention also to objective conditions.

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21

Grossi, Vittorino. "Para leer la espiritualidad de san Agustín. Elementos culturales." Augustinus 65, no. 1 (2020): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus202065256/25712.

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The article offers an outline of the context of the classical culture in which Christianity developed in the first three centuries, highlighting the humanistic culture of Seneca, the neo-Pythagorean school of the Sextii and the popular preaching of the Cynical Philosophers. On the other hand, the context of classical culture in Christianity of the 4th and 5th centuries is addressed, to highlight the problems that arose when trying to combine “culture” and Christianity. As an example of this problem, the case of Basil the Great and his Discourse to the young is offered. Subsequently, the article presents a series of open questions about the future of spirituality in relationship with «culture / cultures». The article ends with a discussion about Roman Paideia and the Christian Paideia.

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22

Altholz, Rachel, and Jessica Salerno. "Do people perceive juvenile sex offenders who are gay and Christian as hypocrites? The effects of shared and dual identity defendants." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 8, no. 4 (October 10, 2016): 226–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-08-2015-0182.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate how a criminal offender’s dual social identity affects judgments. Drawing from similarity-leniency and black sheep theories, the authors tested and discuss whether these effects could be explained by legal decision makers’ perceptions of hypocrisy or shared identity with the defendant. Design/methodology/approach The authors recruited 256 Christian and non-Christian adults to read a vignette about a juvenile sex offender who was either Christian or non-Christian, and heterosexual or gay. The authors measured participants’ punitiveness toward the offender. Findings Results revealed that legal decision makers were more punitive when they were Christian compared to non-Christian, and the defendant was gay compared to heterosexual. Further, legal decision makers perceived themselves as more similar to the defendant when they were non-Christian compared to Christian, and the defendant was heterosexual compared to gay. Finally, only when the defendant was Christian, legal decision makers perceived him as more hypocritical when he was gay compared to heterosexual. Originality/value This is the first study to investigate whether gay defendants might be particularly discriminated against if they are also Christian. It is also the first to test the black sheep and similarity-leniency theories in the legal context of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and Christian defendants.

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23

Smith, Jesse, and Gary J. Adler. "What Isn’t Christian Nationalism? A Call for Conceptual and Empirical Splitting." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 8 (January 2022): 237802312211244. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231221124492.

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In the years surrounding Donald Trump’s presidency, a burgeoning strand of literature has emphasized the role of Christian nationalism in American political conflict. The authors argue that this literature contains mutually reinforcing theoretical and empirical shortcomings. Theoretically, the concept of Christian nationalism is overextended and conflates multiple conceptualizations of religion in public life. Empirically, the standard scale used to measure Christian nationalism contains survey items that are too ambiguous to adequately inform (or constrain) interpretations of findings. The authors draw from cultural sociology and political science to highlight key questions current Christian nationalism scholarship does not adequately address. The authors present results from a latent class analysis to show how the same survey items allow other interpretations of how Americans think about religion, state, and public life. The authors conclude with a discussion of theoretical and empirical steps that may strengthen the contributions of this scholarship.

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24

Klauck, H.-J. "Accuser, Judge and Paraclete - On conscience in Philo of Alexandria." Verbum et Ecclesia 20, no. 1 (August 6, 1999): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v20i1.1169.

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Of all known ancient authors writing in Greek, Philo of Alexandria is the one and related terms and concepts (the apostle Paul comes next, more or less). Something similar may only be found in Latin authors speaking of conscientia, like Cicero. This needs an explanation. After discussing some relevant passages from Philo's writings, with special stress on the texts from scriptures exposed by him, analogies in wisdom literature and in Graeco-Roman rhetoric and mythology are indicated. The following solution is proposed: Philo combines the punishing Furies (cf Cicero) and the benevolent guardian spirit (c. Seneca) of Graeco-Roman mythology and philosophy with the personified reproof from Jewish Wisdom literature, and so he creates a concept that helps him to give a visual description of the strict but nevertheless kind guidance God practices on man.

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25

EDWARDS, M. J. "EARLY CHRISTIAN AUTHORS AND THE PROLOGUE TO PARADISE LOST." Notes and Queries 45, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45-1-47.

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EDWARDS, M. J. "EARLY CHRISTIAN AUTHORS AND THE PROLOGUE TO PARADISE LOST." Notes and Queries 45, no. 1 (1998): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/45.1.47.

