Journal articles on the topic 'Christian Arabs'
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1
David, Hanna. "Are Christian Arabs the New Israeli Jews? Reflections on the Educational Level of Arab Christians in Israel." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 32 (June 2014): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.32.175.
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In 1949, a year after the establishment of the state of Israel, Christian Arabs consisted of 2.9% of the population in the newly born Israel, and 21.25% of all Arabs living in it.1 In 2010 the rate of Christian Arabs decreased to just 1.8% 2 of the Israeli population, and only ~9.5% of all Arabs holding an Israeli ID3 (Statistics, Israel, 2012, Table 2.2). The tendency of decrease in the rate of Christians in Israel is clear when examining the rate of first grade children in comparison to that of the general population: In the 2010/11 school year Christian Arabs consisted only of about 1.6% of first grade students (Statistics, Israel, 2009, table 8.24) in comparison to their 1.8% rate in the population.
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Christiansen, Drew. "Christian Arabs in Palestine." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (2000): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676567.
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Yilmaz, Yonca, and Mine Tanaç Zeren. "The Responses Of Antakya (Antioch) Churches To Cultural Shifts." Resourceedings 2, no. 3 (November 12, 2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.21625/resourceedings.v2i3.636.
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Antakya (Antioch), located in the southern region of Turkey, is one of the oldest settlements in the country. Its history dates back to the prehistoric times. It has been through countless invasions throughout its history. It has been dominated by various civilizations and has been the center of many religions. The city, which was founded by Alexander the Great in the Roman period, has many routes to nearly all directions as a result of its geographical location. Due to its context, this makes the city the point of convergence of cultures. After the Roman period, Byzantine and Arab-dominated city (AC 395 — AC 963), were exposed to constant war between the Christian and Muslim communities for the domination right to the city. Today in Antakya, although the majority of the population is Muslim and Christian, the Sunni Arabs, Sunni Turks, Shia Arabs, Assyrians, Catholics, Orthodox Christians, Protestant Arabs, Arabs, Armenians, Jewish people and other minority groups all live together in harmony, thus forming the dynamics of multicultural city structure. The name “Christian” was first coined in this historic city. Antakya also hosts the Church of Saint Peter, which is believed to be one of the earliest Christian houses of worship, making it extremely valuable for Christianism. Indigenous inhabitants of Antakya have lived in the same land since the foundation of Christianity. Today, 90 percent of the Christians are Orthodox, 10 percent are Protestants and other believers, where the population of Christians are decreasing. Bearing in mind the aforementioned history and context, a research was conducted on the Orthodox Church, Antakya Protestant Church and Vakıflı Armenian Church which all still exist to this day in the city. Purpose of the research is to evaluate the structure of the churches in regards to the following parameters;- The responses of the churches to the indigenous inhabitants- Cultural shifts in the ever-changing sociocultural values of the society- The city image they present.The reason behind choosing these three structures for the study is the fact that all three structures boast Christian symbolism and imagery.
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Boer, Roland, and Ibrahim Abraham. "The antinomies of Christian Zionism." Sociologija 49, no. 3 (2007): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0703193b.
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Defining Christian Zionism as conservative Christian support for the state of Israel, and an influential political force, especially in the United States, this article outlines four antinomies of such a position. Firstly, although Christian Zionism argues that it is purely theological, that it follows God?s will irrespective of any politics, and although mainstream Zionism is resolutely political, we argue that such a separation is impossible. Indeed, mainstream Zionism cannot avoid being influenced by Christian Zionism?s political agenda. Secondly, despite the efforts by mainstream Zionism to use Christian Zionism in order to influence US foreign policy in the Middle East, mainstream Zionism is playing with fire, since Christian Zionists wish to convert or annihilate all Jews. Thirdly, Christian Zionism is the ultimate version of anti-Semitism, for it wishes to get rid of Arabs (as hindrances to the Zionist project) and then dispense with Jews. (Both Arabs and Jews are by definition Semites.) Finally, since Christian Zionists are fundamentalist Christians, they must take the Old and New Testaments at their word. However, this position is impossible to hold, and in order to resolve the tension they must resort to the violence of the final conflict, Armageddon.
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Martens-Czarnecka, Małgorzata. "The Christian Nubia and the Arabs." Studia Ceranea 5 (December 30, 2015): 249–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.08.
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Nubia constituted the area in the Nile Valley in the present day Sudan, the area which spread from the first cataract up to the place where the White Nile meets the Blue Nile. The area was inhabited by the population using a common language – Old Nubian. In the second half of the sixth century thanks to the missions send by the Byzantine Court, Nubia accepted Christianity as a state religion. Nubia immediately found itself in the area of influence of Byzantine culture. Byzantine administration, liturgy of the Eastern Church and the Greek language were introduced. In 641 the Arab conquest of Egypt took place. Soon after that in 642, the Arab army entered the Nubian territory and from this date centuries of clashes and peace treaties characterized relations between Nubians and Arab peoples. The 13th century marks slow decline of the kingdom of Nubia. Hostile Negro tribes from the South and South-West appear in the Mid Valley of Nile. Fights weaken the kingdom; slow islamization of the country follows, royal rule and Christian faith falls and together with those culture and arts deteriorates. The history of military as well as political or commercial Nubian-Arabic contacts over entire period of existence of Christian kingdom of Nubia undoubtedly had to bring about certain artistic trends in Nubia originating from rich heritage of Muslim culture. The culture of Christian Nubia originally based to considerable extent on Byzantine art, in course of time, subjected to more and more intense Arabic influence, significantly changed. Arabic components seen in Nubian church architecture, wall painting and art crafts became predominant, which over following centuries led to creation of Arabic culture of the contemporary Sudan.
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Nazir-Ali, Michael. "Jerusalem: the Christian perspective." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (April 21, 2006): 203–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803003.
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Jerusalem has been settled, invaded, destroyed and resettled by people from many different ethnic and religious backgrounds over the centuries. In particular, both Jews and Arabs have strong historical claims to it. The Anglican church favours an open and inclusive city, with access for people of all faiths.
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Vardi-Saliternik, R., Y. Friedlander, and T. Cohen. "Consanguinity in a population sample of Israeli Muslim Arabs, Christian Arabs and Druze." Annals of Human Biology 29, no. 4 (January 2002): 422–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03014460110100928.
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Siegel, Michal, Tamar Paperna, Izabella Lejbkowicz, Panayiota Petrou, Radi Shahien, Dimitrios Karussis, Idit Lavi, Sara Dishon, Hanna Rawashdeh, and Ariel Miller. "Multiple sclerosis in diverse populations: characteristics in distinct Arab ethnicities in Israel." Multiple Sclerosis Journal 18, no. 12 (May 8, 2012): 1737–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1352458512445059.
