Academic literature on the topic 'Chocolate industry – Switzerland – History'

Chocolate is a Sucre trademark, one of the few products that this Bolivian city regularly markets to other parts of the country. Despite Sucre's long history of chocolate production, however, the city's chocolate industry at the turn of the twenty-first century remains small, unable to export, and generally uncompetitive with products from neighboring countries. Yet Sucre's chocolate-making enterprises have not disappeared; they continue to produce on a small scale in the face of mass-produced, imported brands. In this article, the history of Sucre's chocolate industry is examined to shed light on larger issues of industrial development and “underdevelopment” in Sucre and on the roots of the city's strong artisan identity.

Chocolate is well known for its fine flavor, and its history began in ancient times, when the Maya considered chocolate (a cocoa drink prepared with hot water) the “Food of the Gods”. The food industry produces many different types of chocolate: in recent years, dark chocolate, in particular, has gained great popularity. Interest in chocolate has grown, owing to its physiological and potential health effects, such as regulation of blood pressure, insulin levels, vascular functions, oxidation processes, prebiotic effects, glucose homeostasis, and lipid metabolism. However, further translational and epidemiologic studies are needed to confirm available results and to evaluate other possible effects related to the consumption of cocoa and chocolate, verifying in humans the effects hitherto demonstrated only in vitro, and suggesting how best to consume (in terms of dose, mode, and time) chocolate in the daily diet.

Chocolate is considered one of the most gratifying confections there is, and this holds as true in New Zealand as elsewhere in the world. Evidence of this high interest in chocolate in New Zealand is demonstrated in the arrival of small artisanal bean-to-bar chocolate makers in the early 2000s; the voting of Whittaker’s as New Zealand’s single most trusted brand for eight years running (Reader’s Digest New Zealand’s Most Trusted Brand) [1]; the reporting on the economic, social and cultural impacts of the closure of the Cadbury chocolate factory in Dunedin [2]; and the opening of the first fair trade chocolate factory, Sweet Justice Chocolate Factory, in Christchurch by Trade Aid New Zealand [3]. These examples also demonstrate a clear transformation within New Zealand’s commercial chocolate production, reflecting worldwide changes in multinational confectionery companies but also the emergence of artisanal production that directly addresses issues of sustainability and transparency [4, 5]. While broader culinary traditions in New Zealand have been well-documented, the food history of chocolate production has not yet been explored. Consequently, this study explored the history of chocolate production in New Zealand, with a specific focus on bean-to-bar products [6]. The study, based on a narrative history and interviews with current bean-to-bar chocolate makers in New Zealand, traced the history of bean-to-bar chocolate production in New Zealand. This process allowed for a multi-faceted reconstruction and interpretation of historical data to help understand various transformations within New Zealand’s chocolate industry, an industry long dominated by multinational companies such as Cadbury and Nestlé. This domination by overseas companies has recently been challenged by the emergence of small artisanal bean-to-bar chocolate makers and the rise of local chocolate company, Whittaker’s. Among the key findings was evidence of the maturing of the local chocolate industry to the point where it is clear that New Zealand-made chocolate is now widely viewed and trusted by local consumers as a high-quality product. This trust extends to both the current strong player in the market, Whittaker’s, and equally to smaller artisanal bean-to-bar chocolate makers, a confidence in product comparable to the New Zealand craft beer industry and the more well-established wine industry. The research also finds that the emergence of more artisanal bean-to-bar chocolate makers, and their focus on more transparency around the production of chocolate, reflects similar trends overseas. The findings highlight the fragile structure surrounding growth and sustainability in the chocolate production industry, with the view that closer ties should be formed with New Zealand’s Pacific cacao-growing neighbours. The findings point to the need for additional research around the history of food in New Zealand, an area of study often undervalued in academia [7]. The findings of the research are timely as they highlight opportunities for the industry to place current worldwide sustainability concerns in perspective with a view to the future – a future that New Zealand chocolate manufacturers cannot avoid. The historical archival data captured together with the contemporary voices of New Zealand’s new generation of chocolate makers combine to tell a story of creativity and competition. The original research this article is based on can be accessed here: https://openrepository.aut.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10292/12970/SturnyA.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y Corresponding author Arno Sturny can be contacted at: arno.sturny@aut.ac.nz References (1) Trusted Brands New Zealand 2019. Most Trusted. http://www.trustedbrands.co.nz/default.asp#mostTrusted (accessed Jun 1, 2019). (2) Cadbury’s Dunedin Factory Faces Closure, 350 Jobs on the Line. The New Zealand Herald, Feb 16, 2017. https://www.nzherald.co.nz/business/news/article.cfm?c_id=3&objectid=11801779 (accessed Jun 2, 2019). (3) Trade Aid. The Sweet Justice Chocolate Factory. https://www.tradeaid.org.nz/trade/the-sweet-justice-chocolate-factory/ (accessed Mar 24, 2019). (4) Fountain, A.; Huetz-Adams, F. 2018 Cocoa Barometer; 2018. http://www.cocoabarometer.org/cocoa_barometer/Download_files/2018%20Cocoa%20Barometer%20180420.pdf (accessed Oct 13, 2018). (5) Squicciarini, M. P.; Swinnen, J. F. M. The Economics of Chocolate; Oxford University Press: Oxford, U.K., 2016. (6) Sturny, A. Raising the Bar: A Story of Bean-to-Bar Chocolate Production in New Zealand; Master’s Thesis, Auckland University of Technology, New Zealand, 2018. https://openrepository.aut.ac.nz/bitstream/handle/10292/12970/SturnyA.pdf?sequence=3&isAllowed=y (accessed Nov 25, 2019). (7) Belasco, W. G. Food Matters: Perspectives on an Emerging Field. In Food Nations: Selling Taste in Consumer Societies; Belasco, W., Scranton, P., Eds.; Taylor & Francis: London, 2002, pp 1–22. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/239586863 (accessed Jun 15, 2019).