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27

Aurast, Anna. "What did Christian authors know about Jews and Judaism?" Millennium 10, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mjb.2013.10.1.331.

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28

Graver, Margaret. "Philo of Alexandria and the Origins of the Stoic Πρoπαειαι." Phronesis 44, no. 4 (1999): 300–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685289960464610.

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AbstractThe concept of πρoπαειαι or "pre-emotions" is known not only to the Roman Stoics and Christian exegetes but also to Philo of Alexandria. Philo also supplies the term πρoπαεια at QGen 1.79. As Philo cannot have derived what he knows from Seneca (despite his visit to Rome in 39), nor from Cicero, who also mentions the point, he must have found it in older Stoic writings. The πρoπαεια concept, rich in implications for the voluntariness and phenomenology of the passions proper, is thus confirmed for the Hellenistic period. It is not to be expected that Philo's handling of this or any concept will necessarily conform to the usage of his Stoic sources. His evidence is nonetheless of great value where it coincides with that of other witnesses. In QGen 4.73 the emphasis falls upon involuntariness and the mechanisms of impression and assent as in Epictetus fr. 9. The πρoπαεια saves the virtuous person's insusceptibility to emotion exactly as it does for the Stoic spokesman in Gellius NA 19.1; this point is of some interest in view of the Christological use of this concept in Origen and Didymus. QGen 1.55 and 3.56 indicate that the occurrence of the πρoπαειαι is dependent upon uncertainty, and further, that for Philo, as for Seneca in Ira 2.3.4, a thought not acted upon can count as a πρoπαεια. In QGen 4.15-17 and 1.79, Philo indicates that hope and perhaps laughter may be related to joy as πρoπαεια to παoς; these assertions are not paralleled in extant Stoic texts. Further, in QGen 2.57, he names "biting and contraction" as the ευπαεια corresponding to grief, supplying a helpful parallel for Cic. Tusc. 3.83 and Plut. Virt. Mor. 449a. The topic may well have been discussed by Posidonius, as suggested by Cooper and others, but Posidonius' attested innovations are rather different in character from the points which have caught the attention of Philo. Taking together the indirect evidence of Philo, Seneca, and Cicero, we may reasonably infer that the πρoπαεια concept belonged already to an earlier period of Stoicism.

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MEISER, MARTIN. "Neuzeitliche Mythosdiskussion und altkirchliche Schriftauslegung." New Testament Studies 52, no. 2 (April 2006): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688506000099.

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Within the current discussion of myth in New Testament theology this article reconsiders the ongoing myth debate between Greco-Roman, Jewish and Christian authors against the background not of atheism but of philosophical theology. Over against its challenges Greco–Roman authors defend the myth as exemplum within a sociologically framed accommodation theory and interpret problematic texts using allegorical exegesis. Jewish and Christian authors follow these patterns. In particular, ancient Christian commentators on the Bible use the ancient category of ‘myth as exemplum’ to understand the activities of God and Jesus Christ not only as the base but also as an exemplum for the pious life.

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30

Klauck, Hans-Josef. "Epikurs Briefsammlung und POxy 76.5077." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 110, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 266–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2019-0015.

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Abstract Epicurus is well known as the letter writer par excellence among ancient philosophers. This is shown by examples from Alciphron, Diogenes Laertios, Seneca, and Plutarch. Additionally, the long list of partially preserved letters in the collections of fragments by Usener and Arrighetti is analyzed. These quotes demonstrate the use of letter collections originating with Epicurus and his first students. A new valuable testimony is provided by the publication in 2011 of POxy 5077. Its three fragments are clearly taken from a collection of letters of Epicurus. We find his name in a typical prescript: “Epicurus (to NN), greetings”. Leonteus and Mithres of the founding generation are mentioned. The copying of letters and the exchange of documents within the Epicurean community are fully on display. The little known shipwreck suffered by Epicurus is alluded to. All this is not without interest for students of early Christian letter collections.

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31

Underwager, Ralph, and Hollida Wakefield. "The Christian and Satanism." Journal of Psychology and Theology 20, no. 3 (September 1992): 281–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719202000326.

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Based on theological and psychological analysis of current claims and descriptions, the authors oppose the notion of a worldwide satanic conspiracy that brutalizes children. It is their conviction that there are no historical, theological, or psychological grounds for believing in the existence of such a conspiracy. Rather, scriptural and theological data affirm that Satan, the Prince of Darkness, is a wholly vanquished foe whose sole remaining capacity is telling lies. The penal freedom from the Law achieved in the Gospel permits the believer to accept the claims of God and to refuse to believe the lie of Satan.