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Background: Multiple sclerosis (MS) prevalence and genetic susceptibility varies among the different ethnic groups of Jews and Arabs in Israel. Objective: Characterization of MS disease course in Christian, Muslim and Druze Arabs in Israel. Methods: Historical cohort and three-year follow-up cohort analyses based on interviews and clinical charts of 149 Arab MS patients (78 Muslims, 49 Christians and 22 Druze) from three MS centers in Israel. Significant findings were adjusted for use of disease modifying therapy. Results: Age of onset (means between 30 and 31 years) and incomplete recovery rates after the first relapse (~50%) were similar for Christian, Muslim and Druze patients. Low rates of primary progressive MS (≤1%) were observed. Differences between the ethnicities in the time from onset to the second neurological episode were observed among females, but not males. Druze and Muslim women were more likely to have a second event within two years from the first event compared with Christians (odds ratios =8.8, p= 0.02; odds ratio=6.6, p=0.007 respectively). Trends for higher annual relapse rates, annual disability progression rates and MS Severity Scores were observed among the Druze. Conclusions: Among the Israeli Arab female MS patients, Druze and Muslims exhibit a more rapid disease course in comparison with Christians. Further elucidation of population-specific MS phenotypes may contribute to improved disease management.
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Rowe, Paul S. "Postponing Armageddon? Christian Zionist and Palestinian Christian Responses to the Problem of Peace." Chronos 28 (March 21, 2019): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v28i0.399.
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Of all the problems of peacemaking and peacebuilding in the modern international system, none is as contentious a matter of religion and identity as that of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The weight of spiritual significance and history has caused more than one author to expound upon the way religion has uniquely marked this land. Foreign interest and interference in the allocation of privileges and ownership in the region have led one recent analyst to bemoan the plight of this "much too promised land." (Miller 2008) In a history of the conflict written long before its descent into the first and second intifadas and the expansion of the number of religious antagonists, David Smith noted that .the years after the 1967 [Arab-Israeli] war would defy a solution an spawn a new conflict between Arabs and Jews. In the tiny battleground of the West Bank — just 80 miles long and 26 miles wide — the two peoples would live together, contesting the same territory. Many on both sides would claim that it was granted to them by God... In the process, Arabs and Jews would be locked in a modern-day secular conflict, fuelled by age-old religious zealotry and bigotry. They would become prisoners of God. (Smith 1987: 4)
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Barak, Peretz, and Harvey Gordon. "Forensic psychiatry in Israel." Psychiatric Bulletin 26, no. 4 (April 2002): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.26.4.143.
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Israel is a nation of ancient and contemporary interest. Its population is made up of approximately 5 million Jews, 1 million Arabs and a few other small minorities. As in the Arab world more generally, most Arabs in Israel are Muslim, with a small percentage being Christian (Bin-Talal, 1995). More than 2 million Arabs also live on the West Bank and in Gaza (Abdeen & Abu-Libdeh, 1993), currently under partial autonomous Palestinian rule and the foci for ongoing negotiation of a potential Palestinian State. Close links have historically existed between Arabs and Jews in the Middle East, notwithstanding current military and political conflict (Goitein, 1989). The city of Jerusalem is held in reverence by all three of the monotheistic religions.
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Abraham, Ibrahim, and Roland Boer. "'God Doesn't Care': The Contradictions of Christian Zionism." Religion and Theology 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973109x450037.
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AbstractDefining Christian Zionism as theological support for Israel as a Zionist state, this article analyses four contradictions in such a theology. Firstly, although Christian Zionism insists it is purely theological, not political, this separation is impossible. Secondly, mainstream Zionist use of Christian Zionism to influence US foreign policy is misguided, since Christian Zionists wish to convert or annihilate all Jews. Thirdly, Christian Zionism is anti-Semitic, wishing to eliminate all non-converted Jews (and Arabs). Finally, since Christian Zionists read the Old and New Testaments in a 'literal' fashion, they resort to the violence of Armageddon to resolve their theological contradictions.
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Khatlab, Roberto. "Religions in the Middle East- Christian Arabs from Lebanon." Caminhos 15, no. 1 (October 18, 2017): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v15i1.5972.
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RELIGIÕES NO ORIENTE MÉDIO - ÁRABES CRISTÃOS DO LÍBANO
Resumo: rompendo com estereótipos acerca da cultura e das manifestações religiosas do Oriente Médio, esse artigo demonstra a pluralidade ali existente. Aborda-se as trocas identitárias e os conflitos provocados justamente devido a tais diferentes formas de crer e de viver o sagrado. Uma ênfase especial é dada na caracterização dos cristianismos organizados naquela região.
Palavras-chave: Religiões. Crenças. Pluralismo. Oriente Médio.
Abstract: stereotypes about the culture and the religious manifestations of the Middle East need braked. This article demonstrates the plurality existing in there. Deals with the exchange of identity and conflicts caused precisely due to such different ways of believing and to express the sacred. A special emphasis was given on characterization of organized Christianity instituitions in region.
Keywords: Religions. Beliefs. Pluralism. Middle East.
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Hager, Anna. "The Orthodox Issue in Jordan: The Struggle for an Arab and Orthodox Identity." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 3 (December 2018): 212–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0228.
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Scholarship on Christians in the Middle East has paid little attention to the role the Christian laity has played in defining and maintaining Christian identity and community boundaries. The so-called Orthodox issue (al-qaḍya al-urthudhuksiyya in Arabic) enhances our understanding of this role. It is an ongoing conflict within the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem between the church leadership of Greek extraction and the Arab – usually lower-ranking – clergy and laity. This article uses a case-study approach to a series of protests in Jordan in 2014 against a decision by the Patriarchate to relocate a local reform-minded cleric. Using ethnographic, historical and philological methods, I argue that through their engagement in this struggle, Greek Orthodox Jordanians assert their identity as Christians, as Arabs and as loyal Jordanians. This offers a perspective into the complex interplay between church—community relations, the issue of pastoral care, and this community's identity.
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Hassan, Riaz. "Interrupting a History of Tolerance: Anti-Semitism and the Arabs." Asian Journal of Social Science 37, no. 3 (2009): 452–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853109x436829.
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AbstractThe anti-Semitic rhetoric of many Islamist groups is qualitatively different from the reflective jurisprudence associated with the treatises of classical Islam. There is little evidence of any deep rooted anti-Semitism in the classical Islamic world. Jews have lived under Islamic rule for 14 centuries and in many lands, they were never free from discrimination but were rarely subjected to persecution as in Christian Europe. Most of the characteristic features of European-Christian anti-Semitism were absent from the Jewish-Muslim relations. This paper examines the growth of anti-Semitism in Arab-Muslim world and identifies some of the historical events which have contributed to this development.
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Siegal, Gil. "Genomic Databases and Biobanks in Israel." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 43, no. 4 (2015): 766–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12318.