Based on theoretical findings of the new institutional economics, this examination of the history of the Swiss chocolate company Suchard (founded in 1826) and the Verband Reisender Kaufleute der Schweiz (Association of Swiss Commercial Travelers) describes the economic significance, social image, and everyday life of traveling salesmen between 1860 and 1920. By 1900, commercial travelers formed a critical link between the enterprise and the market, helping to drive the vertical integration of production and distribution. They enjoyed high standing within the company, and many were promoted to executive levels. Traveling salesmen were largely responsible for procuring information and expanding product sales in an era that preceded specialized market research and the domination of advertising companies.

If any man has drunk a little too deeply from the cup of physical pleasure; if he has spent too much time at his desk that should have been spent asleep ; if his fine spirits have become temporarily dulled; if he finds the air too damp, the minutes too slow, and the atmosphere too heavy to withstand; if he is obsessed by a fixed idea which bars him from any freedom of thought: if he is any of these poor creatures, we say, let him be given a good pint of amber-flavoured chocolate and marvels will be performed” — Anthelme Brillat-Savarin (1755–1826) Scientifically proven to be a mood elevator due to its ability to promote serotonin in the brain, chocolate is popular for it s aphrodisiac, relaxing, euphoric and stimulating characteristics. Renowned as a universally craved food, a majority of chocolate cravers, or chocoholics, have failed to find any close substitutes that can replace this divine invention (Parker, Parker and Brotchie, 2006). Chocolate holds the ability to transcend beyond merely a food, stimulating irrational behavioural tendencies within people even turning them into addicts. The history of chocolate dates back to approximately 600 AD when the cocoa beans were discovered in the lowlands of south Yucatan in the Maya. It was initially consumed as a beverage known as chocolate only by the emperors until it was developed as edible chocolate. Chocolate had an unpleasant taste and its transformation to a desirable flavour is an interesting historical mystery. Chemically, chocolate is composed of cocoa mass, cocoa butter and added sugar. Cocoa mass forms the base product which is obtained by processing the cocoa bean while cocoa butter is the natural fat fro m the cocoa bean which melts at room temperature to provide the creamy “melt in the mouth” sensation. Sugar was added as a primary ingredient by Europeans to appeal to their palate when chocolate was introduced from America (Parker, Parker and Brotchie, 2006). The present day chocolate industry is a mature and vibrant one consistently generating sales