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Perry, Samuel L., Andrew L. Whitehead, and Joshua T. Davis. "God’s Country in Black and Blue: How Christian Nationalism Shapes Americans’ Views about Police (Mis)treatment of Blacks." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 1 (August 2, 2018): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218790983.

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Research shows that Americans who hold strongly to a myth about America’s Christian heritage—what is called “Christian nationalism”—tend to draw rigid boundaries around ethnic and national group membership. Incorporating theories connecting ethnic boundaries, prejudice, and perceived threat with a tendency to justify harsher penalties, bias, or excessive force against racial minorities, the authors examine how Christian nationalist ideology shapes Americans’ views about police treatment of black Americans. Analyses of 2017 data from a national probability sample show that adherence to Christian nationalism predicts that Americans will be more likely to believe that police treat blacks the same as whites and that police shoot blacks more often because blacks are more violent than whites. These effects are robust even when including controls for respondents’ religious and political characteristics, indicating that Christian nationalism influences Americans’ attitudes over and above the independent influences of political conservatism or religious parochialism. In fact, the authors find that religiosity influences policing attitudes in the opposite direction. Moreover, observed patterns do not differ by race, suggesting that Christian nationalism provides a cultural framework that can bolster antiblack prejudice among people of color as well as whites. The authors argue that Christian nationalism solidifies ethnic boundaries around national identity such that Americans are less willing to acknowledge police discrimination and more likely to victim-blame, even appealing to more overtly racist notions of blacks’ purportedly violent tendencies to justify police shootings. The authors outline the implications of these findings for understanding the current racial-political climate leading up to and during the Trump presidency.

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LUNEVA, ANNA A. "THE PROBLEM OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CHRISTIAN IDENTITY IN THE 1ST - 4TH CENTURIES CE." Study of Religion, no. 1 (2021): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2021.1.15-23.

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The article considers early Christian identity development during the 1st - 4th centuries CE. Adversus Iudaeos treatises are the main sources of knowledge about many early Christian positions. Christian writers described both themselves and the nations surrounding them in terms ἔθνος γένος, natio , populus . The term “ethnos” was important for Christian authors for dealing with inner community problems and for external relations purposes. Universal Christian doctrine did not fit any criteria of that time. Describing Christians as a “new nation” allowed them to define their place in the sociocultural system of the Greco-Roman world and to put themselves next to Greeks, Jews, and Barbarians. In the absence of a clear definition of “ethnos”, Christian authors proclaimed open borders of their “nation” and through this approach engaged new followers. Comparing themselves to Jews and abandoning all Jewish “earthly” traditions, the writers showed what was truly Christian and formed the foundations of the orthodoxy, opposed heresies and asserted that faith is the main tenet of their identity.

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Cvetkovic, Vladimir. "The synthesis of ancient philosophical doctrines on movement in the thought of St Maximus the confessor." Theoria, Beograd 59, no. 2 (2016): 150–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1602106c.

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The paper aims to explore St Maximus the Confessor? teaching on movement in the light of his ancient philosophical sources. Maximus? employment of Neoplathonic terminology for the purpose of exposing his theological thought implies a direct or indirect influence of ancient thinkers on his work. In examining the themes of ancient philosophical heritage in Maximus, the paper proposes a fourfold division of his sources. The first source is pagan authors, such as Aristotle, Plotinus and Proclus, whom Maximus might know directly. The second source are ancient philosophical doctrines that through Christian authors such as Origen, St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. Nemesius of Emesa or Dionysius Areopagite already entered the Christian tradition, and which are transformed to a certain extent. The third source are the Christian Neo-Platonists of Alexandria Academy, like John Philoponus, Elias, David and Stephen of Alexandria who attempted to interprete previous philosophical tradition in conformity with certain Christian principles, and the fourth source are the Christian authors, who independently of previous philosophical traditions shaped their metaphysical views. The focus of the paper is on the first three sources.

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Monfasani, John. "Calfurnio's Identification of Pseudepigrapha of Ognibene, Fenestella, and Trebizond, and His Attack on Renaissance Commentaries." Renaissance Quarterly 41, no. 1 (1988): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862243.