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In addressing the creation and regulation of biobanks in different countries, a short descriptive introduction to the social and cultural backgrounds of each country is mandatory. The State of Israel is relatively young (established in 1948), and can be characterized as a multi-religious (Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Druz, and others), multi-ethnic (more than 14), multi-cultural (Western “Ashkenazi” Jewry, Oriental “Sfaradi” Jewry, Soviet Jewry, Israeli Arabs, Palestinian Arabs) society, somewhat similar to the American melting pot. The current population is 8.3 million, a sharp rise resulting from a 1.2 million influx of immigrants from the former Soviet Union in the 1990s. Seventyfive percent are Jewish, 20% Arabs (the majority of whom are Muslims), and several other minorities. The birth rate is 3.8 per family, the highest in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).
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Alter, Milton, Esther Kahana, Nelly Zilber, and Ariel Miller. "Multiple sclerosis frequency in Israel’s diverse populations." Neurology 66, no. 7 (April 10, 2006): 1061–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1212/01.wnl.0000204194.47925.0d.
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Background: Israel has served for almost half a century as a site for epidemiologic studies of multiple sclerosis (MS). Its small geographic size, well-equipped, accessible, and subsidized health facilities, trained physicians, detailed census data, and a National MS Register, maintained since 1960, offer advantages for accurate determinations of MS frequency in its diverse populations.Method: The authors calculated age-specific prevalence of MS in Israeli-born Jewish inhabitants, immigrant Jews from Europe/America and from North Africa/Asia, Israeli-born Christian and Moslem Arabs, Druze, and Bedouins.Results: Prevalence rate of MS per 105 population on June 30, 2000, for each of these groups in the order listed was 61.6, 53.7, and 27.9 for the Jewish groups and 35.3, 14.7, 10.9, and 17.3 for the non-Jewish groups. Three tiers in MS prevalence were apparent. The highest rates were in Israeli-born Jews and in Jewish immigrants from Europe/America (significantly higher in the former than the latter). Jewish immigrants from African/Asian countries and Christian Arabs had intermediate MS rates (significantly lower than in the first two groups but not significantly different from each other). Moslem Arabs, Druze, and Bedouins had the lowest rates of MS (significantly lower than in the intermediate group but not significantly different from each other).Conclusion: Diverse ethnic groups living in the same geographic area may have significantly different frequencies of MS.
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Bursi, Adam C. "Fluid Boundaries: Christian Sacred Space and Islamic Relics in an Early Ḥadīth." Medieval Encounters 27, no. 6 (February 15, 2022): 478–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340108.
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Abstract This article examines a ḥadīth text that illustrates the complicated interactions between Christian and Islamic sacred spaces in the early period of Islamic rule in the Near East. In this narrative, the Prophet Muḥammad gives a group of Arabs instructions for how to convert a church into a mosque, telling them to use his ablution water for cleansing and repurposing the Christian space for Muslim worship. Contextualizing this narrative in terms of early Muslim-Christian relations, as well as late antique Christian religious texts and practices, my analysis compares this story with Christian traditions regarding the collection and usage of contact relics from holy persons and places. I argue that this story offers an example of early Islamic texts’ engagement with, and adaptation of, Christian literary themes and ritual practices in order to validate early Islamic religious claims.
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Christiansen, Drew. "Christian Arabs in Palestine: Palestinian Christians: Religion, Politics and Society in the Holy Land . Anthony O'Mahony." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (October 2000): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2000.29.4.02p0086a.
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Maqsood, Ruqaiyyah Waris. "Christianity in the Arab World." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 3 (October 1, 1998): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i3.2166.
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As Prince Charles commented in his opening words, "Jordan has long been conspicuousas a land of tolerance and peaceful coexistence between people of different faiths,"a coexistence increasingly abused by extremists of all three faiths included in the phraseAhl al Kitiib (People of the Book). Prince Hassan 's original intent in writing this book wasto brief Muslim Arabs on the nature of Christianity and Christian religious institutions.His major focus is on the historical development of the Eastern Christian traditions in theMuslim Arab milieu and the standing of Christians in Arab society today. ft is his intentionto provide Muslim Arabs with accurate and concise information about the Christianswho historically have lived in their midst. The text was first published in English andArabic by the Royal Institute for Inter-faith studies in Amman, Jordan. and should be classifiedunder both historical and theological sections. It is in wide demand in the Westbecause of the paucity of easily accessible relevant information.The Arab Christian tradition goes back to Christianity's very earliest days, antedatingIslam by those six centuries that witnessed the growth of Christian Trinitarian theology,the spread of the Church, and the division of that Church into different communions.Some of these historical communions have survived in the Arab world and bear titles thatusually are greeted with complete ignorance on the part of Christian tourists encounteringChristianity in Arab lands for the first time.As an overall picture of the historical development of Christian doctrine, this bookpresents the main features and arguments with exceptional clarity and a highly admirabledepth of understanding of extremely confusing issues. A more clear, precise, concisegestalt picture of the subject does not exist, so far as I know. The reader can follow thereasons for the various theological developments, the schisms that arose, and the passionswith which various positions and views were defended.The text is academic, excellent at history and explanation, and displays a sensitiveawareness of words and concepts that require careful definition. The Prince has presentedthe world of religious scholars and the issues that were so important to them that theywere (and remain) willing to sacrifice everything, even life. It does not show the world ofactual church people who regard themselves as the body of the living Christ, the devotedfollowers who strive to live good, prayerful lives pleasing to God by imitating the way ofJesus to the best of their ability. This is not a criticism, but I felt the book would have beenimproved with a short section on Christian spirituality to counter all the nitpicking andskullduggery that went on in the theological realm ...
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Detrez, Raymond. "Orthodox Christian Bulgarians Coping with Natural Disasters in the Pre-Modern Ottoman Balkans." Religions 12, no. 5 (May 20, 2021): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050367.
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Premodern Ottoman society consisted of four major religious communities—Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Armenian Christians, and Jews; the Muslim and Christian communities also included various ethnic groups, as did Muslim Arabs and Turks, Orthodox Christian Bulgarians, Greeks, and Serbs who identified, in the first place, with their religious community and considered ethnic identity of secondary importance. Having lived together, albeit segregated within the borders of the Ottoman Empire, for centuries, Bulgarians and Turks to a large extent shared the same world view and moral value system and tended to react in a like manner to various events. The Bulgarian attitudes to natural disasters, on which this contribution focuses, apparently did not differ essentially from that of their Turkish neighbors. Both proceeded from the basic idea of God’s providence lying behind these disasters. In spite of the (overwhelmingly Western) perception of Muslims being passive and fatalistic, the problem whether it was permitted to attempt to escape “God’s wrath” was coped with in a similar way as well. However, in addition to a comparable religious mental make-up, social circumstances and administrative measures determining equally the life conditions of both religious communities seem to provide a more plausible explanation for these similarities than cross-cultural influences.
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JAD, ISLAH. "Rereading the British Mandate in Palestine: Gender and the Urban–Rural Divide in Education." International Journal of Middle East Studies 39, no. 3 (August 2007): 338–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380707047x.