The article based on archival materials analyses a problem that has not received comprehensive coverage in the historical literature. In Soviet times, it was considered the height of cynicism to talk about the confectionery factories during famine and mass mortality in besieged Leningrad. Later the authors often preferred to focus on the real and fictitious abuses by the Leningrad leaders, who allegedly enjoyed sweet life even under the blockade. The analysis of documents, many of which were previously inaccessible for researchers, indicates that candy and chocolate factories did not cease their work during the blockade. Like all food industries facing the lack of supplies they had to actively use substitutes. As a result, new varieties of sweets emerged, produced with a minimum content of sugar and maximum filling with confectionery waste. At the same time, the factories switched to manufacturing products needed for the front and were engaged in the production of medical supplies and consumer goods. Since the autumn of 1941 the local party bodies supervised all the branches of industry in Leningrad. They had the final say on management decisions and planned performance, including the production of chocolate and sweets. The distribution of confectionery products had a clear focus. Its main consumers were the army, the navy and the population of the besieged city. However, the reduction in the production during 1941–1942 and conservation of a number of factories made chocolate and sweets a scarce product, inaccessible to many residents of Leningrad. The situation changed only after the blockade was breached in 1943 and the confectionery production was restored as its capacity increased.

Abstract For many smallholders, agriculture is the main source of income, understanding how value chains work can derive many benefits to increase productivity and therefore farmers' income. Many different stakeholders around the world are involved in the cocoa value chain, which is part of a billion-dollar chocolate industry. Cocoa farming in many developing countries is the main source of income for households. West Africa is the most important cocoa-producing area worldwide, accounting for 70 percent of the total production. In Ghana, small-scale farmers, with plantations of no more than 4 hectares, are responsible for most of the national production. This investigation sought to determine if the interactions of these farmers with different local and international stakeholders were improving their situation. The study took place in two main cocoa producer regions in Ghana, Brong Ahafo and Western. Three hundred small scale farmers in 20 different villages were interviewed. Interviews of different key stakeholders in Ghana, such as COCOBOD and in Switzerland, Felchlin AG, Chocolats Halba and Chocosuisse were conducted. This study focused on identifying the relationships, support, benefits and/or problems between stakeholders (national and international) and small scale farmers. On the other hand, the issue of contract farming and its impact on cocoa farmers in Ghana was analyzed. The results indicate that small scale farmers have little or no contact with stakeholders especially with chocolate manufacturers, the lack of farming contracts is high in both regions and if farmers work under contract there is little or no information about contracting terms and conditions. Awareness of sustainable production or certifications to motivate better producer price among farmers is also missing. Finally, a participatory value chain analysis is proposed in order to improve relationships between farmers and stakeholders.

The history of Swiss republicanism was memorably summed up by Orson Welles in the classic filmThe Third Man(1949): whereas the tumultuous and tyrannical politics of the Italian Renaissance produced a great cultural flourishing, Welles observed, “In Switzerland, they had brotherly love, they had five hundred years of democracy and peace, and what did that produce? The cuckoo clock.” Suggestive as it may be, Welles's contrast is as misleading as it is memorable. The Swiss were a fearsome military power at the beginning of the sixteenth century, admired by no less a Florentine than Niccolò Machiavelli, but by the eighteenth century they were no longer capable of defending themselves, and they were summarily occupied by the armies of revolutionary France in 1798. The nature of Swiss democracy was long contested, and in 1847 the Swiss fought a civil war over it. Finally, it must be said, cuckoo clocks were invented in the Black Forest region, on the other side of the Alps. As we shall see, the success of the Swiss watchmaking industry does in fact deserve a place in the history of liberty, but Jean-Jacques Rousseau turns out to be a more helpful guide for understanding its significance.