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Literary forgeries and pseudepigrapha have played an important role in Western culture since antiquity. One thinks of the large influence exercised in the Middle Ages and Renaissance by the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, the Corpus Hermeticum, the Zohar, the Pseudo-Aristotelian Liber de causis, the Pseudo- Ciceronian Rhetorica ad Herennium, the correspondence between St. Paul and Seneca, and the vast sea of pseudonymous hagiographical literature. However, in the Renaissance the situation changed somewhat because printing did more than merely provide a new medium for the diffusion of pseudonymous literary works; it increased greatly the possibility of financial profit for the publishers, printers, and, eventually, authors of such works.

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Teitler, H. C. "Ammianus, Libanius, Chrysostomus, and the Martyrs of Antioch." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 3 (2013): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341129.

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Abstract Christian sources name several dozen Christian martyrs under Julian the Apostate. Six of these martyrs were according to such sources executed in Antioch during Julian’s stay in this city in 362-363 A.D. Pagan authors like Ammianus Marcellinus and Libanius are silent about their martyrdom, and about the persecution of Christians by Julian in general. It is examined in this article whether the Christian authors, among them John Chrysostom, represent historical reality more than Ammianus and Libanius do, and whether their writings can be adduced to prove that Julian was a persecutor.

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Speyer, Kathrin. "Musik und Moral: Intertextuelle Bezüge zwischen Lact. inst. 6,21 und Sen. epist. 123,9 f." Philologus 163, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 298–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2018-0043.

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Abstract The goal of this article is to use structural, lexical and content analysis to make the case that the Church Father Lactantius, when composing Divinae institutiones 6,21, engaged with Sen. epist. 123,9 f. and pointedly refers to it. In the process, this whole chapter of Lactantius will be examined to see what the relation is between the decisive influence of the Seneca passage and that of other pre-texts that have already been identified as such in existing publications, especially the works of other Church Fathers. The content under discussion concerns the risks of purely instrumental music compared to those of artistically designed speech for the spirit of the listener, closely linked to the question of whether Christian writings, too, may – or even should – be aesthetically appealing. The treatment of this question leads ultimately to a general discussion of the relation of pleasure to virtue in the sense of a life pleasing to God.

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White, Adam G. "Paul’s Absence from Corinth as Voluntary Exile: Reading 2 Corinthians 1.1–2.13 and 7.5-16 as a Letter from Exile." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 43, no. 1 (September 2020): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x20949382.

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At some point between the writing of 1 and 2 Corinthians, there has been a signiﬁcant falling out between Paul and some in the Corinthian Christian community. As a result, Paul leaves Corinth with the intention of returning to deal with it at a later date. He then changes his mind, instead writing a letter known to us as the ‘painful letter’. This letter was effective in bringing about reconciliation, but questions still lingered as to why he did not return in person, instead staying away and sending a harsh letter. The section of letter found in 2 Cor. 1.1–2.13 and 7.5-16 seeks to address these concerns. It is the contention of this article, however, that Paul does more than simply recount recent events. Instead, he reframes his behaviour as something akin to voluntary exile. By comparing the letter to exilic writings from Cicero, Ovid, Seneca and Demosthenes, it will be proposed that 1.1–2.13 and 7.5-16 resembles a letter from exile.

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Whitehead, Andrew L., Landon Schnabel, and Samuel L. Perry. "Gun Control in the Crosshairs: Christian Nationalism and Opposition to Stricter Gun Laws." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 4 (January 1, 2018): 237802311879018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023118790189.

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Despite increasingly frequent mass shootings and a growing dissatisfaction with current gun laws, American opposition to federal gun legislation remains strong. The authors show that opposition to stricter gun control is closely linked to Christian nationalism, a religious cultural framework that mandates a symbiotic relationship between Christianity and civil society. Using data from a national population-based survey, the authors show that Christian nationalism is an exceptionally strong predictor of opposition to the federal government’s enacting stricter gun laws. Of all the variables considered, only general political orientation has more predictive power than Christian nationalism. The authors propose that the gun control debate is complicated by deeply held moral and religious schemas that discussions focused solely on rational public safety calculations do not sufficiently address. For the substantial proportion of American society who are Christian nationalists, gun rights are God given and sacred. Consequently, attempts to reform existing gun laws must attend to the deeper cultural and religious identities that undergird Americans’ beliefs about gun control.