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Under Ottoman rule, the relations between native Arabs and Jews in Palestine were based on understanding and respect, as was the case between Muslims and Christians. Shared enrolment of Jewish, Muslim, and Christian students in the same schools—either the Jewish Alliance Israelite schools (established in 1882) or in the nizamiyya, the Ottoman public schools first established by the Turkish law of 1869—promoted mutual understanding for a small elite. In contrast, the British Mandate policy in education played a major role in reshaping national, regional, and class and gender identities. It was through education that two separate national entities were developed, the urban/rural division was deepened, class boundaries were rendered unbridgable, and gender identities were molded to suit the British model.
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Stevenson, Thomas B. "The Voice of a Condor (Chile, Palestine) 2014 Color 45 min. In Spanish and Arabic w/English subtitles. Director/Producer: Hebat-Allah El Attar; Distributor: Hebat-Allah El Attar (e-mail: h.elattar@csuohio.edu)." Review of Middle East Studies 49, no. 1 (February 2015): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2015.23.
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The Voice of a Condor opens with Reverend Naim Ateek's humorous anecdote about Americans who are unaware that Christianity “was born” in Palestine and that there are, in fact, Christian Arabs. Even in academic circles, discussion of Palestinians tends to focus narrowly on the Muslim Palestinians in Israel and residents of the occupied territories or refugee camps in Jordan and Lebanon. Christian Palestinians once comprised more than ten percent of the population, but their numbers have been declining in the Holy Lands for more than a century. Today, they represent less than two percent of the population.
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Turner, Garth. "Archbishop Lang’s Visit to the Holy Land in 1931." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 343–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014522.
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The overthrow of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War opened a new chapter in the history of the Holy Land. New and particular local tensions arose, especially in the aftermath of the Balfour Declaration between Jews and Arabs. In the post-war settlement, the British Mandate in Palestine gave rulership to a Christian power - and one with its own established Church - for the first time since the thirteenth century. Within the Christian community itself, the rise of an ecumenical movement also changed perspectives, challenging the rivalries which were particularly evident at that central shrine of Christianity, the Holy Sepulchre. The visit of Archbishop Lang of Canterbury to Palestine and Jerusalem in 1931 illustrates the primate’s own personal responses to the experience of the Holy Land, while also reflecting the need for tact and diplomacy in dealing with a particular set of circumstances in which the presence of the leader of the Anglican communion might be seen as intrusive, even threatening, to the religious modus vivendi already established there between Christians.
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Pylypchuk, Yaroslav. "Североафриканский фронтир: беджа и их соседи: North African Frontier: Bija and their neighbors." Historia i Świat, no. 8 (August 29, 2019): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2019.08.07.
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This paper deals with to the history of relations between the Bija with their neighbors. Bija were subjects of Ancient Egypt and Meroe. They are integrated into these societies without any problems and have been a vassal tribe of them. Beja were restless neighbors of the Roman Empire. They raided Upper Egypt during the III-V centuries AC. Attempts to establish a relationship with them like with the Berbers were unsuccessful. Particularly violent conflicts were a Bija with Christian states – Byzantium Empire, Nubia and Aksum. Some time Bija paid tribute to the Nubians and Axumites. Christianity did not get spread among them, Islam was adopted syncretic form after several centuries of contact with the Arabs. Islamization has been made possible thanks to the settlement of Arabs in the land Bija and participation in the Intercontinental trade. For all their neighbors were threatening nomadic Bija, which made raids to capture people in captivity and selling them into slavery. Bija attacked the Egyptian dominions of the Arab Caliphate, despite the fact that they were formally paid tribute to Arabs.
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Gaudio, Rudolf P. "TRANS-SAHARAN TRADE: THE ROUTES OF ‘AFRICAN SEXUALITY’." Journal of African History 55, no. 3 (September 22, 2014): 317–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000619.
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AbstractThe idea that homosexuality is ‘un-African’ is widely regarded, at least among Western scholars, as a myth concocted during the colonial era. The evidence adduced to support this consensus is largely convincing, but it does not account for all the features of contemporary African leaders’ homophobic discourses. In particular, it does not account for differences between Christian and Muslim rhetorics with respect to a putative ‘African sexuality’. Historical, ethnographic, and literary evidence suggests these differences can be traced in part to the trans-Saharan slave trade, which gave rise to racialized sexual tropes of blacks and Arabs that circulated and continue to circulate on both sides of the Sahara. In Nigeria and perhaps elsewhere, it seems that sexual stereotypes of Arabs and black Africans derived from both the trans-Saharan trade and European colonial rule have been respectively, if unevenly, mapped onto Muslims and Christians, in a way that hinders national integration. This is so even when the leaders of both groups seem to be in agreement, as when they join forces to condemn homosexuality. To ignore such religious, racial, and sexual contradictions is to ignore some of the major cultural faultlines within contemporary African nation-states and the continent overall.
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Abu el Naml, Hussein. "Population growth and demographic balance between Arabs and Jews in Israel and historic Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2010): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903488490.
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This paper examines the question of the respective percentage of Arab, Jewish, and ‘other’ populations in historic Palestine and Israel using Israeli statistics as correlated to historical events. Analysis of actual percentages demonstrates that birth rates of both Arabs and Jews from 1948 in Palestine/Israel have been in decline, and that for territory in the pre-1967 area, there is no demographic ‘danger’ of Arabs – both Christian and Muslim populations – outnumbering Israelis on the basis of natural population growth. An important factor is also Jewish immigration which has been factored into the overall growth rate. The official growth rate for the Arab population has been skewed due to the 1967 influx (in which populations from the West Bank began to be counted as resident in Jerusalem) as well as the annexation of the Golan Heights and several thousand fugitives from the disbanded South Lebanon Army entering in 2000; if such aberrations are taken into account, it can be shown that the natural growth rate among the Arab population is entirely average and family size is in general decline. On the other hand, if the population of Arabs living in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip is added to the total, it can be seen that the ratio of Arabs to Jews in all of historic Palestine increased from 8:10 to 9:10 and can be reasonably expected to create a situation where the total number of Arabs will surpass the number of Jews in the next ten years.
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Womack, Deanna Ferree. "“To Promote the Cause of Christ's Kingdom”: International Student Associations and the “Revival” of Middle Eastern Christianity." Church History 88, no. 1 (March 2019): 150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719000556.
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This article traces the presence in the Arab world of international Christian student organizations like the World Student Christian Federation (WSCF) and its intercollegiate branches of the YMCA and YWCA associated with the Protestant missionary movement in nineteenth-century Beirut. There, an American-affiliated branch of the YMCA emerged at Syrian Protestant College in the 1890s, and the Christian women's student movement formed in the early twentieth century after a visit from WSCF secretaries John Mott and Ruth Rouse. As such, student movements took on lives of their own, and they developed in directions that Western missionary leaders never anticipated. By attending to the ways in which the WSCF and YMCA/YWCA drew Arabs into the global ecumenical movement, this study examines the shifting aims of Christian student associations in twentieth-century Syria and Lebanon, from missionary-supported notions of evangelical revival to ecumenical renewal and interreligious movements for national reform.