The nationalism of business is a crucial issue in the history of British-ruled Palestine (1917-1947) and post-1948 Israel. The importation of Jewish private capital into Palestine was a key factor in shaping the economic development of the Zionist settler project, and in creating an advantage over the Arab community. The Zionism of the Jewish firms was an essential aspect of the political consensus in the Jewish polity and its state-building aspirations. Moreover, the participation of companies in World War II, the war of 1948, and in the establishment of Israel was an essential resource that was mobilized for the Zionist economic expansion and triggered the absorption of Holocaust survivors and Jewish immigrants from Arab and North African countries. These national expressions of private firms harbour a complexity. They illustrate political and cultural beliefs, and an active affiliation to a national movement. At the same time, they are instrumental in the sense that firms benefitted materially and culturally from this association. Furthermore—and particularly relevant to states that have emerged from a colonial past—these practices do not evolve only from the businesses themselves but also from the impact of statist structures on the nationalism of firms. These aspects are discussed through the prism of chocolate manufacturing and the diamond-cutting industry.

L’existence et la mise à disposition d’un important matériau documentaire composé d’archives visuelles(affiches, photographies, films) ont révélé les potentialités d’une recherche approfondie et systématique sur lesmodalités de création d’images par l’entreprise de chocolats Suchard de 1945 à 1990, date qui correspond à lafermeture des ateliers de fabrication de Neuchâtel. Cette recherche est l’occasion de développer dessoubassements méthodologiques à même de participer au renouvellement de l’histoire d’entreprise par lerecours à des sources permettant d’en saisir l’univers visuel. La création des images se réalise au travers d’unecollaboration entre des acteurs internes et externes à l’entreprise. La seconde moitié du XXe siècle correspondà une professionnalisation de la fabrique d’images au cours de laquelle les différents supports s’accumulent,mais aussi s’articulent, se complètent ou parfois se concurrencent, au sein de la pratique de l’entreprise. Lesphotographies se font le reflet d’événements, positifs ou négatifs, qui agissent directement sur la fabrication.Elles apparaissent comme un outil de relations publiques, notamment au travers de la médiatisation des visitesd’usine. Les films institutionnels se veulent le reflet d’une évolution plus structurelle de l’entreprise, sensiblesà sa raison sociale, à sa diversification, à son implantation. Au niveau des collaborateurs, l’image permetd’accroître la reconnaissance envers des corps de métiers qui ne sont en contact avec les autres queponctuellement. Quant aux machines, elles peuvent constituer autant un facteur favorable que défavorable àl’image de l’entreprise. Les facteurs incitant l’entreprise à représenter la machine permettent de définir lescontours du concept de modernité. Jusqu’au milieu des années 1970, l’image productive, incarnée par uneorganisation systématique des ateliers et des machines, prend un sens positif. Dans la seconde moitié desannées 1970, en période de récession économique, la machine permet une réduction des coûts de fabricationpar une diminution de la masse salariale. Sur le plan de l’image du produit, l’étude montre qu’il faut sedébarrasser de l’association unique du chocolat suisse avec la montagne. Cette construction est largement lereflet d’un regard de l’étranger et ne constitue pas une constante en Suisse. Depuis le début des années 1950 etpendant plus d’une vingtaine d’années, le chocolat Milka n’est pas associé à l’image du lait et de la montagne,mais bien à un environnement urbain. Ce refus de « suissitude » pendant les Trente Glorieuses s’évanouit dansles années 1970 en partie sous l’impulsion de l’étranger. Suchard renoue alors avec les symboles alpestresfondamentaux
The existence and availability of an important documentary material composed of visual archives (posters,photographs, films) have revealed the potentialities of a thorough and systematic research on how thechocolates company Suchard, based in Neuchâtel (Switzerland), created images from 1945 to 1990, date of theclosure of the manufacturing facilities. This research is the cause of developing methodological foundationsable to participate in the renewal of business history by the use of visual sources. The creation of images wasmade by actors both within and outside the company. The second half of the twentieth century correspond to aprofessionalization of the “picture factory” in which different media pile up, articulate, complete or compete.Photographs reflect positive or negative events directly linked with the production state. They appear as apublic relations tool, particularly through the factory visits. Films are intended to reflect an institutionalevolution of the company, sensitive to its name, its diversification, its implementation. Regarding to theproduction image, staff pictures enhance the recognition for the employees that are only occasionally incontact with others. The machines are as much a favourable as an unfavourable factor for the enterprise’simage. Factors inciting the company to represent the machine make it possible to define the concept ofindustrial modernity. Until the mid-1970s, productive image, embodied by a systematic organization ofworkshops and machines, takes a positive sense. In the second half of the 1970s, in times of economicrecession, the machine reduces manufacturing costs by reducing payrolls. In terms of the product image, thestudy shows it takes to get rid of the unique association of Swiss chocolate with the mountains. Thisconstruction is largely a reflection of a view from abroad and is not a constant in Switzerland. Since the early1950s and for over twenty years, Milka chocolate was not associated with the image of milk and mountains,but with an urban environment. This refusal of “Swissness” during the post-war boom faded in the 1970s,partly under the impetus from abroad. Suchard then revived with the basic alpine symbols