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Prihoancă, Constantin. "Communio und Eucharistie. Ekklesiologische Parallelen bei Dumitru Stăniloae und Joseph Ratzinger." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2014-0105.

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Abstract This article is a critical engagement with D. Stăniloae’s and J. Ratzinger’s ecclesiological thought as shaped by the description of church as the body of Christ and the Trinitarian roots of this ecclesiology. Starting from practical problems of prayer and living a Christian life, the authors argue that God’s relationship to the Christian community has primacy over God’s relationship to individual believers. When one conceives of the Christian community as being the body of Christ, one can uphold the elevated Christian ideal of Eucharist Communio without making it unattainable. The authors show that the being of the church is given to the Christian community not as a possession or property, but as a task to be fulfilled through the power of Christ and of the Holy Spirit. One can discover that in becoming the church, the Christian community is elevated to the Trinitarian life in communion. Communion ecclesiology has the potential to bridge the divide between the Orthodox and Catholic churches.

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Ashwin-Siejkowski, Piotr. "The Second Century Debate about the Therapy of Passions – Various Christian Remedies." Vox Patrum 82 (June 15, 2022): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.13289.

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The disturbing power of the passions or affections, collectively known as πάθος, was the subject of a remarkable debate in Graeco-Roman philosophical schools, as well as in Philo of Alexandria and soon among various early Christian authors. This paper contributes to the recent approach to this subject but also explores new contexts. It examines cosmological (myth), anthropological (the mind – emotions relation) and theological (salvation) ways of addressing that problematic supremacy of emotions. Although it summarises earlier philosophical views, it focuses on Christian documents from the second century and their witness to that ancient debate. By comparison with the diversity of Christian views on the passions, the paper highlights the diverse ‘therapies’ proposed by Christian authors. In conclusion, it points out common motifs among Christian responses to the passions, as well as the differences in their remedies.

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Silantiev, R. A., and A. R. Krganov. "Russia. Muslim Christian dialogue. Stages of development." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 1 (June 4, 2019): 208–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-1-208-214.

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Russia has always been a country with large Islamic population. From the Middle Ages the dialogue between Christians and Muslims has always been an integral part of the Russian culture. The article highlights the stages of the Christian-Muslim dialogue in Russia. From the point of view of its authors, this dialogue became fully developed by the middle of 19th century. In its subsequent development it has already passed the three main stages, which are labelled as the “tsarist”, the “Soviet” and the “early post-Soviet”. According to the authors the present situation can be described as the “late post-Soviet” stage. The article comprises a description and definition of this stage as well as a prognosis of its development in the future.

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Baumgarten, Elisheva. "Shared Stories and Religious Rhetoric: R. Judah the Pious, Peter the Chanter and a Drought." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 1 (2012): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006712x634558.

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Abstract This article discusses a story about a Jewish-Christian interaction during a drought that appears in Peter the Chanter’s Verbum abbreviatum and R. Judah the Pious’ Sefer Hasidim. I suggest that the two authors had a common source, noting that Peter’s version was earlier so that R. Judah might have based his story on an account based on Peter the Chanter’s story, whether oral or written. Analyzing the tale, the article points to narrative strategies used by both authors and to what they can tell us about Jewish and Christian knowledge of each other’s religious practice and belief in medieval Christian Europe.

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Di Segni, Leah. "Early Christian Authors on Samaritans and Samaritanism: A Review Article." Journal for the Study of Judaism 37, no. 2 (2006): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006306776564692.

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Cueva, Edmund P. "The Idea of the Theater in Latin Christian Thought: Augustine to the Fourteenth Century." Theatre Survey 47, no. 1 (April 13, 2006): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557406290094.

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This is an unusual but good and sensible book. I write that it is unusual because The Idea of the Theater in Latin Christian Thought does not follow the predictable pattern of looking at the “materiality of medieval theater practices and historiography” (2). It instead looks at theatre as it appears in medieval thought and as “moments in European intellectual history” (4). Dox leads the reader through a thorough and erudite survey of the writings of some of the Latin Christian authors. She begins with Saint Augustine of Hippo and ends with Bartholomew of Bruges. The text has three major goals. First, the author examines what different postclassical, Christian authors knew about or thought of Greco-Roman theatre as a function of written discourse. The second goal is to keep the discussion of the late-antique and medieval understanding of ancient classical theatre in the intellectual contexts in which the texts were used. Lastly, Latin Christian views on classical theatre are examined in detail. The conclusion of this analysis demonstrates that the idea of “truth” as different from “falsehood” in the writings by the Latin Christian authors was the focus of their texts, rather than any actual interest in classical tragedy and comedy as genres in their own right.