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Louth, Andrew. "Palestine under the Arabs 650-750: the Crucible of Byzantine Orthodoxy." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014339.
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The period from the beginning of the seventh century to the middle of the ninth was decisive for the history of the Byzantine empire. At the beginning of the seventh century, the idea of the Roman, or Byzantine, empire as the political configuration of the Mediterranean world - something that the Emperor Justinian had done his best to restore - still seemed valid, though there were already significant cracks in the edifice. By the end of the seventh century - let alone the middle of the ninth - that was a dream, though a dream to which the Byzantines obstinately clung. For the early years of the seventh century had seen the temporary Persian conquest of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire, soon followed by the Arab conquest which the Byzantines were to prove unable to overturn. The impact on the Byzantine empire of these events and the infiltration into the Balkan peninsula by the Slavs, was profound - politically, economically, culturally, and theologically. But the story of this impact is generally presented, both in the sources and in scholarly accounts, from the point of view of the centre, the Queen City, Constantinople. Central to the Byzantine world view, as it emerged with renewed confidence in the middle of the ninth century, was the idea of the empire, and the Emperor, as the guardian of Christian Orthodoxy, which was symbolized in the proclamation of the ‘Triumph of Orthodoxy’ with the final overthrow of iconoclasm in 843, a proclamation that became part of the normal ecclesiastical calendar, celebrated thereafter each year on the first Sunday of Lent. But that Orthodoxy, in its final form, had not been nurtured in Constantinople, nor had the wealth of liturgical poetry that came to celebrate it. Constantinople had reacted to the catastrophe of the early seventh century by plunging into heresy: first, the Christological heresy of monenergism, with its refinement, monothelitism, and then the heresy of iconoclasm, also believed - by both iconoclasts and their opponents - to be ultimately a matter of Christology. The Orthodoxy whose triumph was celebrated from 843 onwards had been defined, and celebrated, in Palestine, the province that had been lost for good to the Byzantines in the 630s. Orthodoxy, in fact, achieved its final definition at the periphery - and defeated periphery at that - and from there took over the centre. In this paper, we are not concerned with Christians who visited the Holy Land as pilgrims, but rather with those who belonged there: mainly monks, both natives and those who came to the Holy Land to live in the complex of monasteries in and around Jerusalem. How and why did these Palestinian monks come to play this role in the wider history of the Christian œcumene?
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Ahmad, Imad A. "Islam and Dhimmitude." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1778.
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Islam and Dhimmitude is an attempt to confute the concept of “protectedminority” (under which Islamic civilization established what was, up to itstime, the most successful model of pluralistic society) with the worst aberrationsfrom that model. The subtitle “Where Civilizations Collide” indicateshow the author expects her polemic to serve the current wave of neoimperialism.The book seeks to recruit Christians in support of the Zionistproject by explaining away Christian expressions of appreciation ofMuslim tolerance as a false consciousness inspired by a self-hatred she calls dhimmitude, meaning a state of mind that acquiesces, even promotes,the victim’s own subjugation.The book’s first half is devoted to proposing a paradigm in whichQur’anic verses in favor of human rights are ignored, official acts to thebenefit of dhimmis are brushed off as machinations to breed resentmentbetween dhimmi groups, and injustices against Muslims are figments of theimagination invented to whitewash the Islamic master plan for subjugatingthe non-Islamic world into a state of dhimmitude. The second half workswithin this paradigm to vilify Christian anti-Zionists (including Europeansas well as Arabs) as dhimmi pawns of Muslim oppressors. (Curiously, shedoes not attempt to dismiss Jewish critics of Israel in the same manner.) ...
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Sonyel, Sâlahi R. "How Colonel T.E. Lawrence Deceived the Hashemite Arabs to revolt against the Ottoman Empire. In the Light of Secret British Documents." Belleten 51, no. 199 (April 1, 1987): 256–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1987.256.
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Seventy years ago, in June 1916 to be precise, Sherif Hussein ibn Ali, the Hashemite amir of Mecca, having been encouraged by the British with vague promises of "independence for the Arabs", revolted against his suzerain, the Ottoman Sultan-Caliph, and became an instrument in the destruction of the Caliphate by Christian Powers. In the words of Robert Lacey, "his (Hussein's) movement was less an Arab revolt than an Anglo-Hashemite conspiracy", cemented by about one million pounds sterling in British gold.
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Tikhonova, Oxana V. "Romance and Arabic Names of Mozarabs in Al-Andalus (in the Archive of the Toledo’s Mozarabs of the 12th and 13th Centuries)." Study of Religion, no. 2 (2019): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2019.2.10-16.
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The archive of Toledo’s Mozarabs was translated from Arab into Spanish and published in four volumes by Anhel Gonzales Palencia in 1926–1930. The territory of Toledo was numerous times reoccupied by either Spaniards or Arabs during the Reconquista period. The chronological frames are 1083–1315. The archive includes a collection of the 1175 documents: legal papers with the registration of property arrangements between individuals and religious institutions. Most of the documents are related to the Toledo Cathedral of St. Mary. Every Mozarab document (with the exception of 25) is written in Arabic which emphasizes the official status of Arabic language in Toledo even at the beginning of the 14th century. In Arabic texts, there are words in aljamiado, (Spanish words written with Arabic letters). This phenomenon is of great philological interest. Traces of Mozarabs’ aljamiado, the language of Spaniards on the territory conquered by Arabs, is not present in any of written documents so the earlier period of Spanish language history has been documented very poorly. The archive of Toledo’s Mozarabs is an important source of vocabulary in aljamiado of Moriscos. In these texts, there are Spanish toponyms; Christian onomatology; designation of church posts; names of Christian holidays; designations of a number of secular court posts; references to family connections, etc. Documents are very often written in Arabic and Romance. In many documents, there are names both in Arabic and Romance. The cases of name identification which show that the names used in daily life were those in Arabic and not in Romance are quite frequent. With Arabic names including elements of Spanish morphology, names in Romance, in contrast, were formed following the pattern of Arabic names including the distinctive characteristic such as mentioning of several generations. Particular attention should be paid to the transcription of names in Romance in Arabic documents. Some of these transfer the particularities of pronunciation which is closer to the Latin ones than Spanish. To identify Muslims among signers is especially difficult as Christians also had Arabic names.
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Kobishchanov, Taras. "The Country of “Yellow Lord”: Russia in the Context of the Perception of Europe by the Population of Arabic Mediterranean in the Early Modern Time." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840015507-6.