Defence date: 28 April 1995
Examining Board: Prof. Albert Carreras (Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, supervisore) ; Prof. Peter Hertner (IUE, supervisore esterno) ; Prof. René Leboutte (IUE) ; Prof. Ulrich Wengenroth (Technische Universität, München) ; Prof.ssa Vera Zamagni (Università di Bologna)
First made available online: 30 August 2016

Abstract This era witnessed an upsurge of railway networks in countries such as Britain, Switzerland and India. The importance of railways for economies, as well as the travel and tourism industry, has been highlighted in several studies particularly in the last few decades. In current days, high-speed rail contributes to increased tourism arrivals in regional tourism economies of countries such as China and Japan, while technological advancements in trains may even embrace augmented reality games for passengers. In other cases, the train or/and journey itself becomes the main component of the tourist experience. In such cases, the rail experience is complemented with luxurious fittings or vintage aesthetics while travelling through scenic routes. This chapter also emphasizes the early beginning of war or dark tourism, wherein the cemeteries and/or museums related to World War I and II are starting to be part of the itineraries of travellers.

This chapter deals with the history of cacao and cocoa, from its primary center of diversity in the Amazon basin to its cultivation in numerous countries across the humid lowland tropics. It covers the use of cocoa by pre-Colombian cultures from more than 5000 years ago to the Mayans and Aztecs, its “discovery” by Columbus in the late fifteenth century, and its popularity in Europe from the sixteenth century to the present. It follows the journey of this remarkable plant, from use of its beans as currency in Central America until the early to mid-nineteenth century, through to its place at the center of a multi-billion-dollar global chocolate industry.

The objective in this chapter is to review the history of slave labour in the cocoa industry, including forced labour and unpaid child labour, to illustrate how governments often collaborate with the cocoa industry to create and perpetuate these abuses. Slavery in the cocoa industray is a serious form of food crime affecting husdreds of thousands of workers in the cocoa industry. The chapter traces the history of slavery in the cocoa industry from the arrival of Europeans in the Americas in the late fifteenth century to its contemporary forms in West Africa. It illustrates the often explicit but somemtimes passive complicity of governments in creating and protecting the slave trade in the name of protecting both private commericial interests as well as the interests of the State. Some of the proposed solutions to ending the slave trade in the cocoa industry are also discussed.

The essay discusses the travel in Italy and Sicily between 1823-1825 of Aleksandr D. Chertkov, who was later a famous scholar and public figure. It treats his works Memories of Sicily (Moscow, 1835-1836) and “Journal of my travels in Austria, Italy, Sicily, Switzerland, etc in 1823-1825”, first published in 2012. Chertkov was excited about Italian history, culture, art, and monuments, and paid special attention to the socio-political and economic situation of the cities of Italy and Sicily, which was in contrast with many Russian travellers. He freely expresses his opinion on confessional issues and discloses intimate communication with promi-nent figures in the Decembrist movement against Nikolai I. Turgenev confirms the fact that Chertkov shared many of his convictions and was also an adherent of reforms in Russia, namely those conducted exclusively by the government. In his book Memoirs of Sicily, Chertkov strives to show using the example of Sicily that “the wealth of the government is the people's wealth” and that “those are not customs fees, but the industry of residents that provide real, never-ending income”. Thus, Chertkov added his voice to those who hoped that the “prudent” government would listen to them and follow their advice, realizing the usefulness of the proposed measures with the example of another state. From his travels in Italy, Chertkov concluded that a person for whom “the word Fatherland” was an “empty sound” should settle here as he would find a wonderful climate, eternal summer, gifts of nature, antique monuments, arts, and sciences.