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Peels, Rik. "Een wandelgids bij het leven: Een analytische evaluatie van de Christelijke Dogmatiek." NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 69, no. 1 (February 18, 2015): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2015.69.021.peel.

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This article provides a critical analysis and evaluation of Gijsbert van den Brink and Kees van der Kooi’s Christian Dogmatics, a lucid and welcome presentation of the core ideas that can be found in the Christian faith. First, the book is characterized, both from a more general perspective and from a specifically theological point of view. Next, it is argued that there is a discrepancy between the way the authors characterize systematic theology and the way they practice systematic theology themselves. After that, their assessment of natural theology is criticized and several problems in the Christian Dogmatics are highlighted, such as the fact that the authors’ anthropology fails to take holistic dualism seriously. Finally, it is argued that in some places, the authors ask important questions, but then provide answers to different questions without addressing the original issues.

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Fernández, Samuel. "Jesus “The Way” According to Origen and Marcellus: Confronting Two Patristic Traditions." Religions 12, no. 6 (June 18, 2021): 452. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060452.

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The article aims to examine and compare the evangelic title of Jesus the Way (John 14:6) in two Christian authors who belonged to two opposing theological traditions, namely, Origen of Alexandria and Marcellus of Ancyra. This comparison, based on original texts, aims not only to show the differences between these two patristic traditions, but rather to identify some common traits that belong to the core of Christian faith. Thus, Origen of Alexandria and Marcellus of Ancyra, two very dissimilar Christian authors, were of the same mind in confessing that only if the Son of God became fully human, could he be the Way for humankind towards the Father.

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Polo, Leonardo. "Ética socrática y moral cristiana." Anuario Filosófico 40, no. 3 (September 18, 2018): 549–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/009.40.29249.

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This article compares certain aspects of Socratic ethics and of Christian morality. It stresses what Christian morality adds to Socratic ethics on the basis of Revelation, and surveys certain versions of Christian ethics which its author considers to be misguiding. In particular, the author notes defects in Luther’s, Kant’s and Fenelon’s ethical views, and in certain other views which stand in clear opposition to Christian ethics, such ad that of Nietzsche and other postmodern authors.

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Davis, Richard. "Towards a Christian Social Ecology." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 13, no. 2 (June 2000): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x0001300205.

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Solutions to the environmental crisis depend on an understanding of its cause. This paper examines the social ecology of Murray Bookchin, who argues that our ecological crisis, seen in the domination of nature by human beings, has its roots in the domination of human by human. Social ecology, which emphasises these social causes, is at odds with much ecotheology, which finds the causes in overpopulation, technology, consumerism and Christianity itself. The differences between these approaches are illustrated with the examples drawn from New Zealand and Australian authors. The author advocates Christianising Bookchin's social ecology, using various theological motifs, but without slipping into an individualistic eco-spiritualism, which avoids the difficult social questions social ecology raises.

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Timbers, Veronica L., and Jennifer C. Hollenberger. "Christian Mindfulness and Mental Health: Coping through Sacred Traditions and Embodied Awareness." Religions 13, no. 1 (January 10, 2022): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13010062.

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Mindfulness is increasingly implemented as a tool in mental health practice for coping and self-care. Some Christians worry that these practices might be in conflict with their own tradition, while other Christian contexts are reclaiming the contemplative aspects of the faith. Though clinicians are not trained to teach on religious topics and ethically must avoid pushing religion onto clients, conceptualization and research extend the benefits of mindfulness practices for religious clients. This paper will discuss the evidence for using mindfulness in mental health treatment and connect mindfulness to the Christian tradition. The authors explore how intentional awareness and embodiment of the present moment are supported in Christian theology through the incarnation of Jesus and God’s attention of the physical body in the Christian scriptures. The authors also discuss how sacraments and prayer naturally overlap with mindfulness practices for the dual purposes of emotional healing and spiritual growth. To bolster the benefits of mindfulness in the psychological and religious realms, the purpose of this paper is to empower therapists to address client concerns of whether mindfulness is in conflict with Christianity, support clients in expanding current Christian religious coping, and provide Christian leaders with more information about how mindfulness elements are already present in Christian rituals and beliefs.

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