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The evolution of the identification of imaginary communities, including through group oppositions ‘Friend-Foe’, is one of the least studied phenomena of the historical process. The Muslim-Christian look at each other across the Mediterranean provides an extensive field of research in this regard. In recent decades the scientists prefer to talk about the Mediterranean World as a single space that not only divides but connects the Arab-Muslim and Eastern- and Western-European civilizations. This point of view stands up to the still popular binary oppositions as “East vs. West” or “Christian world vs. Muslim world”. The simplicity of such approach considering the humanity to be divided to culturally incompatible and religiously hostile civilizations is proved in particular by numerous connections between the inhabitants of Europe and the Middle East at the early Modern times. Russia has entered into the close cooperation with the Arab world in the 16th — 18th centuries: first through pilgrim-ages and inter-Orthodox contacts, and in the Catherine epoch by organizing the military invasion of the region. The presented article is about how different groups of Arabs, — Muslims and Christians, people of religion and secular rulers, — were perceiving Europe in general and Russia in particular at the early Modern times.
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Brzozowska, Zofia A. "Captives and Refugees. The Forced Migration of the Inhabitants of the Byzantine Eastern Frontier during the 5th–7th Centuries in Light of Byzantine-Slavic Hagiographical Texts." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 515–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.26.
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This article is devoted to the image of a social situation in the eastern parts of the Byzantine Empire during the 5th–7th century, which is to be found in the East Christian hagiographical texts. They cannot be treated as a completely reliable source of information, due to exaggerations and simplifications typical for the genre. On the other hand, they testify a long-lasting and vital literary tradition – they were circulating in the Byzantine Commonwealth during the Middle Ages, were translated to several languages (inter alia to the Church Slavic). They formed the basis for stereotypes – specific for the Medieval European imagination – that the eastern frontier of the Empire was rather dangerous territory, its neighbors (Persians, Arabs) were unpredictable pagans and the Christian inhabitants of the region ought to be called their innocent victims.
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Gribetz, Jonathan Marc. "WHENTHE ZIONIST IDEACAME TO BEIRUT: JUDAISM, CHRISTIANITY, AND THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANIZATION'S TRANSLATION OF ZIONISM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 2 (April 7, 2016): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000015.
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AbstractIn 1970, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Research Center in Beirut published an Arabic translation ofThe Zionist Idea, an anthology of classic Zionist texts compiled originally by Arthur Hertzberg in 1959. This article compares how the two versions present the biographies and motivations of key Zionist ideologues. It suggests that, in contrast to Hertzberg, the PLO researchers tended to present Zionism, especially at its roots, as a Jewishreligiousmovement. Attempting to discern what might lie behind this conception of Zionism, the article considers the significance of the religious backgrounds of the leadership of the PLO Research Center and of those involved in the translation project. It argues that the researchers’ concern about the status of Christians as a religious minority among Palestinians and other Arabs and certain deeply rooted Christian ideas about the nature of Judaism may help account for the particular view of Zionism that the Research Center developed in its—and in the PLO's—foundational years.
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Ata, Abe W. "Entrapping Christian and Muslim Arabs in Racial Cartoons in Australia: The Other Anti-Semitism." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 30, no. 4 (December 2010): 457–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2010.533438.
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Murad, Ibrahim, and Harvey Gordon. "Psychiatry and the Palestinian population." Psychiatric Bulletin 26, no. 1 (January 2002): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.26.1.28.
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Palestinian sources estimated the population in 1992 on the West Bank as approaching 1.5 million, and that of Gaza as just under 800 000 (Abdeen & Abu-Libdeh, 1993), with an increase of about 45% anticipated over the next decade (Planning and Research Centre, 1994). Significant numbers of Palestinians also live in surrounding Arab countries, especially Jordan, where they may even be in a majority (Stendel, 1996). About 1 million Israeli Arabs also live within the borders of Israel. The majority of Palestinians are Muslim, but about 6% are Christian (Bin-Talal, 1995).
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Cameron, Averil. "The Language of Images: the Rise of Icons and Christian Representation." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012365.
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One has to be brave to return to the subject of Byzantine Iconoclasm, a subject which, we may feel, has been done to death. But the division in Byzantine society which lasted off and on for over a century, from 726 to the ‘restoration of orthodoxy’ in 843, was so profound that any Byzantine historian must at some time try to grapple with it. This is especially so if one is trying to understand the immediately preceding period, from the Persian invasions of the early seventh century to the great sieges of Constantinople by the Arabs in 674-8 and 717. It is well recognized by historians that this was a time of fundamental social, economic, and administrative change, which coincided with, but was by no means wholly caused by, the loss of so much Byzantine territory to the Arabs. However, the connection, if any, of this process of change with the social and religious upheaval known as Iconoclasm still leaves much to be said; indeed, no simple connection is likely in itself to provide an adequate explanation. In this paper I want to explore further some of the background to the crisis, without attempting here to provide a general explanation for Iconoclasm itself. I shall not venture beyond the first phase of Iconoclasm, which ended with the Second Council of Nicaea in 787, and after which the argument is somewhat different. Indeed, I shall be focusing here not even on the period known as ‘first Iconoclasm’, but mainly on the preceding period, when the issues inherent in the controversy were already, and increasingly, making themselves felt. Though we shall inevitably be concerned with some of the arguments brought against icons by their opponents, it is the place of images themselves in the context of the pre-Iconoclastic period which will be the main issue. Finally, while I want to offer a different way of reading the rise of icons, I do not pretend that it is the only one, or even possibly the most important. I do suggest, though, that it can help us to make sense of some of the issues that were involved.
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Guptill, K., H. Berendes, M. R. Forman, D. Chang, B. Sarov, L. Naggan, and G. L. Hundt. "Seasonality of births among Bedouin Arabs residing in the Negev Desert of Israel." Journal of Biosocial Science 22, no. 2 (April 1990): 213–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002193200001854x.
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SummaryFrom 1 January 1981 to 31 December 1982 information on all births to Bedouin Arab women residing in the Negev Desert of Israel showed a previously unreported seasonal pattern. The peak season, November-February, coincided with the period of cool temperatures and the Bedouin Arab cultural seasons of winter and spring. This pattern is different from those of Jewish and Christian groups in the same region, a difference not attributable to religion alone.Sociodemographic factors associated with the peak season of birth include traditional occupations of fathers, multiparae 2+, and traditional place of residence. This pattern has persisted over the past 15 years although it is less apparent among the more recently sedentarized Bedouin Arabs.
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Aylarova, Svetlana A. "Invitation to Dialogue (about S.I. Gabiev’s book “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim Culture”)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 4(2020) (December 25, 2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-4-12-20.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the book of the Dagestani educator Said Gabiev “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim culture” (1915). Its relevance is due to the fact that many of its provisions can be used in the modern process of spiritual and moral education. This work has practically not been studied since its publication, the events that followed after 1915 did not contribute to this. The article states that S.I. Gabiev is a European educated intellectual who has absorbed the democratic values of Russian culture, and at the same time is a Muslim believer, an expert on Islam. The book is the first experience of Islamic-Christian dialogue in public thought in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, where the task is to acquaint the reader with the history and culture of Islam, to overcome negative stereotypes, prejudices and prejudices about Islam characteristic of the public consciousness of Europe and Russia. Ignorance of Islam, a prejudiced attitude towards it was, according to the author, especially destructive for Russia, which included a multimillion Muslim population. S.I. Gabiev analyzes the Islamic dogma of predestination (fate), which, in his opinion, was the cause of the stagnation that reigned in contemporary Muslim society. The author insists on the need for modernizing transformations in society, for cleansing Islam from historical social and cultural “stratifications” that contradict Islam. Pointing to the exceptional vitality of Islam, the author is confident in the revival of Muslim culture and thought, in the political independence of the Arab-Muslim states. S.I. Gabiev proceeded from the fundamental possibility of mutual understanding of the country’s two religious and cultural universes: Christian and Muslim, in the process of which a new Russian culture would be created. The author believes that, taking into account the above material, an interreligious and intercultural dialogue is necessary in Russia, which should become its original civilizational idea.
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Aylarova, Svetlana A. "Invitation to Dialogue (about S.I. Gabiev’s book “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim Culture”)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 4(2020) (December 25, 2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-4-12-20.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the book of the Dagestani educator Said Gabiev “Arabs, Islam and Arab-Muslim culture” (1915). Its relevance is due to the fact that many of its provisions can be used in the modern process of spiritual and moral education. This work has practically not been studied since its publication, the events that followed after 1915 did not contribute to this. The article states that S.I. Gabiev is a European educated intellectual who has absorbed the democratic values of Russian culture, and at the same time is a Muslim believer, an expert on Islam. The book is the first experience of Islamic-Christian dialogue in public thought in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century, where the task is to acquaint the reader with the history and culture of Islam, to overcome negative stereotypes, prejudices and prejudices about Islam characteristic of the public consciousness of Europe and Russia. Ignorance of Islam, a prejudiced attitude towards it was, according to the author, especially destructive for Russia, which included a multimillion Muslim population. S.I. Gabiev analyzes the Islamic dogma of predestination (fate), which, in his opinion, was the cause of the stagnation that reigned in contemporary Muslim society. The author insists on the need for modernizing transformations in society, for cleansing Islam from historical social and cultural “stratifications” that contradict Islam. Pointing to the exceptional vitality of Islam, the author is confident in the revival of Muslim culture and thought, in the political independence of the Arab-Muslim states. S.I. Gabiev proceeded from the fundamental possibility of mutual understanding of the country’s two religious and cultural universes: Christian and Muslim, in the process of which a new Russian culture would be created. The author believes that, taking into account the above material, an interreligious and intercultural dialogue is necessary in Russia, which should become its original civilizational idea.
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Bowman, Bradley. "From Acolyte toṢaḥābī?: Christian Monks as Symbols of Early Confessional Fluidity in the Conversion Story of Salmān al-Fārisī." Harvard Theological Review 112, no. 1 (January 2019): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816018000342.
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AbstractThis paper will examine the narrative of Salmān al-Fārisī/”the Persian” and his conversion to Islam, as recounted in the eighth-centurySīraof Ibn Isḥāq, as a lens into the laudatory interpretation of Christian monasticism by early Muslims. This account of Salmān al-Fārisī (d. 656 CE), an originalCompanion(ṣaḥābī) of the Prophet Muḥammad, vividly describes his rejection of his Zoroastrian heritage, his initial embrace of Christianity, and his departure from his homeland of Isfahan in search of a deeper understanding of the Christian faith. This quest leads the young Persian on a great arc across the Near East into Iraq, Asia Minor, and Syria, during which he studies under various Christian monks and serves as their acolyte. Upon each master’s death, Salmān is directed toward another mystical authority, on a passage that parallels the “monastic sojourns” of late antique Christian literature. At the conclusion of the narrative a monk sends Salmān to seek out a “new Prophet who has arisen among the Arabs.” The monks, therefore, appear to be interpreted as “proto-Muslims,” as links in a chain leading to enlightenment, regardless of their confessional distinction. This narrative could then suggest that pietistic concerns, shared between these communities, superseded specific doctrinal boundaries in the highly fluid and malleable religious culture of the late antique and early Islamic Near East.
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Spivak-Lavi, Zohar, Ora Peleg, Orna Tzischinsky, Daniel Stein, and Yael Latzer. "Differences in the Factor Structure of the Eating Attitude Test-26 (EAT-26) in Different Cultures in Israel: Jews, Muslims, and Christians." Nutrients 13, no. 6 (May 31, 2021): 1899. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu13061899.
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Background: In recent years, there has been a shift in the clinical presentation and, hence, diagnostic definitions of eating disorders (EDs), reflected in a dramatic change in the diagnostic criteria of EDs in the DSM-5. The Eating Attitudes Test-26 (EAT-26) is currently considered an accepted instrument for community studies of EDs, although it features an inconsistent factorial structure in different cultures. Therefore, it is essential to investigate whether the EAT-26 can still be considered an adequate instrument for identifying the risk of developing EDs in different cultures. The aim of the present study was to examine the construct validity and internal consistency of the EAT-26. Method: The study used exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) among different cultural populations in Israel. Results: Findings indicated different factors in different ethnic groups, most of which do not correspond with the original EAT-26 three-factor structure. Results: The analysis yielded two main factors among Israeli Jews, four main factors among Israeli Muslim Arabs, and three main factors among Israeli Christian Arabs. Conclusion: These findings shed light on cultural factors affecting perceptions of the EAT-26 items. This calls for a reconsideration of the generalization of the original three-factor structure of the questionnaire in different cultures.
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Gerd, Lora. "Russian Church Policy in Syria in the 19th Century: Main Tendencies and Dynamics of Its Development." ISTORIYA 12, no. 8 (106) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016649-2.
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The article is focused on the main tendencies of Russian policy in the Patriarchate of Antioch during the 19th century. Following the traditional support of Orthodoxy, in the situation of concurrence of the Great Powers in the Middle East Russia had to make a revision of the old methods of policy. The journey of Archimandrite Porfirii Uspenskii in 1843 and the foundation of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem in 1847 were aimed at strengthening of Russian positions in the region. The conflicts between the nations in the end of the 1850s and he struggle of the Arabs for church and national independence forced he Russian diplomacy to support them against the Greeks. The struggle ended in the election of an Arab Patriarch at the Antiochian see. The activities of the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society for foundation of schools for the Orthodox Arabs as well as financing of the schools of the Patriarchate created a strong base for national education. The peak of Russian influence in Syria is in the beginning of the 20s century: at that time the sums for material support increase enormously. As a whole it was in Syria during the 19th century that Russian policy in the Christian East was most efficient.
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Motzki, Harald. "The Role of Non-Arab Converts in the Development of Early Islamic Law." Islamic Law and Society 6, no. 3 (1999): 293–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568519991223793.
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AbstractWestern scholarship has attached considerable importance to the role played by scholars of non-Arab descent in the formative period of Islamic law and jurisprudence. This view can be challenged. In a sample taken from a biographical collection of important legal scholars compiled in the fifth/eleventh century, "true" Arabs constituted the majority; three quarters of the non-Arab scholars had an eastern background and came from the regions of the former Sassanian empire; and only a few scholars had clearly Christian or Jewish roots. This result lends no support to the assumption that jurists of non-Arab descent brought solutions from their natal legal systems — Roman, Roman provincial and Jewish law — to early Islamic law.
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Dadoo, Yousuf. "LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL AFFINITIES: THE CASE OF ARABIC AND ETHIOPIAN LANGUAGES." Journal for Semitics 25, no. 2 (May 9, 2017): 700–725. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/2553.
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Multi-faceted relations between Ethiopia and South Arabia existed since the sixth century B.C. During the earlier phase, the Christian Ethiopians networked with their co-religionists. Later they interacted primarily with Muslim Arabs some of whom settled in Ethiopia either in search of religious sanctuary or for trade purposes. The Muslims entrenched themselves and established petty kingdoms between the ninth and fifteenth centuries C.E. Thereafter, they suffered huge reversals at the hands of their Christian compatriots who were assisted by the Portuguese colonial power. Over the last two centuries relations between these two religious groups suffered appreciably. Despite these mammoth problems, testimonies to the linguistic and cultural affinities between Ethiopia and Arabia are evident; illustrations of which are given in this article. They could be used as a springboard for improving relations between the two communities. The Ethiopian socio-political climate has improved since the installation of a new federal and democratically elected government. It behoves all relevant groups to grasp the mettle by doing more intensive and extensive research in topics like this one in order to trace commonalities between them.
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Krylov, A. V. "The role of the religious factor in political processes in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2016-0-1-98-108.
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This article studies the influence of religion on political and social processes in Israel. Modern Israel is a complicated multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Israel is home to over 8 million people and approximately a quarter of its citizens are non-Jews (Muslim Arabs and Christian Arabs, Druze, Bedouins, Circassians and etc.). In spite of the fact that the Israeli system of law provides “the complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion, race or sex”, many Arabs and other non-Jews citizens of the State are not really integrated into Israeli society and do not feel themselves full citizens of the State that seeks to position itself exclusively as a «Jewish State».In addition the tension between Israel’s Middle Eastern and European identities is personified in the contradictions between Ashkenazim and Sephardim. There are also religious differences between Jews who identify themselves with the ultra-Orthodox, religious nationalists (so called “Hardelim” - an acronym of two words in Hebrew – “Hared” (ultra-orthodox) and “Leumi” (nationalist)), traditionalists and secular Jews. The article notes that the current «Likud» government supported by the religious parties actually strengthens the tendency to clericalization of Israeli political and social life.The author also makes an attempt to understand and analyze the basic historical, philosophical and religious aspects of the National-Religious trend in Israeli politics. This trend turned into a powerful force after a Jewish religious fanatic Yigal Amir had killed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995.The research reveals the forms and methods, aims and objectives of the Israeli official settlement policy, determines the attitude of the religious parties and groups towards the settlement movement and indicates a negative influence of the settlement factor on the Israeli-Palestinian negotiating process and political situation in the Middle East as well.
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Joubin, Rebecca. "ISLAM AND ARABS THROUGH THE EYES OF THE ENCYCLOPÉDIE: THE “OTHER” AS A CASE OF FRENCH CULTURAL SELF-CRITICISM." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021085.
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The 18th-century European Enlightenment championed rational philosophy and scientific methodology, rather than any form of traditional theology, as the way to understand the objective truth.1 In their quest for the fundamental truth, France's philosophes, the rational and anticlerical intellectuals of the Age of Reason, were forced to brave official censorship, persecution, and imprisonment as they disentangled themselves from their Christian heritage. Thus, the French Enlightenment was informed by a dualistic view of history—an ongoing contest between reason and faith. Although faith had gained ascendancy with Christianity's triumph over classical antiquity in the late 3rd and 4th centuries, according to the philosophes, many of whom served as key contributors to the Encyclopédie, religion and science had once again joined battle in the 18th century, this time with science and reason poised to overcome religious irrationality.2 In this context, the renowned philosophe Voltaire, in his highly controversial Dictionnaire Philosophique (1764), attacks Christian dogma, refutes the tenet of Christ's divine nature, and rejects the possibility of miracles as running contrary to all scientific evidence.3 Similarly, in Système de la Nature (1770), another philosophe, d'Holbach, deplores man's pursuit of the chimeras of religious revelation and refusal to engage in rational methods of inquiry.4 The arguments of Voltaire and d'Holbach are just two examples of the French Enlightenment tenet that knowledge can be based only on science and reason.
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Abu-Rayya, Hisham Motkal. "Acculturation, Christian religiosity, and psychological and marital well-being among the European wives of Arabs in Israel." Mental Health, Religion & Culture 10, no. 2 (March 2007): 171–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13694670500504901.
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Fernandes, Ana Teresa, Rita Gonçalves, Sara Gomes, Dvora Filon, Almut Nebel, Marina Faerman, and António Brehm. "Y-chromosomal STRs in two populations from Israel and the Palestinian Authority Area: Christian and Muslim Arabs." Forensic Science International: Genetics 5, no. 5 (November 2011): 561–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.fsigen.2010.08.005.
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Sokolov, O. A. "The Crusades in the Arab Anti-Colonial Rhetoric (1918–1948)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 4 (January 12, 2020): 924–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-4-924-941.
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In search for the historical examples to mobilize the masses for the anti-colonial struggle, during the period from 1918 to 1948 Arab public, political and religious fi gures regularly appealed to the history of the Crusades. They developed the interpretations proposed by public and religious fi gures of the 19th – early 20th century and found new excuses and contexts for the use of references to the era of the Crusades. After World War One, Arab public, political, and religious leaders for the fi rst time began to criticize European interpretations of the events and consequences of the Crusades. Simultaneously, they challenged European attempts to legitimize their presence in the Arab world by referring to this historical period. Such criticism was expressed not only in publicist works and public speeches, but also in the offi cial high-level political dialogue. Arab public fi gures also considered the end of the Crusades, lamentable for Europe, as a warning to modern European colonialists, while, according to their opinion, the victories of Muslim commanders who expelled the Crusaders from the Middle East, should have served as an example for the Arab politicians of their time. The transition of “anti-crusader rhetoric” to anti-Christian one in the speeches of a number of Arab nationalists led to disunity in their ranks, as it was perceived by Christian Arabs as their exclusion from the national struggle. At the same time, the Maronite Christians appealed to the history of the Crusades to confi rm their long-standing ties with France in order to enlist its support.The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.